Origin of banks.—Attention has been called to the banks of the country as a most important part of the machinery of exchange. It is proper to describe more fully the nature of the machine and its operations. A clear understanding of the character and process of banking on the part of all the people both extends its influence and diminishes its dangers. Banking, like everything else in civilization, has had a natural growth. The different steps in its growth have been devised for the sake of meeting the needs of a growing commerce, and banking can exist only where commercial transactions are frequent and constant.
The word bank, distinctly related to the English word bench, is supposed to have been adopted from the fact that early Jewish dealers in money sat by a bench in the streets of Italian cities. The commercial city of Venice is supposed to have been the seat of the first organization distinctly named a bank. This was a corporation of money lenders who handled their capital in the form of coin by exchanging it for notes of individuals. This was as early as the twelfth century. Since that time in every civilized community there has been experiment upon methods for quickening exchanges [pg 141] through such organizations, some of which have been of great advantage and some have brought disaster. The modern system of banking is the result of all these centuries of experience, a history of which cannot be given here.
Bank described.—A brief description of the most modern form of banks under state or national restrictions will help to understand how these institutions serve the world of commerce.
In simplest terms, a bank is a company founded for the sole purpose of dealing in coin and current certificates of credit of every form, the prime object being the convenience of people in making exchanges of any kind. Sometimes a bank is called upon simply to make change, or, as we say, to break a valuable coin or a bill of large denomination into smaller pieces. On the border land between two countries the banker serves a traveler by exchanging the coins of the country he leaves for coins of the country he enters.
Often the bank, equipped with safe protection against fire or robbers, receives the wealth of others in any form of money for safe keeping, with provision for its being paid when it is needed, whenever and wherever the owner directs. The same bank may be asked to exchange the money in its possession for notes of individuals payable on demand or at definite future time. It may even issue notes of the firm in place of the individual notes received, acquaintance of a community with the standing of the bank as a dealer in money making its notes circulate where individual notes would not. In this case the wider credit of the [pg 142] bank is exchanged for the limited credit of individuals. In the end a well established bank in close association with a system of banks is expected to do any service that has to do with either money or credit, so long as the credit approximates cash transactions, and has not drifted into overdue debts requiring courts and officials for collection.
So important are all these functions of a bank to the interests of society that distinct provision is needed in the law of the land for establishing the bank and maintaining its efficiency. The double system of government in our country known as state and national leads to two classes of banks, called state or national according as they are organized under authority of state government or under national laws.
State banks.—The independent laws of any state are supposed to provide such restrictions as the people desire for the management of banks. Any bank chartered by the state government is subject simply to the laws of the state pertaining to banks and is called a state bank, whatever the name under which it does business.
The laws of the different states vary indefinitely, but the essentials of a banking law quite recently established in one of the states may serve to illustrate the modern ideals as to safe, legitimate banking. Under this law a bank must be a corporation of not less than five persons who have subscribed for the entire stock and have paid at least 50 per cent of the value of this stock before beginning business, with provision for payment of 10 per cent each month until the whole of the capital [pg 143] stock is paid for in cash. Each stock-holder is individually liable to an amount equal to the value of his stock for any debts of the bank in excess of its original stock. Having settled upon a name distinct from all others, its application is made to a bank commissioner for a charter to do business in banking according to the laws of the state. Under the charter issued by the commissioner, the bank is required to be managed by a board of directors, from five to thirteen in number, which board elects the needed officers and appoints the necessary clerks. It cannot increase its capital except by fully paid stock, and can do no other kind of business, like buying and selling of goods and lands, or managing factories and railroads. It is authorized to receive deposits and make loans at interest not above legal rate, provided it keeps on hand available funds, including bank balances, amounting to 20 per cent of its total deposits, and never loans to one individual or firm more than 15 per cent of the paid up capital of the bank. A penalty of fine and imprisonment follows conviction of any officer for receiving deposits after general insolvency is known.
Each bank is required to report to the commissioner at least quarterly, and whenever called upon to publish its report; while failure to comply with requirements of the commissioner in report or otherwise brings immediate forfeiture of the charter. The commissioner or his deputy must visit each bank at least once a year and whenever occasion may require. If, upon examination, a bank is found insolvent the commissioner himself takes charge of the business for [pg 144] final settlement of its affairs. These important restrictions and careful inspection are thought necessary to secure the public interests in banking. The state through its bank commissioner gives guaranty to the public of legitimate and safe banking. The value of that guaranty, of course, depends upon the honesty, experience and executive ability of the bank commissioner, whose term of office and compensation should make him as independent as possible of any weakening influence. Under present arrangements no state banks issue their notes as currency because of a national tax of 10 per cent, which prevents a possible profit from its issue. Present state laws, therefore, make no provision for that function, unless by statutes existing before the organization of national banks. The states still have the constitutional right, apparently, to charter banks of issue, but the advantages of uniformity throughout the nation are so evident as to make such action very improbable.
National banks.—The so-called national banks organized under authority of United States government have been in existence since 1863, and have proved, so far as currency is concerned, such an improvement upon anything preceding in the way of bank issues, that few have advocated any return to former methods. The system as now existing places the authority of the United States in an officer called the comptroller of the currency. The law requires an association of five or more persons with a definite name and location, having not less than $100,000 capital ($50,000 in small towns) all paid within six months of beginning business. Share-holders are [pg 145] individually responsible for debts of the bank, aside from their stock, to an amount equal to their stock.
