In the said year 1305, in the territory of Novara in Lombardy, there was one Frate Dolcino, which was not a brother of any regular Order, but as it were a monk outside the Orders, and he rose up and led astray a great company of heretics, men and women of the country and of the mountains, of small account; and the said Fra Dolcino taught and preached that he was a true apostle of Christ, and that everything ought to be held lovingly in common, and women also were to be in common, and there was no sin in so using them. And many other foul articles of heresy he preached, and maintained that the Pope and cardinals and the other rulers of Holy Church did not observe their duty nor the evangelic life; and that he ought to be made Pope. And he, with a following of more than 3,000 men and women, abode in the mountains, living in common after the manner of beasts; and when they wanted victuals they took and robbed wherever they could find any; and thus he reigned for two years. At last those which followed the said dissolute life, becoming weary of it, his sect diminished much, and through want of victuals and by reason of the snow he was taken by the Navarese and burnt, with Margaret his companion, and with many other men and women which with him had been led astray.

§ 85.—How Pope Clement sent as legate into Italy Cardinal Napoleone 1306 a.d. of the Orsini, and how he was ill received. § 86.—How the Florentines besieged and took the strong castle of Montaccianico and dismantled it, and caused Scarperia to be built. § 87.—How the Florentines strengthened the Popolo, and chose the first executor of the Ordinances of Justice.

§ 88.—Of the great war which was begun against the marquis of Ferrara, and how he died.

In the said year 1306, the Veronese, Mantuans, and Brescians made a league together, and declared a great war against the Marquis Azzo of Este, which was lord of Ferrara, because they feared that he was desirous to be lord over Lombardy, forasmuch as he had taken to wife a daughter of King Charles; and they overran his places and took from him some of his strongholds. But the year after, when he had gathered his forces, with the aid of the Piedmontese and of King Charles, he made a great expedition against them, and overran their places and did them much hurt. But a little time after the said marquis fell sick, and died in great pain and misery; and he had been the gayest and most redoubted and powerful tyrant in Lombardy, and he left no son of lawful wedlock, and his lands and lordship became a cause of great strife between his brothers and nephews, and one of his bastard sons, which was named Francis, whom the Venetians greatly favoured because he was born in Venice; and much strife and war followed therefrom with hurt to the Venetians, as hereafter in due time we shall make mention.

§ 89.—How M. Napoleone Orsini, the legate, came to Arezzo; and of 1306 a.d.
1307 a.d.
Purg. vii. 132. the expedition which the Florentines made against Gargosa. § 90.—How the good King Edward of England died. § 91.—How the king of France went to Poitiers to Pope Clement, to cause the memory of Pope Boniface to be condemned.

§ 92.—How and after what fashion was destroyed the Order and mansion of the Temple of Jerusalem by the machinations of the king of France.

