Your present work must be frightfully difficult. I looked at a few dried flowers, and could make neither heads nor tails of them; and I well remember wondering what you would do with them when you came to the group in the "Genera Plantarum." I heartily wish you safe through your work,...
LETTER 756. TO F.M. BALFOUR. Down, September 4th, 1880.
I hope that you will not think me a great bore, but I have this minute finished reading your address at the British Association; and it has interested me so much that I cannot resist thanking you heartily for the pleasure derived from it, not to mention the honour which you have done me. (756/1. Presidential address delivered by Prof. F.M. Balfour before the Biological Section at the British Association meeting at Swansea (1880).) The recent progress of embryology is indeed splendid. I have been very stupid not to have hitherto read your book, but I have had of late no spare time; I have now ordered it, and your address will make it the more interesting to read, though I fear that my want of knowledge will make parts unintelligible to me. (756/2. "A Treatise on Comparative Embryology," 2 volumes. London, 1880.) In my recent work on plants I have been astonished to find to how many very different stimuli the same small part—viz., the tip of the radicle—is sensitive, and has the power of transmitting some influence to the adjoining part of the radicle, exciting it to bend to or from the source of irritation according to the needs of the plant (756/3. See Letter 757.); and all this takes place without any nervous system! I think that such facts should be kept in mind when speculating on the genesis of the nervous system. I always feel a malicious pleasure when a priori conclusions are knocked on the head: and therefore I felt somewhat like a devil when I read your remarks on Herbert Spencer (756/4. Prof. Balfour discussed Mr. Herbert Spencer's views on the genesis of the nervous system, and expressed the opinion that his hypothesis was not borne out by recent discoveries. "The discovery that nerves have been developed from processes of epithelial cells gives a very different conception of their genesis to that of Herbert Spencer, which makes them originate from the passage of nervous impulses through a track of mingled colloids..." (loc. cit., page 644.))...Our recent visit to Cambridge was a brilliant success to us all, and will ever be remembered by me with much pleasure.
LETTER 757. TO JAMES PAGET.
(757/1. During the closing years of his life, Darwin began to experimentise on the possibility of producing galls artificially. A letter to Sir J.D. Hooker (November 3rd, 1880) shows the interest which he felt in the question:—
"I was delighted with Paget's essay (757/2. An address on "Elemental Pathology," delivered before the British Medical Association, August 1880, and published in the Journal of the Association.); I hear that he has occasionally attended to this subject from his youth...I am very glad he has called attention to galls: this has always seemed to me a profoundly interesting subject; and if I had been younger would take it up."
His interest in this subject was connected with his ever-present wish to learn something of the causes of variation. He imagined to himself wonderful galls caused to appear on the ovaries of plants, and by these means he thought it possible that the seed might be influenced, and thus new varieties arise. (757/3. There would have been great difficulties about this line of research, for when the sexual organs of plants are deformed by parasites (in the way he hoped to effect by poisons) sterility almost always results. See Molliard's "Les Cecidies Florales," "Ann. Sci. Nat." 1895, Volume I., page 228.) He made a considerable number of experiments by injecting various reagents into the tissues of leaves, and with some slight indications of success. (757/4. The above passage is reprinted, with alterations, from "Life and Letters," III., page 346.)
The following letter to the late Sir James Paget refers to the same subject.)
Down, November 14th, 1880.
I am very much obliged for your essay, which has interested me greatly. What indomitable activity you have! It is a surprising thought that the diseases of plants should illustrate human pathology. I have the German "Encyclopaedia," and a few weeks ago told my son Francis that the article on the diseases of plants would be well worth his study; but I did not know it was written by Dr. Frank, for whom I entertain a high respect as a first-rate observer and experimentiser, though for some unknown reason he has been a good deal snubbed in Germany. I can give you one good case of regrowth in plants, recently often observed by me, though only externally, as I do not know enough of histology to follow out details. It is the tip of the radicle of a germinating common bean. The case is remarkable in some respects, for the tip is sensitive to various stimuli, and transmits an order, causing the upper part of the radicle to bend. When the tip (for a length of about 1 mm.) is cut transversely off, the radicle is not acted on by gravitation or other irritants, such as contact, etc., etc., but a new tip is regenerated in from two to four days, and then the radicle is again acted on by gravitation, and will bend to the centre of the earth. The tip of the radicle is a kind of brain to the whole growing part of the radicle! (757/5. We are indebted to Mr. Archer-Hind for the translation of the following passage from Plato ("Timaeus," 90A): "The reason is every man's guardian genius (daimon), and has its habitation in our brain; it is this that raises man (who is a plant, not of earth but of heaven) to an erect posture, suspending the head and root of us from the heavens, which are the birthplace of our soul, and keeping all the body upright." On the perceptions of plants, see "Nature," November 14th, 1901—a lecture delivered at the Glasgow meeting of the British Association by Francis Darwin. See also Bonitz, "Index Aristotelicus," S.V. phuton.)
My observation will be published in about a week's time, and I would have sent you the book, but I do not suppose that there is anything else in the book which would interest you. I am delighted that you have drawn attention to galls. They have always seemed to me profoundly interesting. Many years ago I began (but failed for want of time, strength, and health, as on infinitely many other occasions) to experimentise on plants, by injecting into their tissues some alkaloids and the poison of wasps, to see if I could make anything like galls. If I remember rightly, in a few cases the tissues were thickened and hardened. I began these experiments because if by different poisons I could have affected slightly and differently the tissues of the same plant, I thought there would be no insuperable difficulty in the fittest poisons being developed by insects so as to produce galls adapted for them. Every character, as far as I can see, is apt to vary. Judging from one of your sentences you will smile at this.