In banks having over $5,000,000 capital a surplus of 20 per cent may take the place of this individual responsibility. Not less than one-fourth of the capital stock, usually one-third, is deposited in the United States Treasury in the form of registered bonds of the United States, to be held exclusively for security of circulating notes. These notes are issued to the bank by the comptroller to the amount of not more than 90 per cent of the market value of the bonds deposited. These notes, printed by the government, signed, registered and sealed in the United States Treasury, in denominations from five dollars to one thousand dollars, become money when signed by the officers of the bank whose name they bear. The cost of these notes, together with the cost of restoring when worn out, as well as the expenses of the comptroller's office, are met by a tax of 1 per cent per annum, paid semi-annually, upon the average amount of notes in circulation during the previous six months. Such notes are not a legal tender, but are received at par for all dues to the United States except duties on imports, and for all demands against the United States except interest on the public debt and in redemption of currency. Any other issue of notes is prohibited, and worn out notes are cancelled and burned in the Treasury of the United States, being replaced by new.
The banks in sixteen principal cities are required to hold a reserve equal to 25 per cent of their circulating notes in lawful money of the United States, namely coin or treasury notes, and all other banks must have a reserve [pg 146] equal to 15 per cent of their circulating notes in the same form. This reserve is held for the redemption of the notes, provision being made for such redemption at the Sub-treasury of the United States in New York city, bank balances and clearing house certificates in the larger cities being counted as part of the reserve. The object of this is to secure ready redemption of any note in all parts of the nation.
The comptroller's office includes expert examiners, and to it each bank must report at least five times a year, with other special reports as called for. Each bank is subject to examination at the pleasure of the comptroller, and in case of failure to redeem bills or comply with the law, the comptroller has power to take possession of the bank and close its business. The usual banking business of any national bank proceeds according to the laws of the state in which it exists, the legal rate of interest of the state being compulsory.
Advantages and disadvantages of national bank currency.—The advantage of such a uniform system of bank notes is evident. The bills are secure beyond the possibility of doubt as to their final redemption, and therefore circulate freely without reference to the failure of the bank issuing them. In case of failure, all the banks form a ready machinery for collecting the bills for final redemption at the United States treasury. The frequent reports and expert inspection give as satisfactory means of maintaining safe management as can be secured by law. The possibility of connivance between examiners and bank officers is reduced to a minimum.
[pg 147]At the same time, there are disadvantages from several sources. First, United States bonds do not form a permanent basis. Second, the market value of these bonds and the low rate of interest make the use of capital in the shape of circulating notes less profitable than other capital in the bank. This is especially true in the newer communities where interest is high, and banks so located are likely to surrender their circulating notes at times when money loaning is most profitable, and thus cause a fluctuating volume of currency in the country. Third, the national banks are easily made objects of suspicion as to matters of legislation with reference to money.
Government banks.—Similar institutions under direct management of government officers have often been thought of as bringing the banking machinery within the direct judgment of the people, and so best meeting the wants of the community as a whole. The advantages of unity and publicity in such a system seem evident, and yet in actual practice the safeguards against misuse of power have proved on trial less satisfactory in such methods than in several others. The history of debased coinage already referred to shows that men in power may easily disregard the interests of the people, and under popular government both officers and legal restraints are subject to changes in the interest of localities and parties. It is possible that a stable body of experts might manage such an institution under laws as stable as the Constitution with success. But the restraints of law are most effective upon institutions outside official circles.
[pg 148]A government bank is subject to extreme pressure from popular demand under any financial distress to issue currency for general improvements in public buildings, parks, etc., which can bring no return and afford no means of redemption. Even the demand of unfortunate debtors for extended loans may push the bank into excessive issues, and finally lead to the scaling of debts and currency together in an effort to escape the results of over-issue.
Bank business.—Whatever the organization of a bank, its business must be essentially the same. It receives deposits from its customers for safe keeping and for convenience in use by means of checks. A check is simply an order to pay, and, if the receiver is a customer of the bank, amounts to merely a transfer of deposits from one owner to another on the books of the bank. A thousand dollars safely kept in the bank vault may thus change owners a hundred times by means of checks properly recorded. In large transactions the check, because of its economy, takes place of any other form of currency. The bank must also deal in drafts, by which exchanges can be made in different cities, and in bills of exchange, distinguished from ordinary drafts by special reference to foreign trade. It may also hold, as a part of its available machinery, clearing house certificates, which are statements of balances due in the daily settlement between the banks belonging to a clearing house association.
All these form a part of the machinery of every-day exchange, and together with a complete system of book-keeping make the utmost facility in the use of money.
[pg 149]They also greatly economize in the use of money by saving cost of counting and of transfer, and by securing against losses. If the system offered no more advantages than this safe and ready use of good money, the banks would be practically indispensable. But they have a still greater use in a safe extension of credit. The perfection of system in banking makes it possible for one who habitually fulfils his promises to purchase anywhere in the world on the shortest notice with the simple guaranty of credit in the bank where he does business. A traveler wishing to have funds in safe-keeping, and yet available on a journey around the world, may obtain through a bank familiar with his business standing a letter of credit, upon which he can draw, wherever he may be, against the deposit in his favor, and his draft will be paid, through a series of banks, at the bank near his business connections. Thus the credit of the world is bound together by the banking system grown up to meet the necessities of trade.
The clearing house.—All forms of credit referred to above, where dealers are customers of a single bank, are easily brought together upon the books of that bank, and will practically cancel each other. The customers of many banks in large cities may have their checks and drafts brought into a single system of book-keeping through a clearing house, which is simply a bank of banks. At a certain hour each day, in the larger cities twice a day, each bank of the city brings to the clearing house all checks and drafts against any other banks. These are quickly sorted, charged to the several banks against which they are drawn, and credited to the banks [pg 150] from which they are brought. The balance of debit and credit is settled then and there, either by transfer of cash, or by issue of a clearing house certificate that a bank has a balance in its favor, and so only a small amount of cash is used in settling all transactions of an immense business. The clearings of a single day reach hundreds of millions of dollars, and form an index of the business prosperity of the country.