In the said year 1307, before the king of France departed from the court of Poitiers, he accused and denounced to the Pope, incited thereto by his officers and by desire of gain, the master and the Order of the Temple, charging them with certain crimes and errors, whereof as the king had been informed the Templars were guilty. The first movement came from a prior of the said Order, of Monfaucon in the region of Toulouse, a man of evil life and a heretic, and for his faults condemned to perpetual imprisonment in Paris by the grand master. And finding himself in prison with one Noffo Dei, of our city of Florence, a man full of all vices, these two men, despairing of any salvation, evilly and maliciously invented the said false accusation in hope of gain, and of being set free from prison by aid of the king. But each of them a little while after came to a bad end; forasmuch as Noffo was hanged and the prior stabbed. To the end they might move the king to seek his gain, they brought the accusation before his officers, and the officers brought it before the king; wherefore the king was moved by his avarice, and made secret arrangements with the Pope and caused him to promise to destroy the Order of the Templars, laying to their charge many articles of heresy; but it is said that it was more in hope of extracting great sums of money from them, and by reason of offence taken against the master of the Temple and the Order. The Pope, to be rid of the king of France, by reason of the request which he had made that he would condemn Pope Boniface, as we have before said, whether rightly or wrongly, to please the king promised that he would do this; and when the king had departed, on a day named in his letters, he caused all the Templars to be seized throughout the whole world, and all their churches and mansions and possessions, which were almost innumerable in power and in riches, to be sequestered; and all those in the realm of France the king caused to be occupied by his court, and at Paris the master of the Temple was taken, which was named Jacques of the lords of Molay in Burgundy, with sixty knights, friars and gentlemen; and they were charged with certain articles of heresy, and certain vile sins against nature which they were said to practise among themselves; and that at their profession they swore to support the Order right or wrong, and that their worship was idolatrous, and that they spat upon the cross, and that when their master was consecrated it was secretly and in private, and none knew the manner; and alleging that their predecessors had caused the Holy Land to be lost by treachery, and King Louis and his followers to be taken at Monsura. And when sundry proofs had been given by the king of the truth of these charges, he had them tortured with divers tortures that they might confess, and it was found that they would not confess nor acknowledge anything. And after keeping them a long time in prison in great misery, and not knowing how to put an end to their trial, at last outside Paris at S. Antoine (and the 1310 a.d. like was also done at Senlis in France) in a great park enclosed by wood, fifty-six of the said Templars were bound each one to a stake, and they began to set fire to their feet and legs little by little, admonishing them one after the other that whosoever of them would acknowledge the error and sins wherewith they were charged might escape; and during this martyrdom, exhorted by their kinsfolk and friends to confess, and not to allow themselves to be thus vilely slain and destroyed, yet would not one of them confess, but with weeping and cries they defended themselves as being innocent and faithful Christians, calling upon Christ and S. Mary and the other saints; and by the said martyrdom all burning to ashes they ended their lives. And the master was reserved, and the brother of the dauphin of Auvergne, and Brother Hugh of Peraud, and another of the leaders of the Order, which had been officers and treasurers of the king of France, and they were brought to Poitiers before the Pope, the king of France being present, and they were promised forgiveness if they would acknowledge their error and sin, and it is said that they confessed something thereof; and when they had returned to Paris there came thither two cardinal legates to give sentence and condemn the Order upon the said confession, and to impose some discipline upon the said master and his companions; and when they had mounted a great scaffold, opposite the church of Nôtre Dame, and had read the indictment, the said master of the Temple rose to his feet, demanding to be heard; and when silence was proclaimed, he denied that ever such heresies and sins as they had been charged with had been true, and maintained that the rule of their Order had been holy and just and catholic, but that he certainly was worthy of death, and would endure it in peace, forasmuch as through fear of torture and by the persuasions of the Pope and of the king, he had by deceit been persuaded to confess some part thereof. And the discourse having been broken off, and the sentence not having been fully delivered, the cardinals and the other prelates departed from that place. And having held counsel with the king, the said master and his companions, in the Isle de Paris and before the hall of the king, were put to martyrdom after the same manner as the rest of their brethren, the master burning slowly to death and continually repeating that the Order and their religion was catholic and righteous, and commending himself to God and S. Mary; and likewise did the brother of the dauphin. Brother Hugh of Peraud, and the other, through fear of martyrdom, confessed and confirmed that which they had said before the Pope and the king, and they escaped, but afterwards they died miserably. And by many it was said that they were slain and destroyed wrongly and wickedly, and to the end their property might be seized, which afterwards was granted in privilege by the Pope to the Order of the Hospitallers, but they were required to recover and redeem it from the king of France and the other princes and lords, and that with so great a sum that, with the interest to be paid thereupon, the Order of the Hospitallers was, and is, poorer than it was before in its property; or perhaps God brought this about by miracle to show how things were. And the king of France and his sons had afterwards much shame and adversity, both because of this sin and of the capture of Pope Boniface, as hereafter shall be related. And note, that the night after the said master and his companion had been martyred, their ashes and bones were collected as sacred relics by friars and other religious persons, and carried away to holy places. In this manner was destroyed and brought to nought the rich and powerful Order of the Temple at Jerusalem, in the year of Christ 1310. We will now leave the doings in France and return to our doings in Italy.

§ 93.—Of events and defeats which came to pass in Romagna and in 1307 a.d.
1308 a.d. Lombardy. § 94.—Of the death of King Albert of Germany. § 95.—How the Podestà of Florence fled with the Hercules seal of the commonwealth.

§ 96.—How Corso Donati, the great and noble citizen of Florence, died.

