In the said time, albeit some while before the defeat of Courtray, the king of France had become angered against Pope Boniface, by reason of the promise which the said Pope had made to the king, and to M. Charles of Valois, his brother, to make him Emperor, when he sent for him, as afore we made mention; which thing he did not fulfil, be the cause what it might. Nay, rather in the same year he had confirmed as Cf. Purg. vi. 97-117. king of the Romans Albert of Austria, son of King Rudolf, for the which thing the king of France held himself to be greatly deceived and betrayed by him, and in his wrath he entertained and did honour to Stefano della Colonna, his enemy, which was come to France on hearing of the discord which had arisen; and the king to the best of his power favoured him and his followers. And beyond this, the king caused the bishop of Pamiers, in the district of Carcassone, to be taken prisoner on charge of being a Paterine; and he spent the revenues of every vacant bishopric, and would confer the investitures himself. Wherefore Pope Boniface, which was proud and disdainful, and bold in doing all great things, of high purposes and powerful, as he was and as he held himself to be, beholding these outrages on the part of the king, added indignation to ill-will, and became wholly an enemy to the king of France. And at first, to establish his rights, he caused all the great prelates of France to be invited to his court; but the king of France opposed them, and would not let them go, wherefore the Pope was the more greatly incensed against the king, and would have it, according to his privilege and decrees, that the king of France, like other Christian princes, ought to acknowledge the temporal as well as the spiritual sovereignty of the Apostolic Chair; and for this he sent into France as his legate a Roman priest, archdeacon of Narbonne, that he might protest against and admonish the king under pain of excommunication to comply thereto, and acknowledge him; and if he would not do this, he was to excommunicate him and leave him under an interdict. And when the said legate came to the city of Paris, the king would not allow him to publish his letters and privileges, nay rather they were taken from him by the king's people, and he himself was dismissed from the realm. And when the said papal letters came before the king and his barons in the temple, the Count d'Artois, which was then living, threw them into the fire and burnt them in despite, whence great judgment came upon him; and the king ordered that all the entrances to his kingdom should be guarded, so that no message nor letter from the Pope should enter into France. When Pope Boniface heard this, he pronounced sentence of excommunication against the said Philip, king of France; and the king of France to justify himself, and to make his appeal, summoned in Paris a great council of clerics and prelates and of all his barons, excusing himself, and bringing many charges against Pope Boniface of heresy, and simony, and murders, and other base crimes, by reason whereof he ought to be deposed from the papacy. But the abbot of Citeaux would not consent to the appeal, rather he departed, and returned into Burgundy in despite of the king of France. In such wise began the strife between Pope Boniface and the king of France, which had afterwards so ill an end; whence afterwards arose great strife between them, and much evil followed thereupon, as hereafter we shall make mention.

In these times there came to pass a very notable thing in Florence, for Pope Boniface having presented to the commonwealth of Florence a fine young lion, which was confined by a chain in the court of the palace of the Priors, there came in thither an ass laden with wood, which when it saw the said lion, either through the fear he had of him or through a miracle, straightway attacked the lion fiercely, and so struck him with his hoofs that he died, notwithstanding the help of many men which were there present. This was held for a sign of great changes to come, and such like, which certainly came to pass to our city in these times. But certain of the learned said that the prophecy of the Sibyl was fulfilled where she said: "When the tame beast shall slay the king of beasts, then will begin the destruction of the Church"; and this was shortly made manifest in Pope Boniface himself, as will be found in the chapter following.

§ 63.—How the king of France caused Pope Boniface to be seized in Anagna by Sciarra della Colonna, whence the said Pope died a few days afterwards.