To any one believing in my pangenesis (if such a man exists) there does not seem to me any extreme difficulty in understanding why plants have such little power of regeneration; for there is reason to think that my imaginary gemmules have small power of passing from cell to cell. (757/6. On regeneration after injury, see Massart, "La Cicatrisation chez les Vegetaux," in Volume 57 (1898) of the "Memoires Couronnes," published by the Royal Academy of Belgium. An account of the literature is given by the author.)
Forgive me for scribbling at such unreasonable length; but you are to blame for having interested me so much.
P.S.—Perhaps you may remember that some two years ago you asked me to lunch with you, and proposed that I should offer myself again. Whenever I next come to London, I will do so, and thus have the pleasure of seeing you.
LETTER 758. TO W. THISELTON-DYER.
(758/1. "The Power of Movement in Plants" was published early in November, 1880. Sir W. Thiselton-Dyer, in writing to thank Darwin for a copy of the book, had (November 20th) compared a structure in the seedling Welwitschia with the "peg" of Cucurbita (see "Power of Movement," page 102). Dyer wrote: "One peculiar feature in the germinating embryo is a lateral hypocotyledonary process, which eventually serves as an absorbent organ, by which the nutriment of the endosperm is conveyed to the seedling. Such a structure was quite new to me, and Bower and I were disposed to see in it a representative of the foot in Selaginella, when I saw the account of Flahault's 'peg.'" Flahault, it should be explained, was the discoverer of the curious peg in Cucurbita. Prof. Bower wrote a paper ("On the Germination and Histology of the seedling of Welwitschia mirabilis" in the "Quart. Journ. Microscop. Sci." XXI., 1881, page 15.)
Down, November 28th {1880}.
Very many thanks for your most kind note, but you think too highly of our work—not but what this is very pleasant.
I am deeply interested about Welwitschia. When at work on the pegs or projections I could not imagine how they were first developed, before they could have been of mere mechanical use. Now it seems possible that a circle between radicle and hypocotyl may be permeable to fluids, and thus have given rise to projections so as to expose larger surface. Could you test Welwitschia with permanganate of potassium: if, like my pegs, the lower surface would be coloured brown like radicle, and upper surface left white like hypocotyl. If such an idea as yours, of an absorbing organ, had ever crossed my mind, I would have tried many hypocotyls in weak citrate of ammonia, to see if it penetrated on line of junction more easily than elsewhere. I daresay the projection in Abronia and Mirabilis may be an absorbent organ. It was very good fun bothering the seeds of Cucurbita by planting them edgeways, as would never naturally occur, and then the peg could not act properly. Many of the Germans are very contemptuous about making out use of organs; but they may sneer the souls out of their bodies, and I for one shall think it the most interesting part of natural history. Indeed, you are greatly mistaken if you doubt for one moment on the very great value of your constant and most kind assistance to us. I have not seen the pamphlet, and shall be very glad to keep it. Frank, when he comes home, will be much interested and pleased with your letter. Pray give my kindest remembrance to Mrs. Dyer.
This is a very untidy note, but I am very tired with dissecting worms all day. Read the last chapter of our book, and then you will know the whole contents.
LETTER 759. TO H. VOCHTING. Down, December 16th, 1880.
Absence from home has prevented me from sooner thanking you for your kind present of your several publications. I procured some time ago your "Organbilding" (759/1. "Organbildung im Pflanzenreich," 1878.) etc., but it was too late for me to profit by it for my book, as I was correcting the press. I read only parts, but my son Francis read the whole with care and told me much about it, which greatly interested me. I also read your article in the "Bot. Zeitung." My son began at once experimenting, to test your views, and this very night will read a paper before the Linnean Society on the roots of Rubus (759/2. Francis Darwin, "The Theory of the Growth of Cuttings" ("Linn. Soc. Journ." XVIII.). {I take this opportunity of expressing my regret that at page 417, owing to neglect of part of Vochting's facts, I made a criticism of his argument which cannot be upheld.—F.D.}.), and I think that you will be pleased to find how well his conclusions agree with yours. He will of course send you a copy of his paper when it is printed. I have sent him your letter, which will please him if he agrees with me; for your letter has given me real pleasure, and I did not at all know what the many great physiologists of Germany, Switzerland, and Holland would think of it {"The Power of Movement," etc.}. I was quite sorry to read Sachs' views about root-forming matter, etc., for I have an unbounded admiration for Sachs. In this country we are dreadfully behind in Physiological Botany.
LETTER 760. TO A. DE CANDOLLE. Down, January 24th, 1881.
It was extremely kind of you to write me so long and valuable a letter, the whole of which deserves careful consideration. I have been particularly pleased at what you say about the new terms used, because I have often been annoyed at the multitude of new terms lately invented in all branches of Biology in Germany; and I doubted much whether I was not quite as great a sinner as those whom I have blamed. When I read your remarks on the word "purpose" in your "Phytographie," I vowed that I would not use it again; but it is not easy to cure oneself of a vicious habit. It is also difficult for any one who tries to make out the use of a structure to avoid the word purpose. I see that I have probably gone beyond my depth in discussing plurifoliate and unifoliate leaves; but in such a case as that of Mimosa albida, where rudiments of additional leaflets are present, we must believe that they were well developed in the progenitor of the plant. So again, when the first true leaf differs widely in shape from the older leaves, and resembles the older leaves in allied species, is it not the most simple explanation that such leaves have retained their ancient character, as in the case of the embryos of so many animals?
Your suggestion of examining the movements of vertical leaves with an equal number of stomata on both sides, with reference to the light, seems to me an excellent one, and I hope that my son Francis may follow it up. But I will not trouble you with any more remarks about our book. My son will write to you about the diagram.