The system saves the risk and cost of transferring back and forth immense amounts of coin and currency, and brings the business men of the country into ready contact with each other. It is an essential part of the means of settlement between different cities and different countries. A debt in any part of the world can be paid through a draft on London, which by means of the clearing house and its associated banks can be purchased anywhere and paid without delay. Since the purchasing power of any part of the world is chiefly in what it has to sell, the constant motion of checks and drafts in opposite directions will balance each other. If there were no long time credits, the purchases of any city would essentially equal its sales; and so with perfect clearance all trade would be quickly adjusted with but little use of money except for retail business.
Other clearing systems.—So evident are the advantages of clearing houses in banking that the system extends to many other interests. Railroad corporations balance accounts against each other by exchange of tickets issued by the different roads. Large combinations of dealers in implements or other goods find a similar service available where they can work together [pg 151] with confidence. Express companies sharing in a common service divide the final proceeds upon the same principle. So evident is the advantage that the growth has been rapid during recent years, and seems likely to extend still further.
Some effort has been made to establish farmers' exchanges upon a similar plan, but as yet with little success. The obstacles are chiefly in the want of business confidence in business habits among the farmers themselves. Since the system is strictly a credit system, exact promptness in meeting engagements and constant dealing in the same channels are absolutely necessary. Most farmers, having comparatively few transactions from day to day, are loath to attach themselves as constant customers in any association. With larger experience and more neighborly contact they are finding it possible to work in association for various purposes, and will doubtless enlarge their means of business credit as their progress in mutual understanding increases.
Government inspection.—The principal support of universal credit through banking is the assurance that uniform methods, honest in principle and accurate in execution, are followed. To secure these results a system of government inspection and guaranty seems absolutely necessary. If the public faith is to be maintained, the ground of that faith must be publicly established. The more complete the examination by trusted officials and the more frequent the publication of official reports, the better the public credit. It seems possible that even individual trustworthiness may become a matter of government record as it is now of private consideration in [pg 152] all business circles. One chief guaranty of credit through the banks is the strict inquiry made by the banks themselves into the business standing of their customers. If the record were perfect, the chief weakness of the credit system would be largely removed.
The balance of trade.—The bulk of trade between countries, that is of dealers in different countries, is settled in the usual routine of banking as has been indicated; but since under present systems the standards of value are given in different terms in different countries, somewhat more of friction remains in such trade. A greater attention is given to the fact of final settlement in coin or bullion. The price of exchange from a country whose dealers owe more than is due them, under the law of supply and demand, soon arises to an amount sufficient to cover the cost of transporting gold or silver. When these metals are used in payment by transportation from one country to another they are said to indicate the balance of trade; that is, they show that more of other property comes into the country than goes out. This balance of trade is supposed to show the relative prosperity of a nation, and is said to be against it when the nation buys more than it sells.
It is usually sought in the difference between the value of coin or bullion exported and of that imported. In two sets of circumstances a large correction is necessary to show the actual condition of trade. One is where a nation is buying on long credit, as in case of great enterprises like railroads or factories, constructed by sale of bonds in foreign countries or by sale of any other securities, government or individual, in a foreign land. The [pg 153] other is where a country like our own is a large producer of gold and silver by mining. In this case the products of the mines are as proper an article of export as the products of the farms or of the factories, and should be estimated as a part of the natural exports. For these reasons the balance of trade must be carefully scrutinized before being accepted as proof of a nation's progress in poverty or wealth.
Bank loans.—So far, in dealing with the subject of banking, no mention has been made of the function of extending individual credit by time loans. One of the original purposes of banking was to make a convenient office for the meeting of borrowers and lenders. The banks are still the go-betweens of those who have money to lend and those who have to borrow. In fact, every banking association is assumed to be a corporation of money lenders. Under ordinary circumstances this corporation is able to loan to individuals whose credit is good all of its capital not otherwise employed in the machinery of the bank, a considerable portion of deposits from its customers, and to a certain extent its own credit in the commercial world. In the case of a national bank a portion of capital is loaned to the government in the purchase of bonds, which are the basis of its circulating notes. The circulating notes, from 60 per cent to 90 per cent of the value of the bonds, are an extension of credit; that is, the capital already loaned on time to the government is partially loaned again to individuals. Again, the deposits of the customers, to be drawn as needed, in ordinary circumstances are not needed the same day. The bank soon learns by experience what portion it is [pg 154] safe to lend from day to day to individuals who are sure to make payments when promised. Double signatures, or endorsements, double the surety of prompt payment.
Thus the banks are enabled to provide safe keeping for money without charge, and even to pay a low rate of interest upon considerable deposits when times are good. In this way legitimate borrowers and legitimate lenders find a close connection in the bank. A legitimate lender is one who has property not needed at present for his own use. A legitimate borrower is one who can use capital to advantage in production. Any producer may at one part of a year be a lender and afterward a borrower to advantage of everybody. If the banks are thoroughly satisfactory the proceeds of the fall crops may serve the busy manufacturers as circulating capital during the winter. Again, the proceeds of the spring sales of goods and machinery may tide the farmers over the season of growth.
In this way labor of every kind is sustained by labor of every other kind. In all these ways the banking power of a country is extended to several times the coin money in circulation, and that with perfect safety. But it is possible for banks to be tempted through the very perfection of their own credit. The note of an individual has no established market value. A deposit in the bank is valued as cash. It is possible to secure the credit of having a bank deposit by discounting an individual note. If that note is a time note the bank has increased its immediate liabilities by the amount of a nominal deposit, with only a promise to pay in the future to rest upon. To lend to an individual is practically [pg 155] to enter into partnership with his fortune. The fortunes of the group of individuals representing the bank is less doubtful than that of any one person. The borrower in this instance pays in the discount of his note the difference in risk between his fortune and that of the combination. Such deposits purchased upon credit must be distinguished from deposits of cash, lest the bank should nominally increase its power to lend while in fact it has already lent up to its ability. Sometimes such nominal deposits are maintained by persons deeply in debt for the sake of paying a larger rate of interest than is allowed by law.