After the said strife had arisen between Pope Boniface and King Philip of France, each one sought to abase the other by every method and guise that was possible: the Pope sought to oppress the king of France with excommunications and by other means to deprive him of the kingdom; and with this he favoured the Flemings, his rebellious subjects, and entered into negotiations with King Albert of Germany, encouraging him to come to Rome for the Imperial benediction, and to cause the Kingdom to be taken from King Charles, his kinsman, and to stir up war against the king of France on the borders of his realm on the side of Germany. The king of France, on the other hand, was not asleep, but with great caution, and by the counsel of Stefano della Colonna and of other sage Italians, and men of his own realm, sent one M. William of Nogaret of Provence, a wise and crafty cleric, with M. Musciatto Franzesi, into Tuscany, furnished with much ready money, and with drafts on the company of the Peruzzi (which were then his merchants) for as much money as might be needed; the Peruzzi not knowing wherefore. And when they were come to the fortress of Staggia, which pertained to the said M. Musciatto, they abode there long time, sending ambassadors and messages and letters; and they caused people to come to them in secret, giving out openly that they were there to treat concerning peace between the Pope and the king of France, and that for this cause they had brought the said money; and under this colour they conducted secret negotiations to take Pope Boniface prisoner in Anagna, spending thereupon much money, corrupting the barons of the country and the citizens of Anagna; and as it had been purposed, so it came to pass; for Pope Boniface being with his cardinals, and with all the court, in the city of Anagna, in Campagna, where he had been born, and was at home, not thinking or knowing of this plot, nor being on his guard, or if he heard anything of it, through his great courage not heeding it, or perhaps, as it pleased God, by reason of his great sins,—in the month of September, 1303, Sciarra della Colonna, with his mounted followers, to the number of 300, and many of his friends on foot, paid by money of the French king, with troops of the lords of Ceccano and of Supino, and of other barons of the Campagna, and of the sons of M. Maffio d'Anagna, and, it is said, with the consent of some of the cardinals which were in the plot, one morning early entered into Anagna, with the ensigns and standards of the king of France, crying: "Death to Pope Boniface! Long life to the king of France!" And they rode through the city without any hindrance, or rather, well-nigh all the ungrateful people of Anagna followed the standards and the rebellion; and when they came to the Papal Palace, they entered without opposition and took the palace, forasmuch as the present assault was not expected by the Pope and his retainers, and they were not upon their guard. Pope Boniface—hearing the uproar, and seeing himself forsaken by all his cardinals, which were fled and in hiding (whether through fear or through set malice), and by the most part of his servants, and seeing that his enemies had taken the city and the palace where he was—gave himself up for lost, but like the high-spirited and valorous man he was, he said: "Since, like Jesus Christ, I am willing to be taken and needs must die by treachery, at the least I desire to die as Pope"; and straightway he caused himself to be robed in the mantle of S. Peter, and with the crown of Constantine on his head, and with the keys and the cross in his hand, he seated himself upon the papal chair. And when Sciarra and the others, his enemies, came to him, they mocked at him with vile words, and arrested him and his household which had remained with him; among the others, M. William of Nogaret scorned him, which had conducted the negotiations for the king of France, whereby he had been taken, and threatened him, saying that he would take him bound to Lyons on the Rhone, and there in a general council would cause him to be deposed and condemned. The high-spirited Pope answered him, that he was well pleased to be condemned and deposed by Paterines such as he, whose father and mother had been burnt as Paterines; whereat M. William was confounded and put to shame. But afterwards, as it pleased God, to preserve the holy dignity of the Popes, no man dared to touch him, nor were they pleased to lay hands on him, but they left him robed under gentle ward, and were minded to rob the treasure of the Pope and of the Church. In this pain, shame and torment the great Pope Boniface abode prisoner among his enemies for three days; but, like as Christ rose on the third day, so it pleased Him that Pope Boniface should be set free; for without entreaty or other effort, save the Divine aid, the people of Anagna beholding their error, and issuing from their blind ingratitude, suddenly rose in arms, crying: "Long live the Pope and his household, and death to the traitors"; and running through the city they drove out Sciarra della Colonna and his followers, with loss to them of prisoners and slain, and freed the Pope and his household. Pope Boniface, seeing himself free, and his enemies driven away, did not therefore rejoice in any wise, forasmuch as the pain of his adversity had so entered into his heart and clotted there; wherefore he departed straightway from Anagna with all his court, and came to Rome to S. Peter's to hold a council, purposing to take the heaviest vengeance for his injury and that of Holy Church against the king of France, and whosoever had offended him; but, as it pleased God, the grief which had hardened in the heart of Pope Boniface, by reason of the injury which he had received, produced in him, after he was come to Rome, a strange malady so that he gnawed at himself as if he were mad, and in this state he passed from this life Inf. xix. 52-57. on the 12th day of October in the year of Christ 1303, and in the church of S. Peter, near the entrance of the doors, in a rich chapel which was built in his lifetime, he was honourably buried.

§ 64.—We will further tell of the ways of Pope Boniface.

This Pope Boniface was very wise both in learning and in natural wit, and a man very cautious and experienced, and of great knowledge and memory; very haughty he was, and proud, and cruel towards his enemies and adversaries, and was of a great heart, and much feared by all people; and he exalted and increased greatly the estate and the rights of Holy Church, and he commissioned M. Guglielmo da Bergamo and M. Ricciardi of Siena, who were cardinals, and M. Dino Rosoni of Mugello, all of them supreme masters in laws and in decretals, together with himself, for he too was a great master in divinity and in decretals, to draw up the Sixth Book of the Decretals, which is as it were the light of all the laws and the decretals. A man of large schemes was he, and liberal to folk which pleased him, and which were worthy, very desirous of worldly pomp according to his estate, and very desirous of wealth, not scrupulous, nor having very great or strict conscience Par. xxx. 148. about every gain, to enrich the Church and his nephews. He made many of his friends and confidants cardinals in his time, among others two very young nephews, and his uncle, his mother's brother; and twenty of his relations and friends of the little city of Anagna, bishops and archbishops of rich benefices; and to another of his nephews and his sons, which were counts, as we afore made mention, to them he left almost unbounded riches; and after the death of Pope Boniface, their uncle, they were bold and valiant in war, doing vengeance upon all their neighbours and enemies, which had betrayed and injured Pope Boniface, spending largely, and keeping at their own cost 300 good Catalan horsemen, by force of which they subdued almost all the Campagna and the district of Rome. And if Pope Boniface, while he was alive, had believed that they could be thus bold in arms and valorous in war, certainly he would have made them kings or great lords. And note, that when Pope Boniface was taken prisoner, tidings thereof were sent to the king of France by many couriers in a few days, through great joy; and when the first couriers arrived at Sion, beyond the mountain of Brieg [Sion under Brieg], the bishop of Sion, which then was a man of pure and holy life, when he heard the news was, as it were, amazed, and abode some while in silent contemplation, by reason of the wonderment which took him at the capture of the Pope; and coming to himself he said aloud, in the presence of many good folk: "The king of France will rejoice greatly on hearing these tidings, but I have it by Divine inspiration, that for this sin he is judged by God, and that great and strange perils and adversities, with shame to him and his lineage, will overtake him very swiftly, and he and his sons will be cast out from the inheritance of the realm." And this we learned a little while after, when we passed by Sion, from persons worthy of belief, which were present to hear. Which sentence was a prophecy in all its parts, as afterwards the truth will show, in due time, when we narrate the doings of the said king of France and of his sons. And the judgment of God is not to be marvelled at; for, albeit Pope Boniface was more worldly than was fitting to his dignity, and had done many things displeasing to God, God caused him to be punished after the fashion that we have said, and afterwards He punished the offender against him, not so much for the injury against the person of Pope Boniface, as for the sin committed against the Divine Majesty, whose countenance he represented on earth. We will leave this matter, which is now ended, and will turn back somewhat to relate of the doings of Florence and of Tuscany, which were very great in those times.