Let me add that I shall ever remember with pleasure your visit here last autumn.
LETTER 761. TO J. LUBBOCK (Lord Avebury). Down, April 16th {1881}.
Will you be so kind as to send and lend me the Desmodium gyrans by the bearer who brings this note.
Shortly after you left I found my notice of the seeds in the "Gardeners' Chronicle," which please return hereafter, as I have no other copy. (761/1. "Note on the Achenia of Pumilio argyrolepis." "Gardeners' Chronicle," 1861, page 4.) I do not think that I made enough about the great power of absorption of water by the corolla-like calyx or pappus. It seems to me not unlikely that the pappus of other Compositae may be serviceable to the seeds, whilst lying on the ground, by absorbing the dew which would be especially apt to condense on the fine points and filaments of the pappus. Anyhow, this is a point which might be easily investigated. Seeds of Tussilago, or groundsel (761/2. It is not clear whether Tussilago or groundsel (Senecio vulgaris) is meant; or whether he was not sure which of the two plants becomes slimy when wetted.), emit worm-like masses of mucus, and it would be curious to ascertain whether wetting the pappus alone would suffice to cause such secretion. (761/3. See Letter 707.)
LETTER 762. TO G.J. ROMANES. Down, April 18th, 1881.
I am extremely glad of your success with the flashing light. (762/1. Romanes' paper on the effect of intermittent light on heliotropism was the "Proc. Royal Soc." Volume LIV., page 333.) If plants are acted on by light, like some of the lower animals, there is an additional point of interest, as it seems to me, in your results. Most botanists believe that light causes a plant to bend to it in as direct a manner as light affects nitrate of silver. I believe that it merely tells the plant to which side to bend, and I see indications of this belief prevailing even with Sachs. Now it might be expected that light would act on a plant in something the same manner as on the lower animals. As you are at work on this subject, I will call your attention to another point. Wiesner, of Vienna (who has lately published a great book on heliotropism) finds that an intermittent light, say of 20 minutes, produces the same effect as a continuous light of, say 60 m. (762/2. Wiesner's papers on heliotropism are in the "Denkschriften" of the Vienna Academy, Volumes 39 and 43.) So that Van Tieghem, in the first part of his book which has just appeared, remarks, the light during 40 m. out of the 60 m. produced no effect. I observed an analogous case described in my book. (762/3. "Power of Movement," page 459.)
Wiesner and Van Tieghem seem to think that this is explained by calling the whole process "induction," borrowing a term used by some physico-chemists (of whom I believe Roscoe is one) and implying an agency which does not produce any effect for some time, and continues its effect for some time after the cause has ceased. I believe that photographic paper is an instance. I must ask Leonard (762/4. Mr. Darwin's son.) whether an interrupted light acts on it in the same manner as on a plant. At present I must still believe in my explanation that it is the contrast between light and darkness which excites a plant.
I have forgotten my main object in writing—viz., to say that I believe (and have so stated) that seedlings vary much in their sensitiveness to light; but I did not prove this, for there are many difficulties, whether the time of incipient curvature or the amount of curvature is taken as the criterion. Moreover they vary according to age, and perhaps from vigour of growth, and there seems inherent variability, as Strasburger (whom I quote) found with spores. If the curious anomaly observed by you is due to varying sensitiveness, ought not all the seedlings to bend if the flashes were at longer intervals of time? According to my notion of contrast between light and darkness being the stimulus, I should expect that if flashes were made sufficiently slow it would be a powerful stimulus, and that you would suddenly arrive at a period when the result would SUDDENLY become great. On the other hand, as far as my experience goes, what one expects rarely happens.
LETTER 763. TO JULIUS WIESNER. Down, October 4th, 1881.
I thank you sincerely for your very kind letter, and for the present of your new work. (763/1. "Das Bewegungsvermogen der Pflanze," 1881. One of us has given some account of Wiesner's book in the presidential address to Section D of the British Association, 1891. Wiesner's divergence from Darwin's views is far-reaching, and includes the main thesis of the "Power of Movement." See "Life and Letters," III., page 336, for an interesting letter to Wiesner.) My son Francis, if he had been at home, would have likewise sent his thanks. I will immediately begin to read your book, and when I have finished it will write again. But I read german so very slowly that your book will take me a considerable time, for I cannot read for more than half an hour each day. I have, also, been working too hard lately, and with very little success, so that I am going to leave home for a time and try to forget science.
I quite expect that you will find some gross errors in my work, for you are a very much more skilful and profound experimentalist than I am. Although I always am endeavouring to be cautious and to mistrust myself, yet I know well how apt I am to make blunders. Physiology, both animal and vegetable, is so difficult a subject, that it seems to me to progress chiefly by the elimination or correction of ever-recurring mistakes. I hope that you will not have upset my fundamental notion that various classes of movement result from the modification of a universally present movement of circumnutation.
I am very glad that you will again discuss the view of the turgescence of the cells being the cause of the movement of parts. I adopted De Vries' views as seeming to me the most probable, but of late I have felt more doubts on this head. (763/2. See "Power of Movement," page 2. De Vries' work is published in the "Bot. Zeitung," 1879, page 830.)
LETTER 764. TO J.D. HOOKER. Glenrhydding House, Patterdale, Penrith, June 15th, 1881.