Safety of banking.—In times of business prosperity a bank with usual business caution as to customers, is safe for all concerned. And yet, in the very nature of extended credit, it has promised to pay on any particular day, if demanded, far more than it has cash in hand. Its liabilities embrace the whole of its deposits except a small portion made for a definite time, and all its issues of currency subject to redemption. To meet these engagements its immediate resources are whatever currency in any form of coin or bills it may have at hand. This amount, since its profits are made from lending, not from holding, must be small in proportion to its liabilities. The bulk of its means of payment is in notes not yet due, and to be collected when due. Of other property it is likely to have bonds of municipalities or of great corporations, and these are supposed to be a more available form of resources than individual notes, because they usually have a definite market value and can be sold or used as security for loans in any [pg 156] money market. If real estate forms a part of the capital, it can never be made available for immediate use. Hence any bank dealing in mortgages on real estate invests its funds where they cannot be had when wanted. All banking schemes based upon security in land have necessarily failed, because land has no current use in trade.
Under the pressure of panic, from whatever source, each depositor is sure to demand every cent due him from the bank, and just as certainly the bank's own resources are insufficient to meet those dues without the sale of bonds and notes in other markets. For these reasons in any great period of distrust the banks are obliged to suspend payments. Since all the banks of the community are in similar circumstances they cannot help each other, and time must be given for the collection of loans, according to agreement, that the gradual accumulation of ready cash may return to the vault, and so to the depositors, all that has been loaned. Because of this necessary instability bankers watch most carefully the tendencies of the money market, and necessarily reduce their loans for safety when any anxious pressure begins. For the same reason legitimate banking is limited to short time loans—on demand, thirty, sixty, ninety days—the shorter being the safer. Laws sometimes prohibit a bank from dealing in any other business, where a stock of goods must tie up funds, or from speculation in real estate, which confines capital more certainly.
In most banks the amount to be loaned to a single individual or firm is limited to a small portion, one-tenth [pg 157] to one-fifth, of the total capital. The principal causes of failure in banking are defalcation of officers, misuse of funds in speculative enterprises, dealing in speculative securities or on boards of trade, careless loaning to poor paymasters, investment in long time securities not readily marketable, or sacrifice in hurried sale of stocks and bonds under the pressure of panic.
The better the customers of a bank understand its condition and management, the less is its danger, for the basis of banking, as of the credit of the world, is the public confidence. Farmers who acquaint themselves with the workings of neighboring banks by making use of their aid in business benefit both themselves and their neighbors. The progress of the world demands of every farmer a closer contact with business and, therefore, a greater familiarity with business methods. Even the burden of debts will be lessened when farmers understand and appreciate the advantage of systematic credit. The dangers from over expansion of credit are lessened when all the people clearly understand the essential conditions for maintaining credit. The final perfection of a banking system depends upon the interest of the whole people, with a fair knowledge of the growth already made.
The general bearing of settlement in trade, deferred by promises to pay in the distant future, has been several times referred to in preceding chapters; but its bearing upon the general welfare is so marked in many ways as to deserve more particular treatment. The special form by which one man becomes a purchaser on the strength of future abilities may have little importance in the total result, but some peculiarities of the different forms are worthy of mention.
A standing account without definite period of settlement easily becomes a temptation to waste, as well as a source of worry, when the account is extended. A friend remarks, “You never seem so well off as when you don't expect to pay for what you buy, although the reason may be that you can't pay for it.” The fact that the day of settlement may be indefinitely postponed makes the temptation to overestimate the chances of future ability. An account almost certainly insures the purchase of ordinary supplies without asking the price, and only frequent and complete settlement makes safe for ordinary people the expenditure of income through store accounts.
Promissory notes due at a definite time have less [pg 159] effect upon the imagination; yet payment a year hence seems always easier than payment now. Only repeated bitter experiences teach one to say, as I once heard an old gentleman, when offered a horse to replace his dead one without limit as to the time of payment, “That sounds very well, my friend, but it is a mighty hard way at the latter end.” Every farmer familiar with country auctions, with a year's credit upon purchases, sees the effect of such postponements in magnifying the value of articles purchased.
A note secured by chattel mortgage in the nature of the security is less extended and has the distinct hardship of future payment presented in the possible loss of the chattel offered as security. The chattel mortgage, therefore, becomes a favorite method for short time delays in payment, not only because the security is good, but because the full attention of the maker is given to the necessity of payment.
A most familiar form of deferred payment for farm property is the mortgage note, secured by a deed entitling the holder to take possession of the farm, or real estate of any kind, upon failure of the maker of the note to meet its conditions. This is esteemed the best possible security for payments long deferred, because the ordinary values of real estate in a growing country like ours increase rather than diminish. Except in cases of overvaluation from speculative investment, or in the settlement of a new country under misconception of its conditions, the security remains ample. And even then the lender has no greater risk than the borrower. Since final settlement by foreclosure of mortgage [pg 160] involves the law's delay, increased by the natural sentiment growing up about a home which has been occupied for years, such mortgage notes are only to a limited extent available in general commerce. In large measure they are likely to stand between the original purchaser and seller. The exception to this is found in investment of large trust funds, as with insurance companies and endowments of colleges and other benevolent institutions. In these cases a permanent investment, with stated income, is desirable, and mortgage notes with five to ten years' credit give better rates of income than long time bonds of great corporations or governments. The ease with which purchase is made by a mortgage tempts many a young man to promise more than he can fulfil. The weight of the farm mortgage is felt throughout the country, doubling the disaster of every deficient crop. Variations from the mortgage in deeds of trust and instalment contracts have essentially the same relation to credit, involve essentially the same burdens, and differ only in the legal forms for taking possession of the real estate in default of payment.