§ 65.—How the Florentines had the castle of Montale, and how they 1303 a.d. marched upon Pistoia together with the Lucchese. § 66.—How Benedict XI. was elected Pope.

§ 67.—How King Edward of England recovered Gascony and defeated the Scots.

In this year Edward, king of England, made peace with King Philip of France, and recovered Gascony, doing homage to him therefor; and to this the king of France consented, by reason of the contest which he had with the Church after the capture which he had made of Pope Boniface, and by reason of the war in Flanders, to the intent the said Par. xix. 121-123. king of England might not be against him. And in this same year, the said King Edward being ill, the Scots marched into England, for which cause the king had himself borne in a litter, and went out with the host against the Scots, and defeated them, and became lord over all the lands of Scotland, save only the marshes and rugged mountains, wherein the rebel Scots had taken refuge with their king, which was named Robert Bruce, which, from lowly birth, had risen to be king.

§ 68.—How there were in Florence great changes and civic battles through desire that the accounts of the commonwealth should be examined.

In the said year 1303, in the month of February, the Florentines were in great discord among themselves, by reason that M. Corso Donati did not consider that he was so great in the commonwealth as he desired, and thought himself worthy to be; and the other magnates and powerful popolani of his Black party had gotten more authority in the commonwealth than seemed to him good; and being already at enmity with them, either through pride, or through envy, or through desire of lordship, he made a new faction, leaguing himself with the Cavalcanti, whereof the most part were Whites, saying that he desired that the public accounts of those which had held office, and had administered the monies of the commonwealth, should be examined; and they made their head M. Lottieri, bishop of Florence, which was of the family of the Tosa of the White branch, with certain magnates, against the priors and the people; and there was fighting in the city in many places and for many days, and they set engines in many towers and strongholds of the city after the ancient manner, which should hurl missiles and shoot at each other; and upon the towers of the Bishop's Palace they raised a mangonel directed against his enemies hard by. The priors strengthened themselves with people and men-at-arms of the city and of the country, and boldly defended the palace, for many assaults and attacks were made upon them; and the house of the Gherardini held with the people, with a great following of their friends from the country; and likewise the house of the Pazzi, and of the Spini and M. Tegghiaio Frescobaldi with his branch of the family, which were a great aid to the people; and M. Lotteringo de' Gherardini was slain by an arrow in a battle which was fought in Porte Sante Marie. Other houses of the magnates did not hold with the people, but some were with the bishop and with M. Corso, and some which liked him not stood apart from the strife. For the which dissension and civil fighting much evil was committed in the city and in the country, of murders, and burnings, and robberies, as in a city ungoverned and disordered, without any rule from the government, save that each should do all possible harm to the other; and the city was all full of refugees, and strangers, and folk from the country, each house with its own following; and the city would have utterly destroyed itself had not the Lucchese come to Florence at the request of the commonwealth, with great number of foot and horse; who took in hand the matter, and the guardianship of the city, and general authority was of necessity given to them, so that for sixteen days they freely ruled the city, issuing a proclamation on their own authority. And when the proclamation was made throughout the city in the name of the commonwealth of Lucca, it seemed evil to many Florentines, and a great outrage and wrong; wherefore one Ponciardo de' Ponci di Vacchereccia struck the herald from Lucca in the face with his sword while he was reading the proclamation, for which cause afterwards they sent forth no more proclamations in their own name; but so wrought that at last they quieted the uproar and caused each party to lay down arms, and restored the city to quiet, calling for new priors to promote peace, the people remaining in its estate and liberty; and they inflicted no punishment for misdeeds committed, but whoever had suffered wrong had to bear his loss. And in addition to the said plague there was great famine that year, and grain was worth more than twenty-six shillings the bushel, level measure, of fifty-two shillings to the golden florin; and if it had not been that the commonwealth and the rulers in the city had made provision beforehand, and had caused to be brought by the hand of the Genoese from Sicily and from Apulia full 26,000 bushels of grain, the citizens and the country people could not have escaped from famine: and this traffic in grain was, with others, one of the causes why they desired to examine the accounts of the commonwealth, by reason of all the money which was passing; and certain, whether rightly or wrongly, were spoken evil of and blamed thereanent. And this adversity and peril of our city was not without the judgment of God, by reason of many sins committed through the pride and envy and avarice of our then living citizens, which were then ruling the city, and alike of the rebels therein, as of those which were governing, for they were great sinners, nor was this the end thereof, as hereafter in due time may be seen.

§ 69.—How the Pope sent into Florence as legate the Cardinal da Prato to make peace, and how he departed thence in shame and confusion.