It was real pleasure to me to see once again your well-known handwriting on the outside of your note. I do not know how long you have returned from Italy, but I am very sorry that you are so bothered already with work and visits. I cannot but think that you are too kind and civil to visitors, and too conscientious about your official work. But a man cannot cure his virtues, any more than his vices, after early youth; so you must bear your burthen. It is, however, a great misfortune for science that you have so very little spare time for the "Genera." I can well believe what an awful job the palms must be. Even their size must be very inconvenient. You and Bentham must hate the monocotyledons, for what work the Orchideae must have been, and Gramineae and Cyperaceae will be. I am rather despondent about myself, and my troubles are of an exactly opposite nature to yours, for idleness is downright misery to me, as I find here, as I cannot forget my discomfort for an hour. I have not the heart or strength at my age to begin any investigation lasting years, which is the only thing which I enjoy; and I have no little jobs which I can do. So I must look forward to Down graveyard as the sweetest place on earth. This place is magnificently beautiful, and I enjoy the scenery, though weary of it; and the weather has been very cold and almost always hazy.
I am so glad that your tour has answered for Lady Hooker. We return home on the first week of July, and should be truly glad to aid Lady Hooker in any possible manner which she will suggest.
I have written to my gardener to send you plants of Oxalis corniculata (and seeds if possible). I should think so common a weed was never asked for before,—and what a poor return for the hundreds of plants which I have received from Kew! I hope that I have not bothered you by writing so long a note, and I did not intend to do so.
If Asa Gray has returned with you, please give him my kindest remembrances.
LETTER 765. TO J.D. HOOKER. October 22nd, 1881.
I am investigating the action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll, which makes me want the plants in my list. (765/1. "The Action of Carbonate of Ammonia on Chlorophyll Bodies." "Linn. Soc. Journ." XIX., page 262, 1882.) I have incidentally observed one point in Euphorbia, which has astonished me—viz. that in the fine fibrous roots of Euphorbia, the alternate rows of cells in their roots must differ physiologically, though not in external appearance, as their contents after the action of carbonate of ammonia differ most conspicuously...
Wiesner of Vienna has just published a book vivisecting me in the most courteous, but awful manner, about the "Power of Movement in Plants." (765/2. See Letter 763, note.) Thank heaven, he admits almost all my facts, after re-trying all my experiments; but gives widely different interpretation of the facts. I think he proves me wrong in several cases, but I am convinced that he is utterly erroneous and fanciful in other explanations. No man was ever vivisected in so sweet a manner before, as I am in this book.
2.XII.I. VIVISECTION, 1875-1882. LETTER 766. TO LORD PLAYFAIR.
(766/1. A Bill was introduced to the House of Commons by Messrs. Lyon Playfair, Walpole and Ashley, in the spring of 1875, but was withdrawn on the appointment of a Royal Commission to inquire into the whole question. Some account of the Anti-Vivisection agitation, the introduction of bills, and the appointment of a Royal Commission is given in the "Life and Letters," III., page 201, where the more interesting of Darwin's letters on the question are published.)
Down, May 26th, 1875.
I hope that you will excuse my troubling you once again. I received some days ago a letter from Prof. Huxley, in Edinburgh, who says with respect to your Bill: "the professors here are all in arms about it, and as the papers have associated my name with the Bill, I shall have to repudiate it publicly, unless something can be done. But what in the world is to be done?" (766/2. The letter is published in full in Mr. L. Huxley's interesting chapter on the vivisection question in his father's "Life," I., page 438.) Dr. Burdon Sanderson is in nearly the same frame of mind about it. The newspapers take different views of the purport of the Bill, but it seems generally supposed that it would prevent demonstrations on animals rendered insensible, and this seems to me a monstrous provision. It would, moreover, probably defeat the end desired; for Dr. B. Sanderson, who demonstrates to his class on animals rendered insensible, told me that some of his students had declared to him that unless he had shown them what he had, they would have experimented on live animals for themselves. Certainly I do not believe that any one could thoroughly understand the action of the heart without having seen it in action. I do not doubt that you wish to aid the progress of Physiology, and at the same time save animals from all useless suffering; and in this case I believe that you could not do a greater service than to warn the Home Secretary with respect to the appointment of Royal Commissioners, that ordinary doctors know little or nothing about Physiology as a science, and are incompetent to judge of its high importance and of the probability of its hereafter conferring great benefits on mankind.
LETTER 767. TO LORD PLAYFAIR. Down, May 28th.
I must write one line to thank you for your very kind letter, and to say that, after despatching my last note, it suddenly occurred to me that I had been rude in calling one of the provisions of your Bill "monstrous" or "absurd"—I forget which. But when I wrote the expression it was addressed to the bigots who, I believed, had forced you to a compromise. I cannot understand what Dr. B. Sanderson could have been about not to have objected with respect to the clause of not demonstrating on animals rendered insensible. I am extremely sorry that you have had trouble and vexation on the subject. It is a most disagreeable and difficult one. I am not personally concerned, as I never tried an experiment on a living animal, nor am I a physiologist; but I know enough to see how ruinous it would be to stop all progress in so grand a science as Physiology. I commenced the agitation amongst the physiologists for this reason, and because I have long felt very keenly on the question of useless vivisection, and believed, though without any good evidence, that there was not always, even in this country, care enough taken. Pray forgive me this note, so much about myself...
LETTER 768. TO G.J. ROMANES.
(768/1. Published in "Life of Romanes," page 61, under 1876-77.)
Down, June 4th {1876}.
Your letter has made me as proud and conceited as ten peacocks. (768/2. This may perhaps refer to Darwin being elected the only honorary member of the Physiological Society, a fact that was announced in a letter from Romanes June 1st, 1876, published in the "Life" of Romanes, page 50. Dr. Sharpey was subsequently elected a second honorary member.) I am inclined to think that writing against the bigots about vivisection is as hopeless as stemming a torrent with a reed. Frank, who has just come here, and who sputters with indignation on the subject, takes an opposite line, and perhaps he is right; anyhow, he had the best of an argument with me on the subject...It seems to me the physiologists are now in the position of a persecuted religious sect, and they must grin and bear the persecution, however cruel and unjust, as well as they can.