Where a company or a community defers payment for its purchases, it is said to issue bonds, which are simply formal notes, usually with attached notes, or coupons, for interest at stated times, issued by qualified officers under specific legislation. These are so easily understood and tested for their quality as to become a part of the general credit of the country. They gain a well understood market value, and pass from hand to hand with greatest readiness. This fact adds to the ease with which they may be issued, while the extended [pg 161] time, from ten to thirty years, increases both the convenience of possession and the readiness to issue. The people of a city do not hesitate to supply themselves with magnificent waterworks at the expense of the people a generation later. Thus municipal indebtedness is easy to contract, and the hard lesson of paying for dead horses is seldom effectually learned. More insidious still is the temptation to issue the bonds of a county for the building of a railroad, whose prospective benefit in adding to the value of lands is indefinitely magnified. A community of farmers already burdened by mortgages can be tempted into additional burdens in county bonds from expectation that a new railroad will double the value of their farms. The facility with which states and nations negotiate bonds is so well understood that it scarcely needs mention. Yet the burdens of taxation so grievously felt are often self-inflicted by the people who favor unbounded indebtedness. It is rarely the case that a well-to-do school district is not better off when it meets the cost of its schoolhouse by immediate taxes rather than to postpone payment by bonds.
The organization of a stock company involves a peculiar system of deferred payments, in that every holder of stock becomes in a sense both debtor and creditor. He is debtor to all his associate shareholders, and is also their creditor to the extent of his share. Stock certificates, like bonds, may pass from hand to hand with ease, and foster the innate spirit of speculation among a commercial people. The organization of a stock company, especially of a great trust, [pg 162] is made relatively easy from this fact, and in this way the general credit of a people is indefinitely extended. A prosperous corporation is likely to distribute the results of its prosperity by increased issues of stock, and the readiness with which the public accepts such issues makes natural, though vicious, the so-called watering of stock, familiar to all. The immediate object of watered stock in fairly managed companies is the immediate distribution among shareholders of any increased value without increased cost. As the farms along a line of railway may have doubled their value with no expenditure in improvements, so the railroad itself may have doubled its value in the possibility of earnings through the rapid development of settlements along the line. In ordinary ways this increased value will be shown in the market price of the stock, but an issue of more stock to the present holders of stock certificates will keep down the price of individual shares and yet give the benefit of the increased value to shareholders.
The stock exchange.—The last mentioned forms of indebtedness so easily become matters of everyday purchase and sale as to lead to the business of stock brokerage, found everywhere in greater or less extent. In large cities the brokers naturally unite for convenience of business in the so-called stock exchange, in which the market price of all current forms of indebtedness or deferred payments is fixed from day to day, or from hour to hour, by the higgling of the market, just as the price of produce is fixed in the produce exchange. Naturally, as in the case of produce, a fictitious business, purely speculative, grows up around the legitimate dealing [pg 163] in stocks and bonds. Other forms of deferred payments enter less into the business of the brokers, because the market value of any particular mortgage or individual note cannot be easily determined outside the immediate neighborhood where it is made. The chief way in which these enter the general brokers' market is through the stock or bonds of large brokers' companies, sometimes called guaranty loan companies. In this way the universal extension of credit through deferred payments finally has its effect upon the general confidence. The broker's business grows legitimately out of the need of ready transfer of claims, for the sake of larger use of the floating capital of the country, and readiness of investment in more fixed forms. It adds, however, to the dangers of extended credit by making more easy the gratification of present wants through expectation of future ability. The broker makes his gain, without reference to the final settlement, by taking a commission upon the loan. His interest leads to an overestimate of the borrower's ability, and cases are not infrequent where appraisers of real estate have been hired by brokers to misrepresent the value of property, for the sake of securing improper loans.
Every period of expanding credit in speculative movements has furnished proofs of this tendency. A standing example is furnished in mining stocks, in which the temptation to misrepresent prospects by “salting” and false assays is proverbial. Almost as notorious are the misrepresentations associated with bonds of newly established cities or other municipalities. Not all such misrepresentation is intended fraud, but the immediate [pg 164] interest of the broker clouds his judgment as to conditions of final settlement. With little to lose and everything to gain in the immediate transaction, his judgment is necessarily biased. The merely speculative buying and selling of stocks by margins has little to do with the general character of indebtedness, except to increase somewhat the risks of legitimate brokerage. The “bulls and bears” on exchange make their gains by fluctuations in market values, and, like all gamblers, delight in producing false impressions upon their opponents in the game. This fact adds to the uncertainty of all standing credit, and so increases the natural rate of interest. This effect upon interest will be noticed in considering the nature of interest and conditions affecting it.
“Borrowed money.”—In all the forms of deferred payment, except standing accounts, it is customary to represent the amount of the debt as “borrowed money,” no matter how the transaction occurs. When a farmer buys his farm with a promise to pay five years hence, his note is said to represent so much “borrowed money,” while in fact he has simply borrowed the farm. The reason is, that the farm is represented by its value in dollars, and the promise is to return that value in dollars at the end of five years.
The same is true, in fact, of all purchases on credit. Even when the purchase is made by means of a note at the bank, the actual transfer of property is from the owner of the farm to its prospective owner, the bank simply acting as agent, and interposing its credit or capital only to promote the exchange. In many instances [pg 165] no money in any form is used, and where it is employed at some stage of the transaction, it is used, as in any other exchange, simply as a machine of transfer. Even the final settlement is likely to be made through the ordinary channels of trade, without the intervention of money in any of its forms. The deferred payment takes its place when the time of payment comes in the ordinary everyday transactions of the universal credit system, illustrated in banking. Even if the farm is paid for by instalments, those instalments are simply ordinary transactions in trade, the farmer transferring the check which he receives from the sale of his steers or his wheat to the former owner of the farm. The money involved is simply money of account, referring to a well understood standard of value. The importance of this standard in reference to deferred payments has already been referred to. It cannot be overestimated. But any estimate of the currency needed, or to be needed for the transaction of business, founded upon the amount of deferred payments, is wholly fallacious.