During the said discord among the Florentines, Pope Benedict, with good intent, sent to Florence the Cardinal da Prato as legate to set the Florentines at peace one with another, and likewise with their exiles and all the province of Tuscany; and he came to Florence, on the tenth day of the month of March, 1303, and was received by the Florentines with great honour and with great reverence, as by men who felt themselves to be divided and in evil state; and those which had the disposition and desire to live rightly, loved peace and concord, and it was the contrary with the others. This Cardinal Niccolo, of the city of Prato, was a preaching friar, very wise in learning, and of natural intelligence, subtle and sagacious, and cautious, and very experienced; and by descent he was of the Ghibellines, and it was afterwards seen that he favoured them greatly; albeit at the first he showed good and impartial intentions. When he was in Florence, in a public sermon and discourse in the piazza of San Giovanni, he showed forth his privileges as legate, and made manifest his intention, by command of the Pope, of setting the Florentines at peace one with another. The good popolani which ruled the city, seeing themselves in evil estate by reason of the disturbances and riots and strifes, brought about in those times by the magnates against the people to abase and undo them, took part with the cardinal in the desire for peace; and by way of reconstruction of the Occasional Councils, they gave him full and free right to set the citizens at peace one with another within the city, and with their exiles without, and to appoint the priors and gonfaloniers and rulers of the city at his pleasure. And this done, he gave his mind to making peace among the citizens, and renewed the order of the nineteen gonfaloniers of the companies after the fashion of the ancient Popolo of old, and he summoned the gonfaloniers and gave them the banners after the fashion and devices that still are, save that they bore not the label of the arms of the king in chief. And by reason of these reforms of the cardinal the people were much heartened and strengthened, and the magnates were brought low, so that they never ceased trying to bring about changes and to hinder the cardinal to the end they might disturb the peace, that the Whites and the Ghibellines might not have state nor power to return to Florence, and that they themselves might enjoy their goods which had been confiscated as of rebels, both in the city and in the country. For all this the cardinal did not cease from pursuing peace, with the aid and favour of the people, and he caused twelve plenipotentiaries of the exiles to come into Florence, two for Cf. Epistola i. each sesto, one from amongst the chief Whites and one Ghibelline; and he had them to sojourn in the Borgo di San Niccolo, and the legate sojourned in the palaces of the Mozzi of S. Gregorio, and often he had them to take counsel with the leaders of the Guelfs and of the Blacks in Florence to find out means and security of peace, and to order alliances between the exiles, and the nobles within. In these negotiations it seemed to the powerful Guelfs and Blacks that the cardinal was too much supporting the side of the Whites and of the Ghibellines, and they took counsel subtly to the end they might disturb the negotiations, to send a counterfeit letter, with the seal of the cardinal, to Bologna and into Romagna, to his friends the Ghibellines and the Whites, that they should, without any hindrance or delay, come to Florence with men in arms on horse and on foot to his aid; and some say withal that it was true that the cardinal sent it; wherefore some of those people came as far as Trespiano and some to Mugello. By which coming there arose in Florence great murmuring and ill-feeling, and the legate was much blamed and reproached therefor; and he, whether he were guilty or no, denied it to the people. Through which ill-feeling, and also through fear of suffering harm, the twelve White and Ghibelline plenipotentiaries departed from Florence and came to Arezzo, and the people which had come to the legate, by his command returned to Bologna and to Romagna, and the ill-will was somewhat quieted in Florence. Those which were ruling the city counselled the cardinal that, to avoid suspicion, he should go to Prato, and should reconcile the citizens thereof among themselves, and likewise the Pistoians, and in the meanwhile in Florence a way might be found of making general peace with the exiles. The cardinal, not being able to do otherwise, did this, and, whether in good faith or no, went to Prato and requested the inhabitants to trust in him, and he would reconcile them. Now the leaders of the Black party and of the Guelfs of Florence marked the ways of the cardinal, how that he greatly favoured the Ghibellines and Whites and would fain restore them to Florence, and saw likewise that the people followed him; wherefore they feared it might turn out perilous to the Guelf party, and ordained with the Guazzalotti of Prato, a powerful house of the Black party, and strong Guelfs, to bring to pass in Prato a schism and riot against the cardinal, and to raise a tumult in the city; wherefore the cardinal, seeing the inhabitants of Prato to be ill-disposed, and fearing for his person, departed from Prato, and excommunicated the inhabitants, and laid the city under interdict, and came to Florence, and proclaimed war against Prato, and offered remission of sins and of penalties to whosoever would march against Prato; and many citizens prepared to go thither on horse and on foot, folk that were, in faith, more Ghibelline than Guelf, and they went as far as Campi. In this assembling of the host much folk gathered in Florence of folk from the country and foreigners, and the fear and jealousy of the Guelfs began to increase; wherefore many which at the first had held with the cardinal, changed their purpose through the turbulence which they observed; and the magnates of the Black party, and likewise they which were temporising with the cardinal, furnished themselves with arms and with men, and the city was all in disorder, and they were ready to fight one another. The cardinal legate, seeing that he could not carry out his purpose of leading an army against Prato, and that the city of Florence was disposed to civil strife, and that of those which had held with him, some were now against him, became fearful and uneasy, and suddenly departed from Florence on the 4th day of June, 1304, saying to the Florentines: "Seeing that ye desire to be at war and Cf. Inf. x. 79-81. under a curse, and do not desire to hear or to obey the messenger of the vicar of God, or to have rest or peace among yourselves, abide with the curse of God and of Holy Church"; thus he excommunicated the citizens, and left the city under an interdict, whence it was held, that by this curse, whether just or unjust, there fell judgment and great peril on our city through the adversities and perils which came to pass therein but a short time after, as hereafter we shall make mention.

§ 70.—How the bridge of Carraia fell, and how many people died there.