LETTER 769. TO T. LAUDER BRUNTON.
(769/1. In November, 1881, an absolutely groundless charge was brought by the Victoria Street Society for the Protection of Animals from Vivisection against Dr. Ferrier for an infringement of the Vivisection Act. The experiment complained of was the removal of the brain of a monkey and the subsequent testing of the animal's powers of reacting to certain treatment. The fact that the operation had been performed six months before the case came into court would alone have been fatal to the prosecution. Moreover, it was not performed by Dr. Ferrier, but by another observer, who was licensed under the Act to keep the monkey alive after the operation, which was performed under anaesthetics. Thus the prosecution completely broke down, and the case was dismissed. (769/2. From the "British Medical Journal," November 19th, 1881. See also "Times," November 18th, 1881.) The sympathy with Dr. Ferrier in the purely scientific and medical world was very strong, and the British Medical Association undertook the defence. The prosecution did good in one respect, inasmuch as it led to the formation of the Science Defence Association, to which reference is made in some of Mr. Darwin's letters to Sir Lauder Brunton. The Association still exists, and continues to do good work.
Part of the following letter was published in the "British Medical Journal," December 3rd, 1881.)
I saw in some paper that there would probably be a subscription to pay Dr. Ferrier's legal expenses in the late absurd and wicked prosecution. As I live so retired I might not hear of the subscription, and I should regret beyond measure not to have the pleasure and honour of showing my sympathy {with} and admiration of Dr. Ferrier's researches. I know that you are his friend, as I once met him at your house; so I earnestly beg you to let me hear if there is any means of subscribing, as I should much like to be an early subscriber. I am sure that you will forgive me for troubling you under these circumstances.
P.S.—I finished reading a few days ago the several physiological and medical papers which you were so kind as to send me. (769/3. Some of Lauder Brunton's publications.) I was much interested by several of them, especially by that on night-sweating, and almost more by others on digestion. I have seldom been made to realise more vividly the wondrous complexity of our whole system. How any one of us keeps alive for a day is a marvel!
LETTER 770. T. LAUDER BRUNTON TO CHARLES DARWIN. 50, Welbeck Street, London, November 21st, 1881.
I thank you most sincerely for your kind letter and your offer of assistance to Dr. Ferrier. There is at present no subscription list, as the British Medical Association have taken up the case, and ought to pay the expenses. Should these make such a call upon the funds of the Association as to interfere with its other objects, the whole or part of the expenses will be paid by those who have subscribed to a guarantee fund. To this fund there are already a number of subscribers, whose names are taken by Professor Gerald Yeo, one of the secretaries of the Physiological Society. They have not subscribed a definite sum, but have simply fixed a maximum which they will subscribe, if necessary, on the understanding that only so much as is required shall be asked from each subscriber in proportion to his subscription. It is proposed to send by-and-by a list of the most prominent members of this guarantee fund to the "Times" and other papers, and not only every scientific man, but every member of the medical profession, will rejoice to see your name in the list. Dr. Ferrier has been quite worn out by the worry of this prosecution, or, as it might well be called, persecution, and has gone down to Shanklin for a couple of days. He returns this afternoon, and I have sent on your letter to await his arrival, knowing as I do that it will be to him like cold water to a thirsty soul.
LETTER 771. TO T. LAUDER BRUNTON. Down, November 22nd, 1881.
Many thanks for your very kind and interesting letter...
I write now to beg a favour. I do not in the least know what others have guaranteed in relation to Dr. Ferrier. (771/1. In a letter dated November 27th, 1881, Sir Lauder Brunton wrote in reply to Mr. Darwin's inquiry as to the amount of the subscriptions: "When I ascertain what they intend to give under the new conditions—viz., that the subscriptions are not to be applied to Ferrier's defence, but to the defence of others who may be attacked and to a diffusion of knowledge regarding the nature and purposes of vivisection, I will let you know...") Would twenty guineas be sufficient? If not, will you kindly take the trouble to have my name put down for thirty or forty guineas, as you may think best. If, on the other hand, no one else has guaranteed for as much as twenty guineas, will you put me down for ten or fifteen guineas, though I should like to give twenty best.
You can understand that I do not wish to be conspicuous either by too little or too much; so I beg you to be so very kind as to act for me. I have a multitude of letters which I must answer, so excuse haste.
LETTER 772. TO T. LAUDER BRUNTON.
(772/1. The following letter was written in reply to Sir T. Lauder Brunton's suggestion that Mr. Darwin should be proposed as President of the Science Defence Association.)
4, Bryanston Street, Portman Square, December 17th, 1881.
I have been thinking a good deal about the suggestion which you made to me the other day, on the supposition that you could not get some man like the President of the College of Physicians to accept the office. My wife is strongly opposed to my accepting the office, as she feels sure that the anxiety thus caused would tell heavily on my health. But there is a much stronger objection suggested to me by one of my relations—namely, no man ought to allow himself to be placed at the head (though only nominally so) of an associated movement, unless he has the means of judging of the acts performed by the association, after hearing each point discussed. This occurred to me when you spoke to me, and I think that I said something to this effect. Anyhow, I have in several analogous cases acted on this principle.
Take, for instance, any preliminary statement which the Association may publish. I might feel grave doubts about the wisdom or justice of some points, and this solely from my not having heard them discussed. I am therefore inclined to think that it would not be right in me to accept the nominal Presidency of your Association, and thus have to act blindly.