It is equally wrong to suppose that the bankers are the principal money-lenders. The real lenders are those who have sold their produce, the use of their tools or their time, at a price to be paid next week, next month or next year. Every man who has wages due him is as truly a money-lender, to the extent of the wages due, as any banker who accepts a promise to pay in the future for service or value given in the present. Even where the borrowed articles have been consumed or wasted, the promise to pay is simply a promise to return so much of value as the articles received were estimated to be [pg 166] worth. This may be easily seen in thinking of a running account at the store for the ordinary supplies of the family. It may amount to five hundred dollars, if one's credit is sufficient, and seem only the actual articles used, and yet to be paid for; but if settled by a note fixing a future definite time of payment, the debt at once becomes in thought borrowed money, though no change whatever has been made in the actual facts. If the same purchases had been made by means of credit at the bank, gained by discounting a personal note, the same articles exactly would have been borrowed, the bank instead of the merchant being the lender. In all probability the bank has been the means in the first case of enabling the merchant to meet these current wants on credit, for he himself has gained the credit of the bank by discounting his own note. In either case the bank has been the means of serving both the borrower and the lender. It is simply a machine for accommodating both.
Legal tender.—All forms of deferred payments imply the possible intervention in final settlement of the force of government. While the great mass of promises to pay are met without an appeal to laws or courts, the whole is put in such form by customs of society as to involve the possibility of such arbitration. Government takes no note of debts which cannot be proved in court, and the forms of legal proof are well settled. All the formalities of credit in systems of book-keeping, forms of notes and bonds, and wording of stock certificates imply the possibility of final adjustment in a court of equity. For this reason, governments establish [pg 167] some form of currency as the representative of value, which must be accepted by the creditor in complete satisfaction of a debt. This is naturally what custom has established as the standard of value, but anything else may be substituted if the government so decides. Thus, Massachusetts once made bullets legal tender at a certain price, up to a certain number. Our government now makes copper cents and nickels legal tender to the value of twenty-five cents.
The current notes of the government are usually legal tender, unless otherwise stipulated, whatever their current value. This means simply that the government through its courts secures the collection of bona fide debts, in terms of value defined by law or by contract. The assurance of final settlement, given in this way by the government, is one principal element in extending credit on time. Without such machinery credit would be confined to intimate acquaintances and very limited time.
Expanding credit.—All the machinery of credit tends to bring the floating capital of a country within the reach of great enterprises. If a body of men have faith in some great undertaking, like a continental railroad or a Panama canal, their faith in the enterprise is easily made a basis for the faith of others. Even the small accumulations, the savings of day laborers, may be turned to account in such great enterprises if the popular expectation of success is thoroughly aroused. The greater the undertaking, the greater is the general faith under skilful leadership.
The same principle applies to undertakings of less [pg 168] national character, like immense factories or combinations in a trust. The stock of such enterprises is often widely distributed, and when profits are fairly begun, even upon a small scale, the chances of gain on the value of the stock are made more prominent than the actual profits of the enterprise. It is not uncommon to find enterprises starting with the expectation that a large portion of this stock will be paid for out of the profits of the business and the profits on a portion of the stock to be sold. This is especially true when business is reviving after a period of depression. It is one of the first symptoms of the return of a speculative spirit. With the rise of such enterprises there is almost sure to be an advance in prices of real estate, though it follows later.
The starting of a railroad line involves the purchase of station sites, and almost surely the laying out of villages at intervals along the line. The promoters of the railroad are likely to be promoters of town sites as well. And this increased demand for farms and lots brings a larger faith in the future of these locations. Everyone who can save a little from his income hopes to increase that little indefinitely by investment in the chances of increased value of a lot or a home. Under such circumstances the machinery of credit moves easily, and one does not hesitate to extend his credit to the utmost for the purchase of what is increasing in value each day. The result is a temptation to larger expenditures.
People who are counting their future gains are sure to have larger wants, and their seeming prosperity in [pg 169] accumulation of value gives them a larger credit among dealers. The next step is an enlargement of sales of current supplies of all sorts and an increasing manufacture of such supplies to meet the increasing wants and naturally enhancing price. Soon the staple products of farms and factories and mines become themselves objects of speculative purchase. Men buy simply to hold for the increase in price. This speculation itself is a temporary cause of success, and goes on until some accident somewhere reveals the exaggerated proportions of expectation. Sometimes this speculative spirit continues for a series of years, in which case it pervades every circle of producers and consumers. Sometimes it is temporary and local, being produced by some special undertaking and destroyed by a special failure. Sometimes the death of an enterprising man destroys the "boom" he has created. When speculation is rife over a large territory, everybody is employed to his utmost ability, and the times are said to be good. All property of every kind is counted at its highest price in the mind of the owner, and all credits are easily extended from month to month, or from year to year, because of the universal faith. There seems to the casual observer no reason for doubt, and the most conservative judges overestimate the ability of the people.