In this same time that the Cardinal da Prato was in Florence, and was beloved by the people and by the citizens, who hoped that he might set them at peace one with another, on the first day of May, 1304, just as in the good old times of the tranquil and good estate of Florence, it had been the custom for companies and bands of pleasure-makers to go through the city rejoicing and making merry, so now again they assembled and met in divers parts of the city; and one district vied with the other which could invent and do the best. Among others, as of old was the custom, they of Borgo San Friano were wont to devise the newest and most varied pastimes; and they sent forth a proclamation that whosoever desired news of the other world should come on the 1st day of May upon the Carraia Bridge, and beside the Arno; and they erected upon the Arno a stage upon boats and vessels, and thereupon they made the similitude and figure of hell, with fires and other pains and sufferings, with men disguised as demons, horrible to behold, and others which had the appearance of naked souls, which Cf. Inf. vi. 36. seemed to be persons, and they were putting them to the said divers torments, with loud cries, and shrieks, and tumult, which seemed hateful and fearful to hear and to see; and by reason of this new pastime there came many citizens to look on, and the Carraia Bridge, which then was of wood from pile to pile, was so burdened with people that it gave way in many places, and fell with the people which were upon it, wherefore many were killed and drowned, and many were maimed; so that the pastime from sport became earnest, and, as the proclamation had said, many by death went to learn news of the other world, with great lamentation and sorrow to all the city, for each one believed he must have lost his son or his brother there; and this was a sign of future ill, which in a short time should come to our city through the exceeding wickedness of the citizens, as hereafter we shall make mention.

§ 71.—How Florence was set on fire, and a great part of the city burnt.

When the Cardinal da Prato had departed from Florence after the manner aforesaid, the city was left in evil state and in great confusion; for there was the party which held with the cardinal, whereof were leaders the Cavalcanti and the Gherardini, the Pulci and the White Cerchi of the Garbo, which were merchants of Pope Benedict, with a following of many houses of the people, (which feared the magnates might break up the Popolo if they got the government), from among the leading houses and families of the popolani of Florence, such as the Magalotti, and Mancini, Peruzzi, Antellesi, and Baroncelli, and Acciaiuoli, and Alberti, Strozzi, Ricci, and Albizzi, and many others; and they were well provided with foot-soldiers and with men-at-arms. On the contrary part, to wit, the Blacks, the leaders were M. Rosso della Tosa, with his branch of Blacks, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, with all his family, the part of the Adimari which were called the Cavicciuli, and M. Geri Spini, with his kin, and M. Betto Brunelleschi; M. Corso Donati stood neutral, forasmuch as he was ill with the gout, and because he was angered with these leaders of the Black party; and almost all the other magnates held aloof, and the popolani also, save the Medici and the Giugni, which held strongly with the Blacks. And the fighting began between the White Cerchi and the Giugni at their houses at the Garbo, and they fought there by day and by night. In the end, the Cerchi defended themselves with the aid of the Cavalcanti and Antellesi, and the force of the Cavalcanti and Gherardini so increased that with their followers they rode through the city as far as the Mercato Vecchio, and from Orto San Michele as far as the piazza of S. Giovanni, without any opposition or hindrance whatever, because their forces increased both in the city and in the country; forasmuch as the greater part of the people followed them, and the Ghibellines sided with them; and they of Volognano and their friends were coming to their aid with more than 1,000 foot-soldiers; and were already at Bisarno; and certainly on that day they would have conquered the city and driven out thence the aforesaid leaders of the Blacks and Guelfs, whom they held as their enemies (forasmuch as it was said that they had caused M. Betto Gherardini to be beheaded, and Masino Cavalcanti and the others, as we before made mention), save that when they were flourishing and victorious in several parts of the city where they were fighting against their enemies, it came to pass, as it pleased God, either to avoid worse ill, or that He permitted it to punish the sins of the Florentines, that one, Ser Neri Abati, a clerk and prior of San Piero Scheraggio, a worldly and dissolute man, and a rebel against and enemy of his associates, of purpose set fire first to the house of his associates in Orto San Michele, and then to the Florentine Calimala at the house of the Caponsacchi, near to the entrance of the Mercato Vecchio. And the accursed fire was so furious Cf. Par. xvi. 121, 122. and impetuous, fanned by the north wind, which was blowing strongly, that on that day were burnt the houses of the Abati, and of the Macci, and all the loggia of Orto San Michele, and the houses of the Amieri, and Toschi, and Cipriani, and Lamberti, and Bachini, and Buiamonti, and all Calimala, and the houses of the Cavalcanti, and all around the Mercato Nuovo and S. Cecilia, and all the street of Porte Sante Marie as far as the Ponte Vecchio, and Vacchereccia, and behind San Piero Scheraggio, and the houses of the Gherardini, and of the Pulci and Amidei and Lucardesi, and all the neighbourhood of the said places, almost to the Arno; and, in short, all the marrow and yolk and the most precious places of the city of Florence were burnt, and the number of the palaces and towers and houses was more than 1,700. The loss of stores, and of treasure, and of merchandise was infinite, forasmuch as in those places were almost all the merchandise and precious things of Florence, and that which was not burnt was robbed by highwaymen as it was being carried away, the city being continually at war in divers places, wherefore many companies, and clans, and families were ruined and brought to poverty by the said fires and robberies. This plague came upon our city of Florence on the 10th day of June, in the year of Christ 1304; and for this cause the leaders of that faction the Cavalcanti, which were among the most powerful houses in Florence, both in retainers, and in possessions, and in goods, and the Gherardini, among the greatest in the country, their houses and those of their followers being burnt down, lost their vigour and estate, and were driven out of Florence as rebels, and their enemies recovered their estate, and became lords over the city. And then it was verily believed that the magnates would set aside the Ordinances of Justice of the Popolo, and this they would have done if it had not been that through their factions they were themselves at variance one with another, and each party sided with the people to the end they might not lose their estate. We must now go on to tell of the other events which were in many parts in these times, forasmuch as there arose thence further adverse fortune to our city of Florence.