As far as I can at present see, I fear that I must confine my assistance to subscribing as large a sum to the Association as any member gives.
I am sorry to trouble you, but I have thought it best to tell you at once of the doubts which have arisen in my mind.
LETTER 773. TO LAUDER BRUNTON.
(773/1. Sir T. Lauder Brunton had written (February 12th) to Mr. Darwin explaining that two opinions were held as to the constitution of the proposed Science Defence Association: one that it should consist of a small number of representative men; the other that it should, if possible, embrace every medical practitioner in the country. Sir Lauder Brunton adds: "I should be very greatly obliged if you would kindly say what you think of the two schemes.")
Down, February 14th, 1882.
I am very much obliged for your information in regard to the Association, about which I feel a great interest. It seems to me highly desirable that the Association should include as many medical and scientific men as possible throughout the whole country, who could illumine those capable of illumination on the necessity of physiological research; but that the Association should be governed by a council of powerful men, not too many in number. Such a council, as representing a large body of medical men, would have more power in the eyes of vote-hunting politicians than a small body representing only themselves.
From what I see of country practitioners, I think that their annual subscription ought to be very small. But would it not be possible to add to the rules some such statement as the following one: "That by a donation of... pounds, or of any larger sum, from those who feel a deep interest in the progress of medical science, the donor shall become a life member." I, for one, would gladly subscribe 50 or 100 pounds. If such a plan were approved by the leading medical men of London, two or three thousand pounds might at once be collected; and if any such sum could be announced as already subscribed, when the program of the Association is put forth, it would have, as I believe, a considerable influence on the country, and would attract the attention of country practitioners. The Anti-Corn Law League owed much of its enormous power to several wealthy men laying down 1,000 pounds; for the subscription of a good sum of money is the best proof of earnest conviction. You asked for my opinion on the above points, and I have given it freely, though well aware that from living so retired a life my judgment cannot be worth much.
Have you read Mr. Gurney's articles in the "Fortnightly" and "Cornhill?" (773/2. "Fortnightly Review," XXX., page 778; "Cornhill Magazine," XLV., page 191. The articles are by the late Edmund Gurney, author of "The power of Sound," 1880.) They seem to me very clever, though obscurely written; and I agree with almost everything he says, except with some passages which appear to imply that no experiments should be tried unless some immediate good can be predicted, and this is a gigantic mistake contradicted by the whole history of science.
P.S.—That is a curious fact about babies. I remember hearing on good authority that very young babies when moved are apt to clutch hold of anything, and I thought of your explanation; but your case during sleep is a much more interesting one. Very many thanks for the book, which I much wanted to see; it shall be sent back to-day, as from you, to the Society.
2.XII.II. MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS, 1867-1882. LETTER 774. TO CANON FARRAR.
(774/1. The lecture which forms the subject of this letter was one delivered by Canon Farrar at the Royal Institution, "On Some Defects in Public School Education.")
Down, March 5th, 1867.
I am very much obliged for your kind present of your lecture. We have read it aloud with the greatest interest, and I agree to every word. I admire your candour and wonderful freedom from prejudice; for I feel an inward conviction that if I had been a great classical scholar I should never have been able to have judged fairly on the subject. As it is, I am one of the root and branch men, and would leave classics to be learnt by those alone who have sufficient zeal and the high taste requisite for their appreciation. You have indeed done a great public service in speaking out so boldly. Scientific men might rail forever, and it would only be said that they railed at what they did not understand. I was at school at Shrewsbury under a great scholar, Dr. Butler; I learnt absolutely nothing, except by amusing myself by reading and experimenting in chemistry. Dr. Butler somehow found this out, and publicly sneered at me before the whole school for such gross waste of time; I remember he called me a Pococurante (774/2. Told in "Life and Letters," I., page 35.), which, not understanding, I thought was a dreadful name. I wish you had shown in your lecture how science could practically be taught in a great school; I have often heard it objected that this could not be done, and I never knew what to say in answer.
I heartily hope that you may live to see your zeal and labour produce good fruit.
LETTER 775. TO HERBERT SPENCER. Down, December 9th {1867}.
I thank you very sincerely for your kind present of your "First Principles." (775/1. "This must have been the second edition." (Note by Mr. Spencer.)) I earnestly hope that before long I may have strength to study the work as it ought to be studied, for I am certain to find or re-find much that is deeply interesting. In many parts of your "Principles of Biology" I was fairly astonished at the prodigality of your original views. (775/2. See "Life and Letters," III., pages 55, 56.) Most of the chapters furnished suggestions for whole volumes of future researches. As I have heard that you have changed your residence, I am forced to address this to Messrs. Williams & Norgate; and for the same reason I gave some time ago the same address to Mr. Murray for a copy of my book on variation, etc., which is now finished, but delayed by the index-maker.
LETTER 776. TO T.H. HUXLEY.
(776/1. This letter refers to a movement set on foot at a meeting held at the Freemasons' Tavern, on November 16th, 1872, of which an account is given in the "Times" of November 23rd, 1872, at which Mark Pattison, Mr. Henry Sidgwick, Sir Benjamin Brodie, Professors Rolleston, Seeley, Huxley, etc., were present. The "Times" says that the meeting was held "by members of the Universities and others interested in the promotion of mature study and scientific research in England." One of the headings of the "Program of Discussion" was "The Abolition of Prize Fellowships.")
Sevenoaks, October 22nd {1872}.