Financial crisis.—At such a time as that described, when credits of every kind are interlocked and expectations are high, the so-called floating capital of the country, under indefinite promises to pay, is gradually being actually locked up in huge plants of machinery in great [pg 170] railroad routes, in vacant city lots, and uncultivated farms held for future sale, or in warehouses and elevators full of the products of industry,—especially such products as do not immediately deteriorate in quality, such as grains, cloths, raw materials of every kind and machinery of general use. This is apparently the property of the holders, but against it are the claims of all those who have contributed by loans on time, by credit for sales, by labor unpaid for and by provisions on account. One can easily see that with all these people bound together by credit a single failure may be far-reaching in its effects. The inability of a single man to meet his promises, if those promises are widely enough distributed, may bring a panic among his creditors, their creditors, and so on down to even the solid men, supposed to hold the accumulation of years untouched by speculation. For every channel of trade is full of credit, which now everybody loses.
In 1873 the promoter of the Northern Pacific railroad had borrowed everywhere, even the small savings of widows and workmen, through his intimate connection with banking. All this accumulation of savings had been expended for labor upon what was only a huge embankment, making no possible returns to any owner. The only possible means of continuing the work was continued borrowing, or the sale of additional stock. The revenue promised upon the means already used could be given only by larger borrowing. On a certain day the amount to be borrowed was less than the amount to be paid, and the failure of Jay Cooke to meet his expectations and promises was known. Within [pg 171] six hours every village in the land felt the disaster. The financial crisis was seen and realized. Bargains partially completed were stopped in the midst. Materials about to be shipped were held at the station. Deposits at the bank were needed immediately, notes due at the bank could not be extended, collectors of accounts appeared at every corner, thousands of workmen directly and indirectly employed on the great railroad building were out of employment and out of wages due, the banks were unable to furnish even paper currency to their depositors, and the whole world felt absolute loss of confidence in any undertaking or any expectation.
I select this particular panic because its beginning was so comparatively simple, its progress so evident and its results so well defined. Any other failure of speculative purpose might have been equally disastrous. It could hardly have been so rapid, because it could not have been so directly distributed among the masses of the people. Yet the machinery of credit is such that any considerable failure in enterprise or speculation is felt everywhere. The banks are at once called upon for larger loans and for deposits together, an impossibility in the nature of the case. All exchangeable forms of credit are immediately offered in market at constantly decreasing prices. Current credit of every kind is checked, and exchange is limited to the barest necessities. All productive energies are practically stopped, except such as are out of the line of daily exchanges. Very soon all domestic expenses are reduced to the lowest notch, domestic help is discharged, the well-to-do undertake to help themselves, and the poor are left [pg 172] without resources. It seems as if all the wheels of progress had stopped.
Hard times.—Succeeding such a crisis must follow hard times. Wage earners generally are without employment; manufactories have put out their fires; the warehouses full of goods are under attachment; farm produce is moved very slowly to market; fancy stock of horses, cattle and sheep are unsalable; farm mortgages are foreclosed as rapidly as the laws allow; skilled workmen meet absolute necessities by half time, and common laborers move from place to place in useless search for employment, their families being barely kept alive by charity. The fact that warehouses and granaries are full leads to the assumption that over-production has destroyed the market and the demand for labor. This is quite probably true of all articles of such a nature as to be held for speculative purposes. The staple grains and fancy live stock are illustrations of these. An universal over-production, so long as the articles produced are adapted to current wants, is impossible, since every man's product, if needed, is his means of securing another man's product to meet his own wants.
On the other hand, the suffering of multitudes and the abstinence of everybody lead to the supposition that under-consumption, or failure to use what we might, is a principal cause. It is undoubtedly true that fear of absolute want checks consumption of articles within our reach. This is shown by the immediate increase of consumption as soon as the fear subsides. This, however, is a symptom of the times, rather than a cause.
[pg 173]Some theorists account for the suffering by the ratio of the currency to the population, claiming that a larger circulation of money will fill the empty pockets of the needy, forgetting that money circulates only through the very channels of trade which something else has stopped. It is quite true that any financial legislation involving uncertain results contributes materially to the doubt which stops the machinery. All efforts to make money worth less by legislation have invariably extended the period of hard times. Almost every conceivable cause has been assigned, or given as a partial explanation, for the stagnation of trade. A careful analysis of these recurring periods in the history of our country in 1837, 1848, 1857, 1873, 1887 and 1893, shows many partial causes of disaster in exchange, affecting the peculiar nature of each panic, yet one especial cause is evident in them all. That cause is large investment in fixed capital from which no immediate returns can be expected.
The chief causes of hard times.—Prior to 1837 there was a rapid development of new country, as shown from the greatly increased receipts for public lands. Every new home involves a permanent investment of somebody's savings to the extent of at least $1,000. With the settlement of every new region a considerable waste in real estate speculation is found. A similar expansion of territory occupied by settlement immediately followed the Mexican war, and was a chief cause of reduced capital and consequent lack of employment.
The crisis of 1857 was preceded by enormous waste in the Crimean war. To that was added the loss of a season's labor in a bad harvest and increase of cost of [pg 174] living, reducing profits. The latter cause was incidental to this particular season, but added materially to the suffering. In this country there had also been an extensive enlargement in iron works and woolen factories without corresponding products.
The panic of 1867, felt widely outside of America, was preceded by immense waste of property in the civil war of the United States, a considerable portion of which expense, on both sides, had been borne in Europe, either during the war or immediately following, through the sale of bonds.
The panic of 1873 followed immense investments of wealth in fixed capital, as illustrated in the Northern Pacific railroad, previously mentioned. Between 1865 and 1873 30,000 miles of railroad were built in the United States alone. This permanent investment involved immense debts at home and abroad, with all the profits yet in the future. The fact that imports increased at the rate of nearly $100,000,000 a year in 1871 and 1872 indicates the extent of expenditures. The Franco-Prussian war had also wasted great energies.