§ 72.—How the Whites and Ghibellines came to the gates of Florence, and departed thence in discomfiture.

When the Cardinal da Prato had returned to the Pope, which was at Perugia with his court, he made many complaints against them which were ruling the city of Florence, and accused them before the Pope and the college of cardinals of many crimes and faults, showing them to be sinful men and enemies of God and of Holy Church, and recounting the dishonour and treachery which they had done to Holy Church when he had desired to restore them to good and peaceful estate; for the which thing the Pope and his cardinals were greatly moved with anger against the Florentines, and by the counsel of the said Cardinal da Prato the Pope cited twelve of the chief leaders of the Guelf party and of the Blacks which were in Florence, which were directing all the state of the city, the names whereof were these: M. Corso Donati, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de' Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Betto Brunelleschi. And they were to appear before him under pain of excommunication and deprivation of all their goods; which straightway came obediently thither with a great company of their friends and followers in great state, for they were more than 150 on horseback, to defend themselves before the Pope against the charges which the Cardinal da Prato had made against them. And in this summons and citation of so many leaders of Florence, the Cardinal da Prato cunningly planned a great treachery against the Florentines, straightway sending letters to Pisa, and to Bologna, and to Romagna, to Arezzo, to Pistoia, and to all the leaders of the Ghibelline and White party in Tuscany and in Romagna, that they should assemble with all their forces and those of their friends on foot and on horse, and on a day named should come in arms to the city of Florence, and take the city, and drive out thence the Blacks and those which had been against him, saying that this was by the knowledge and will of the Pope (the which thing was a great falsehood and lie, forasmuch as the Pope knew nothing thereof), and encouraging each one to come securely, forasmuch as the city was weak, and open in many places; and saying that he of his zeal had summoned and caused to appear at the court all the leaders of the Black party, and that within the city there was a large party which would welcome them and would surrender the city to them; and that they should gather together and come secretly and quickly. And when they had received these letters, they rejoiced greatly, and, being encouraged by the favour of the Pope, each one furnished himself according to his power, and moved towards Florence on the day appointed. And two days before, through their great eagerness, the Pisans, with their troops and with all the Florentines which were in Pisa, to the number of 400 horsemen, whereof Count Fazio was captain, came as far as the stronghold of Marti; and all the other assembly of Whites and Ghibellines came towards Florence after so secret a fashion that they were at Lastra above Montughi, to the number of 1,600 horse and 9,000 foot, ere the most could believe it in Florence, forasmuch as they had not allowed any messenger which should announce their coming to find his way to Florence; and if they had descended upon the city one day sooner, without doubt they would have had the city, forasmuch as there was no preparation, nor store of arms, nor defence. But they abode that night at Lastra and at Trespiano, extending as far as Fontebuona, awaiting M. Tolosata degli Uberti, captain of Pistoia, which was taking the way across the mountains with 300 horse, Pistoian and mercenary, and with many on foot; and in the morning, seeing that he did not come, the Florentine refugees determined to come to the city, thinking to have it without stroke of sword, and this they did, leaving the Bolognese at Lastra, which, by reason of their cowardice, or perhaps because of the Guelfs which were among them, were not in favour of the enterprise; so the rest came on, and entered into the suburb of San Gallo without any hindrance, for at that time the city had not the circles of the new walls, nor the moats, and the old walls were open and broken down in many places. And when they had entered into the suburbs, they broke down a wooden palisade with a gate leading into the suburb, which was abandoned by our citizens without defence; and the Aretines carried off the bolt of the said gate, and in contempt of the Florentines took it to Arezzo, and set it in their chief church of San Donato. And when the said enemies were come down through the suburbs towards the city, they assembled at Cafaggio, by the side of the Servi, and they were more than 1,200 horsemen, and common folks in numbers, with many folk from the country following them, and with Ghibellines and Whites from within, which had come out to their aid. Now this was ill advised on their part, as we shall tell hereafter, for they had stationed themselves in a place without water; for if they had taken up their stand on the piazza of Santa Croce, they would have had the river and water for themselves and for their horses, and the Città Rossa round about, without the old walls, all which was so built with houses as to accommodate an army in safety were it never so large; but to whom God wills ill, from him He takes all wit and judgment. When, on the evening before, the tidings were brought to Florence, there was great fear and suspicion of treachery, and the city was on guard all night; but by reason of fear some went this way, some that, all at random, each one removing his goods. And of a truth it was said that the greatest and best houses in Florence, of magnates, and popolani, and Guelfs, knew of this purpose, and had promised to surrender the city; but hearing of the great force of the Ghibellines of Tuscany and the enemies of our commonwealth which were come with our exiles, they feared greatly for themselves, and that they should be driven away and robbed, and so they changed their purpose, and looked to defend the city together with the rest. Certain of our exiled leaders, with part of their followers, departed from Cafaggio from the army, and came to the gate of the Spadari, and this they attacked and conquered, and entered in together with their banners as far as the piazza of S. Giovanni; and if the larger force which was in Cafaggio had then come towards the city, and attacked some other gate, they would certainly not have been resisted. In the piazza of S. Giovanni were assembled all the valiant men and Guelfs which were giving themselves to the defence of the city, not, however, in great numbers (perhaps 200 horse and 500 foot), and with the aid of large crossbows they drove back the enemy without the gate, with the loss of some taken and slain. The news went to Lastra to the Bolognese by their spies, reporting that their side had been routed and discomfited, and straightway, without learning the certainty thereof, for it was not true, they departed in flight as best they could, and when they met M. Tolosato with his followers in Mugello, which was advancing with full knowledge of the truth, he would have retained them and caused them to turn back; but this he could not bring about, neither through entreaties nor threats. They of the main body in Cafaggio, when they heard the news from Lastra how the Bolognese had departed in confusion, as it pleased God, straightway took fear, and through the discomfort of continuing in array until after noon in the burning sun,—the heat being great, and not having sufficiency of water for themselves and for their horses,—began to disperse and to depart in flight, throwing away their arms without assault or pursuit of the citizens, forasmuch as they scarce followed after them at all, save certain troopers of their own free will. And thus many of the enemy died, either by the sword or from exhaustion, and were robbed of arms and of horses; and certain of the prisoners were hanged in the piazza of San Gallo and along the road, on the trees. But verily it was said that, notwithstanding the departure of the Bolognese, if they had stood firm until the coming of M. Tolosato, which they could assuredly have done by reason of the small number of horse which were defending Florence, they would yet have gained the city. But it seemed to be the work and will of God that they should be bewitched, to the end our city of Florence might not be wholly laid waste, sacked, and destroyed. This unforeseen victory and escape of the city of Florence was on S. Margaret's Day, the 20th of the month of July, the year of Christ 1304. We have made such an extensive record, forasmuch as we were there present, and by reason of the great risk and peril from which God saved the city of Florence, and to the end our descendants may take therefrom example and warning.