I have been glad to sign and forward the paper, for I have very long thought it a sin that the immense funds of the Universities should be wasted in Fellowships, except a few for paying for education. But when I was at Cambridge it would have been an unjustifiable sneer to have spoken of the place as one for education, always excepting the men who went in for honours. You speak of another resolution "in the interest of the anti-letter-writing association"—but alas, this never arrived! I should like a society formed so that every one might receive pleasant letters and never answer them.
We return home on Saturday, after three weeks of the most astounding dullness, doing nothing and thinking of nothing. I hope my Brain likes it—as for myself, it is dreadful doing nothing. (776/2. Darwin returned to Down from Sevenoaks on Saturday, October 26th, 1872, which fixes the date of the letter.)
LETTER 777. TO LADY DERBY. Down, Saturday {1874?}.
If you had called here after I had read the article you would have found a much perplexed man. (777/1. Probably Sir W. Crookes' "Researches in the Phenomena of Spiritualism" (reprinted from the "Quarterly Journal of Science"), London, 1874. Other papers by Crookes are in the "Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research.") I cannot disbelieve Mr. Crooke's statement, nor can I believe in his result. It has removed some of my difficulty that the supposed power is not an anomaly, but is common in a lesser degree to various persons. It is also a consolation to reflect that gravity acts at any distance, in some wholly unknown manner, and so may nerve-force. Nothing is so difficult to decide as where to draw a just line between scepticism and credulity. It was a very long time before scientific men would believe in the fall of aerolites; and this was chiefly owing to so much bad evidence, as in the present case, being mixed up with the good. All sorts of objects were said to have been seen falling from the sky. I very much hope that a number of men, such as Professor Stokes, will be induced to witness Mr. Crooke's experiments.
(778/1. The two following extracts may be given in further illustration of Darwin's guiding principle in weighing evidence. He wrote to Robert Chambers, April 30th, 1861: "Thanks also for extract out of newspaper about rooks and crows; I wish I dared trust it. I see in cutting the pages {of Chambers' book, "Ice and Water"}...that you fulminate against the scepticism of scientific men. You would not fulminate quite so much if you had had so many wild-goose chases after facts stated by men not trained to scientific accuracy. I often vow to myself that I will utterly disregard every statement made by any one who has not shown the world he can observe accurately." In a letter to Dr. Dohrn, of Naples, January 4th, 1870, Darwin wrote: "Forgive me for suggesting one caution; as Demosthenes said, 'Action, action, action,' was the soul of eloquence, so is caution almost the soul of science.")
LETTER 778. TO J. BURDON SANDERSON. Down, July 16th, 1875.
Some little time ago Mr. Simon (778/1. Now Sir John Simon) sent me the last Report, and your statements about contagion deeply interested me. By the way, if you see Mr. Simon, and can remember it, will you thank him for me; I was so busy at the time that I did not write. Having been in correspondence with Paget lately on another subject, I mentioned to him an analogy which has struck me much, now that we know that sheep-pox is fungoid; and this analogy pleased him. It is that of fairy rings, which are believed to spread from a centre, and when they intersect the intersecting portion dies out, as the mycelium cannot grow where it has grown during previous years. So, again, I have never seen a ring within a ring; this seems to me a parallel case to a man commonly having the smallpox only once. I imagine that in both cases the mycelium must consume all the matter on which it can subsist.
LETTER 779. TO A. GAPITCHE.
(779/1. The following letter was written to the author (under the pseudonym of Gapitche) of a pamphlet entitled "Quelques mots sur l'Eternite du Corps Humaine" (Nice, 1880). Mr. Gapitche's idea was that man might, by perfect adaptation to his surroundings, indefinitely prolong the duration of life. We owe Mr. Darwin's letter to the kindness of Herr Vetter, editor of the well-known journal "Kosmos.")
Down, February 24th, 1880.
I suppose that no one can prove that death is inevitable, but the evidence in favour of this belief is overwhelmingly strong from the evidence of all other living creatures. I do not believe that it is by any means invariably true that the higher organisms always live longer than the lower ones. Elephants, parrots, ravens, tortoises, and some fish live longer than man. As evolution depends on a long succession of generations, which implies death, it seems to me in the highest degree improbable that man should cease to follow the general law of evolution, and this would follow if he were to be immortal.
This is all that I can say.
LETTER 780. TO J. POPPER.
(780/1. Mr. Popper had written about a proposed flying machine in which birds were to take a part.)
Down, February 15th, 1881.
I am sorry to say that I cannot give you the least aid, as I have never attended to any mechanical subjects. I should doubt whether it would be possible to train birds to fly in a certain direction in a body, though I am aware that they have been taught some tricks. Their mental powers are probably much below those of mammals. It is said, and I suppose truly, that an eagle will carry a lamb. This shows that a bird may have great power for a short distance. I cannot remember your essay with sufficient distinctness to make any remarks on it. When a man is old and works hard, one subject drives another out of his head.
LETTER 781. TO T.H. HUXLEY. Worthing, September 9th, 1881.
(781/1. Mr. Anthony Rich left his house at Worthing as a legacy to Mr. Huxley. See Huxley's "Life and Letters," II., pages 286, 287.)