The hard times in America, shown especially in the price of farms, about 1888 were immediately preceded by enormous investments in unsatisfactory farming lands and unneeded town sites, as well as in railroad building. Forty-nine million acres of land were sold by the government, and more than 12,000 miles of railway were built. Enormous expenditures were also made for school-houses, court-houses, and other public buildings by sale of bonds. The actual crisis was perhaps delayed and a new speculation fostered by large payments [pg 175] on the public debt. Again, there was expansion of credit and large investment in railroad and city building in anticipation of future growth, during which the small savings of multitudes had been gathered up through the guaranty loan companies of the West. Upon the top of this came the expenditures of 1892 and 1893 on the great World's Exposition. The expenditure of savings in attendance upon the exposition curtailed the abilities of hundreds of thousands of families. So the panic of 1893 was in no respect an exception to the rule. No sufficient data are at hand for showing exactly how great has been the expenditure in unproductive enterprises, but a reference to Chart No. IV, p. 83, giving the development of railroad building in this country, will show how this form of enterprise in every case outran the increase in population immediately preceding the hard times.
It is evident to any student of the question that extra large consumption of floating capital has immediately preceded every period of supposed over-production. The chief over-production has always been in the machinery of production and trade, including the costly settlement of new land. The immediate dismissal of labor employed in such enterprises brings greatest suffering, because such laborers are always least forehanded and are in large numbers homeless. Such laborers also most readily become competitors for any kind of a job, and so affect current wages of those still retaining their places. This emphasizes the unequal distribution of wealth, and leads multitudes to call for a redistribution, by fair means or foul. This increases the distrust of community [pg 176] and the disposition to hoard wealth in the form of money, while checking every desire to build for the future.
Remedies for hard times.—The means of recovery from such a disaster are less easy to see than the causes. We know, in fact, that the world does recover confidence among enterprising men and confidence in the future, sometimes surprisingly soon. We can see some of the steps by which the burden of debt is diminished and hopes are revived. In the first place, some method of settlement out of the usual course is adopted. Most obvious is an agreement among banks to carry on the usual machinery of exchanges through checks, drafts and a clearing house without the use of currency. This is called suspension of payment. It holds the deposits steady while the transfer of ownership is easy. It saves the sacrifice of large credit to meet the panicky condition of small trade, and it checks the disposition to hoard money in out-of-the-way places. The actual failures are thus confined to those actually engaged in the wasted production or directly involved as creditors of such persons. The failures in 1873 were said to have been nine in each thousand business houses; those of 1893 were thirteen in a thousand. The actual failures among farmers are confined almost entirely to those who have been caught in the speculative spirit of investment in more land for the sake of increasing prices or have borrowed capital to be used in other speculation. A few only have wasted their substance in expensive homes and luxuries.
If all forms of indebtedness could circulate freely, [pg 177] the final result in balancing debts with debts would be quite readily reached, and the actual losses would be found less than is generally supposed. An equal loss without distrust, if that were possible, would be met with new enterprise and extra energy instead of despondency.
The various remedies offered in proposed legislation frequently add to the delays in the recovery of confidence. The issue of paper currency, while universally welcomed by the most wasteful of investors, makes those who still have property more doubtful as to the future. The proposition to increase demand for labor by great public improvements comes at a time when revenues are diminished and almost surely is coupled with a proposal of government scrip. To increase the burden of taxation at once, when the mass of the people are already burdened and distressed, is impossible. The issue of scrip, though actually a costly method of taxation, seems to the unthinking a way of making something out of nothing. The certain effect is to extend the period of doubt. Laws affecting the coinage and character of legal tender, since they disturb the relation of borrower and lender indefinitely, postpone readjustment of confidence. Changes in the tariff laws are liable to have the same effect because of uncertainty as to where the influence will be most felt. Special legislation with reference to contracts for labor, however well intended, are sure to hinder adjustment, and all agitation in favor of new experiments in government enterprises or in legislation as to property makes less available the capital and ingenuity of the people.
[pg 178]Cure for hard times.—The only genuine cure involves a restoration of faith in enterprise. It is almost as hard to establish after a commercial panic as after a panic in an army. The remedies best worth study are really preventives, in the form of checks upon undue expansion of credits and distinct limits as to extension of time. Some have gone so far as to wish there were no laws for collection of debts, since this would actually prevent the great bulk of indebtedness; but it would also destroy the essential foundation of daily credit, one of the most productive machines of exchange. The best that can be done is to make more explicit the laws against frauds, and to limit easily transferred forms of credit to those whose foundation can be carefully inspected. It is very desirable that all corporations dealing in credit should be subject to the strictest examination by a public officer.
Short credits vs. hard times.—More important than legal enactments are the business habits of a community, and these can be cultivated by business men. Farmers, of all classes of people, can foster such customs of careful inspection of business standing and frequent settlement of accounts and careful loaning as will make a panic less possible. They need, however, a wider acquaintance with the machinery of business and a firmer faith in the advantage to all concerned of cash payments and absolute promptness in all settlements. The moral power of such a body, amounting to one-half the population, most of whom are solid owners of property, would, if well informed and united in principle, check most of the extravagances in expenditure [pg 179] and investment which waste the capital of the country.
Bankruptcy.—In closing the discussion of hard times, it is proper to mention a device for removing in part the discouragement of debts where ability to pay is entirely wanting. Of course, a settlement between debtor and creditors, in which the property of the debtor is divided among his creditors, is always available, leaving both at liberty to begin business anew with a knowledge of the worst that can happen. It seems possible to contrive bankruptcy laws in such shape as to secure a fair settlement of insolvent business whenever the business is evidently failing. If discovery of fraud or misrepresentation could cause immediate intervention in a bankruptcy court, the surest possible check would be brought to bear upon improper credits. It is certainly to the interest of all honest creditors and debtors that a fair settlement should be reached as early after insolvency as possible. Such bankrupt laws should be as wide reaching in their uniformity as government permits. If a national bankrupt law is not sufficient, the states should combine to establish in each the same general system.