§ 73.—How the Aretines recovered the castle of Laterino which the 1304 a.d. Florentines held. § 74.—Of certain further things which came to pass in Florence in the said times. § 75.—How the Florentines went out against and took the strongholds of the Stinche and Montecalvi which were held by the Whites. § 76.—Returns back somewhat to tell 1303 a.d. of the story of the Flemings. § 77.—How Guy of Flanders was routed and seized, with his armada, by the admiral of the king of France. 1304 a.d. § 78.—How the king of France defeated the Flemings at Mons-en-Puelle. § 79.—How, shortly after the defeat of Mons-en-Puelle, the Flemings returned to the conflict with the king of France and gained a favourable peace.

§ 80.—How Pope Benedict died; and of the new election of Pope Clement V.

In the year of Christ 1304, on the 27th day of the month July, Pope Benedict died in the city of Perugia, it was said by poison; for when he was eating at his table, there came to him a young man veiled and attired in the garb of a woman, as a serving sister of the nuns of S. Petronella, in Perugia, with a silver basin wherein were many fine ripe figs, and he presented them to the Pope from his devout servant, the abbess of that nunnery. The Pope received them with great pleasure, and forasmuch as he was fond of them, and without any one tasting thereof beforehand, seeing that they were presented by a woman, he ate many thereof, whereat he straightway fell ill, and in a few days died, and was buried with great honour at the Preaching Friars (for he was of that Order), in San Ercolano, of Perugia. This was a good man, and virtuous and just, and of holy and religious life, and desirous to do right in all things; and through the envy of certain of his brother cardinals, it was said, they compassed his death after the said manner; wherefore God recompensed them, if they were guilty thereof, in a short time, by a very just and open vengeance, as will be shown hereafter. For after the death of the said Pope there arose a schism and a great discord among the college of cardinals in electing the Pope; and by reason of their differences they were divided into two almost equal parties; the head of the one was M. Matteo Rosso, of the Orsini, with M. Francesco Guatani, nephew that was of Pope Boniface; and the leaders of the other were M. Epistola viii. Napoleone, of the Orsini dal Monte, and the Cardinal da Prato, which hoped to restore their kinsfolk and friends, the Colonnesi, to their estate, and were friends of the king of France, and leaned towards the Ghibelline side. And when they had been shut up for a period of more than nine months, and were pressed by the Perugians to nominate a Pope, and could not come to an agreement, at last the Cardinal da Prato, finding himself in a secret place with the Cardinal Francesco, of the Guatani, said to him, "We are doing great harm and injury to 1305 a.d. the Church by not choosing a Pope." And M. Francesco said, "It does not lie with me." And the other replied, "If I could find a good way of escape, wouldst thou be content?" He made answer that he would; and thus conversing together they came to this agreement, by the industry and sagacity of the Cardinal da Prato, who, treating with the said M. Francesco Guatani, gave him his choice; for it was determined that the one party, to avoid all suspicion, should choose three men from beyond the Alps suitable for the papacy, whomsoever it pleased them, and the other party, within forty days, should take one of the three, whichever they pleased, and that he should be Pope. The party of M. Francesco Guatani preferred to make the first choice, thinking thus to have the advantage, and he elected three archbishops from beyond the Alps, made and created by Pope Boniface, his uncle, which were his great friends and confidants, and enemies of the king of France, their adversary, trusting that whichever the other party might take they would have a Pope after their mind, and a friend. Among these three the archbishop of Bordeaux was the one in whom they most trusted. The wise and far-seeing Cardinal da Prato thought that their purpose would be better carried out by taking M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, than by taking either of the others; albeit he had been appointed by Pope Boniface, and was no friend of the king of France, by reason of injuries done to his kinsfolk in the war of Gascony by M. Charles of Valois; but knowing him to be a man desirous of honour and lordship, and that he was a Gascon, who are by nature covetous, and that he might easily make peace with the king of France, they secretly took counsel, and he and his party in the college took an oath, and having confirmed with the other part of the college the documents and papers concerning the said agreements and pacts, by his letters, and those of the other cardinals of his party, they wrote to the king of France, and enclosed under their seals the pacts and agreements and commissions between themselves and the other part of the college, and by faithful and good couriers ordered by means of their merchants (the other party knowing nothing of this), they sent from Perugia to Paris in eleven days, admonishing and praying the king of France by the tenor of their letters, that if he wished to recover his estate in Holy Church and relieve his friends, the Colonnesi, he should turn his foe into a friend, to wit M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, one of the three chosen and most trusted by the other party; seeking and stipulating with him for liberal terms for himself and for his friends, forasmuch as to his hands was committed the election of the one of those three, whichever he pleased. The king