We have been paying Mr. Rich a little visit, and he has often spoken of you, and I think he enjoyed much your and Mrs. Huxley's visit here. But my object in writing now is to tell you something, which I am very doubtful whether it is worth while for you to hear, because it is uncertain. My brother Erasmus has left me half his fortune, which is very considerable. Therefore, I thought myself bound to tell Mr. Rich of this, stating the large amount, as far as the executors as yet know it roughly. I then added that my wife and self thought that, under these new circumstances, he was most fully justified in altering his will and leaving his property in some other way. I begged him to take a week to consider what I had told him, and then by letter to inform me of the result. But he would not, however, hardly allow me to finish what I had to say, and expressed a firm determination not to alter his will, adding that I had five sons to provide for. After a short pause he implied (but unfortunately he here became very confused and forgot a word, which on subsequent reflection I think was probably "reversionary")—he implied that there was a chance, whether good or bad I know not, of his becoming possessed of some other property, and he finished by saying distinctly, "I will bequeath this to Huxley." What the amount may be (I fear not large), and what the chance may be, God only knows; and one cannot cross-examine a man about his will. He did not bind me to secrecy, so I think I am justified in telling you what passed, but whether it is wise on my part to send so vague a story, I am not at all sure; but as a general rule it is best to tell everything. As I know that you hate writing letters, do not trouble yourself to answer this.
P.S.—On further reflection I should like to hear that you receive this note safely. I have used up all my black-edged paper.
LETTER 782. TO ANTHONY RICH. Down, February 4th, 1882.
It is always a pleasure to me to receive a letter from you. I am very sorry to hear that you have been more troubled than usual with your old complaint. Any one who looked at you would think that you had passed through life with few evils, and yet you have had an unusual amount of suffering. As a turnkey remarked in one of Dickens' novels, "Life is a rum thing." (782/1. This we take to be an incorrect version of Mr. Roker's remark (in reference to Tom Martin, the Butcher), "What a rum thing Time is, ain't it, Neddy?" ("Pickwick," Chapter XLII.). A careful student finds that women are also apostrophised as "rum": see the remarks of the dirty-faced man ("Pickwick," Chapter XIV.).) As for myself, I have been better than usual until about a fortnight ago, when I had a cough, and this pulled me down and made me miserable to a strange degree; but my dear old wife insisted on my taking quinine, and, though I have very little faith in medicine, this, I think, has done me much good. Well, we are both so old that we must expect some troubles: I shall be seventy-three on Feb. 12th. I have been glad to hear about the pine-leaves, and you are the first man who has confirmed my account that they are drawn in by the base, with a very few exceptions. (782/2. "The Formation of Vegetable Mould through the Action of Worms," 1881, page 71.) With respect to your Wandsworth case, I think that if I had heard of it before publishing, I would have said nothing about the ledges (782/3. "Ledges of Earth on Steep Hill-sides" (ibid., page 278).); for the Grisedale case (782/4. "The steep, grass-covered sides of a mountainous valley in Westmorland, called Grisedale, were marked in many places with innumerable, almost horizontal, little ledges...Their formation was in no way connected with the action of worms (and their absence is an inexplicable fact)...(ibid., page 282.), mentioned in my book and observed whilst I was correcting the proof-sheets, made me feel rather doubtful. Yet the Corniche case (782/5. Ibid., page 281.) shows that worms at least aid in making the ledges. Nevertheless, I wish I had said nothing about the confounded ledges. The success of this worm book has been almost laughable. I have, however, been plagued with an endless stream of letters on the subject; most of them very foolish and enthusiastic, but some containing good facts, which I have used in correcting yesterday the "sixth Thousand."
Your friend George's work about the viscous state of the earth and tides and the moon has lately been attracting much attention (782/6. Published in the "Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society," 1879, 1880, 1881.), and all the great judges think highly of the work. He intends to try for the Plumian Professorship of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Cambridge, which is a good and honourable post of about 800 pounds a year. I think that he will get it (782/7. He was elected Plumian Professor of Astronomy and Experimental Philosophy in 1883.) when Challis is dead, and he is very near his end. He has all the great men—Sir W. Thomson, Adams, Stokes, etc.—on his side. He has lately been chief examiner for the Mathematical Tripos, which was tremendous work; and the day before yesterday he started for Southampton for a five-weeks' tour to Jamaica for complete rest, to see the Blue Mountains, and escape the rigour of the early spring. I believe that George will some day be a great scientific swell. The War Office has just offered Leonard a post in the Government Survey at Southampton, and very civilly told him to go down and inspect the place, and accept or not as he liked. So he went down, but has decided that it would not be worth his while to accept, as it would entail his giving up his expedition (on which he had been ordered) to Queensland, in Australia, to observe the Transit of Venus. (782/8. Major Leonard Darwin, late R.E., served in several scientific expeditions, including the Transits of Venus of 1874 and 1882.) Dear old William at Southampton has not been very well, but is now better. He has had too much work—a willing horse is always overworked—and all the arrangements for receiving the British Association there this summer have been thrown on his shoulders.
But, good Heavens! what a deal I have written about my sons. I have had some hard work this autumn with the microscope; but this is over, and I have only to write out the papers for the Linnean Society. (782/9. i. "The Action of Carbonate of Ammonia on the Roots of Certain plants." {Read March 16th, 1882.} "Journ. Linn. Soc." Volume XIX., 1882, page 239. ii. "The Action of Carbonate of Ammonia on Chlorophyll-bodies." {Read March 6th, 1882.} Ibid., page 262.) We have had a good many visitors; but none who would have interested you, except perhaps Mrs. Ritchie, the daughter of Thackeray, who is a most amusing and pleasant person. I have not seen Huxley for some time, but my wife heard this morning from Mrs. Huxley, who wrote from her bed, with a bad account of herself and several of her children; but none, I hope, are at all dangerously ill. Farewell, my kind, good friend.
Many thanks about the picture, which if I survive you, and this I do not expect, shall be hung in my study as a perpetual memento of you.
(782/10. The concluding chapter of the "Life and Letters" gives some account of the gradual failure in health which was perceptible in the last year of Mr. Darwin's life. He died on April 19th, 1882, in his 74th year.)
THE END. INDEX.