of France having received the said letters and commissions, rejoiced greatly, and was eager for the undertaking. First of all he sent friendly letters by messengers into Gascony to M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, that he should come to meet him, for he desired to speak with him; and within the next six days the king came in person with a small company, to a secret conference with the said archbishop of Bordeaux in a forest, at an abbey in the district of S. Jean d'Angelus, and when they had heard mass together and sworn faith upon the altar, the king parleyed with him with good words to reconcile him with M. Charles; and then he said thus to him, "Behold, archbishop, I have in my hand the power to make thee Pope if I will, and for this cause am come to thee; and, therefore, if thou wilt promise to grant me six favours which I shall ask of thee, I will do thee this honour, and to the end thou mayest be assured that I have this power,"—he drew forth and showed him the letters and commissions from both one part of the college and the other. The Gascon, coveting the papal dignity, and seeing thus suddenly how with the king lay the power of making him Pope, as it were stupefied with joy, threw himself at his feet, and said, "My lord, now I know that thou lovest me more than any other man, and wouldst return me good for evil; thou hast to command and I to obey, and always it shall be so ordered." The king lifted him up and kissed him on the mouth, and then said to him, "The six special graces that I ask of thee are these: the first, that thou wilt reconcile me perfectly with the Church, and procure my pardon for my misdeed which I committed in the capture of Pope Boniface. The second, that thou wilt recommunicate me and my followers. The third article, that thou wilt grant me all the tithes of the realm for five years, in aid of my expenses which I have incurred for the war in Flanders. The fourth, that thou wilt promise to destroy and annul the memory of Pope Boniface. The fifth, that thou wilt restore the honour of the cardinalate to M. Jacopo and M. Piero della Colonna, and restore them to their estate, and together with them wilt make certain of my friends cardinals. The sixth grace and promise I reserve till due time and place, for it is secret and great." The archbishop promised everything on oath upon the body of Christ, and, furthermore, gave him as hostages his brother and two of his nephews; and the king swore to him and promised that he should be elected Pope. And this done, with great love and joy they parted, and the king returned to Paris, taking with him the said hostages under cover of love and of reconciling them with M. Charles; and straightway he wrote in answer to the Cardinal da Prato and to the others of his party, telling what he had done, and that they might safely elect as Pope M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, as a trustworthy and sure friend. And as it pleased God, the matter was so urgently pressed that in thirty-five days the answer to the said mandate was come back to Perugia with great secrecy. And when the Cardinal da Prato had received the said answer, he showed it secretly to his party, and craftily summoned the other party, when it should please them to assemble together, forasmuch as they desired to observe the agreement, and so it was immediately done. And when the said parties were gathered together, and it was necessary to ratify and confirm the order of the said compacts with authenticated papers and oaths, it was solemnly done. And then the said Cardinal da Prato wisely cited an authority from Holy Scripture which was fitting to the occasion, and by the authority committed to him after the said manner, he elected as Pope the aforesaid M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux; and this was accepted and confirmed with great joy by both parties, and they sang with a loud voice "Te Deum Laudamus," etc., the party of Pope Boniface not knowing of the deceit and fraud which had been carried out, rather believing that they had as Pope that man in whom they most trusted; and when the announcements of the election came abroad, there was great strife and disturbance between their families, forasmuch as each said that he was the friend of their party. And this done, and the cardinals being come forth from their confinement, it was straightway determined to send him the election and decree across the mountains where he was. This election took place on the 5th day of Inf. xix. 82-87. Par. xvii. 82. xxvii. 58, 9. xxx. 142-148. June in the year of Christ 1305, when the apostolic chair had been vacant ten months and twenty-eight days. We have made so long a record of this election of the Pope, by reason of the subtle and fine deceit which took place, and for its bearing on the future, forasmuch as great things followed thereupon, as hereafter we shall relate, during the time of his papacy and of his successor. And this election was the cause whereby the papacy reverted to foreigners, and the court went beyond the mountains, so that for the sin committed by the Italian cardinals in the death of Pope Benedict, if they were guilty thereof, and in the fraudulent election, they were well punished by the Gascons, as we shall tell hereafter.

§ 81.—Of the coronation of Pope Clement V. and of the cardinals 1305 a.d. which he made. § 82.—How the Florentines and the Lucchese besieged and took the city of Pistoia. § 83.—How the cities of Modena and of Reggio rebelled against the marquis of Este, and how the Whites and the Ghibellines were driven out of Bologna.

§ 84.—How there arose in Lombardy one Fra Dolcino with a great company of heretics, and how they were burnt.