In the said year 1308, there being in the city of Florence increasing strife between the nobles and the powerful popolani of the Black party which were ruling the city, by reason of rivalry for state and lordship, which began at the time of the tumult when they demanded to see the accounts, as we have before made mention; this jealous disposition must needs bring forth sorrowful consequences, because from the sins of pride and envy and avarice, and other vices which reigned among them, they were divided into factions; and the leader of one faction was M. Corso de' Donati, with a following of some nobles, and of certain popolani, among others them of the house of Bordoni; and of the other party were leaders M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Geri Spini, and M. Pazzino dei Pazzi, and M. Betto Brunelleschi, with their allies, and with the Cavicciuli, and with many houses of magnates and popolani, and the greater part of the good people of the city, which had the offices and the government of the city, and of the people. M. Corso and his followers believed themselves to have been ill-treated with regard to offices and honours, whereof they held themselves to be more worthy, forasmuch as they had been the principal restorers of the Blacks to their estate, and had driven out the Whites; but by the other party it was said that M. Corso desired to be lord over the city with no equal. But whatever may have been the truth or the cause, his aforesaid opponents and they which ruled the city had hated and greatly feared him, ever since he had allied himself by marriage to Uguccione della Faggiuola, a Ghibelline, and hostile to the Florentines; and also they feared him because of his ambition and power and following, being uncertain whether he would not take their state from them, and drive them from the city, and above all, because they found that the said M. Corso had made a league and covenant with the said Uguccione della Faggiuola, his father-in-law, and had sent for him and his aid. For the which thing, in great jealousy, the city suddenly rose in an uproar, and the priors caused the bells to be sounded, and the people and the nobles, on horse and on foot, flew to arms, and the Catalan troops with the king's marshal, which were at the service of them which ruled the city. And straightway, as had been ordained by the aforesaid leaders, an inquisition or accusation was given to the Podestà, to wit, to M. Piero della Branca d'Agobbio, against the said M. Corso, charging him with wishing to betray the people, and to overturn the city, by bringing thither Uguccione della Faggiuola with the Ghibellines and enemies of the commonwealth. And he was first cited to appear, and then proclamation was made against him, and then he was condemned; in less than an hour, without giving any longer time for his trial, M. Corso was condemned as a rebel and traitor to his commonwealth, and straightway the priors set forth with the standard of justice, and the Podestà, captain and executioner, with their retainers and with the standard-bearers of the companies, with the people in arms, and the troops on horse, amid the acclamations of the people, to go to the house where dwelt M. Corso at San Piero Maggiore, to carry out the sentence. When M. Corso, having heard of the attack against him (or, as some said, in order to strengthen himself to carry out his purpose, for he was expecting Uguccione della Faggiuola with a great following which was already come to Remole), had barricaded himself in the road of San Piero Maggiore, at the foot of the towers of Cicino, and in Torcicoda, and at the entrance of the way which goes towards the Stinche, and at the way of San Brocolo, with strong barricades, and with much folk, his kinsmen and friends, in arms and with crossbows, enclosed within the barricade, and at his service. The people began to attack the said barricades in divers places, and M. Corso and his friends to defend them boldly; and the battle endured the greater part of the day, and was so strong that, with all the power of the people, if the reinforcements of Uguccione's followers and the other friends from the country invited by M. Corso had joined him in time, the people of Florence would have had enough to do that day; because, albeit they were many, yet were they ill-ordered and not well agreed, forasmuch as to part of them the attack was not pleasing. But when Uguccione's followers heard how M. Corso was attacked by the people, they turned back, and the citizens which were within the barricade began to depart, so that he remained very scant of followers, and certain of the people broke down the wall of the orchard over against the Stinche, and entered in with a great company of men in arms. When M. Corso and his followers saw this, and that the aid of Uguccione and of his other friends was belated and had failed them, he abandoned the houses, and fled out of the city, the which houses were straightway plundered and destroyed by the people, and M. Corso and his followers were pursued by certain citizens on horse and by certain Catalans, sent expressly to take him. And Gherardo Bordoni was overtaken by Boccaccio Cavicciuli, at the Affrico, and slain, and his hand was cut off and taken to the street of the Adimari, and nailed to the door of M. Tedici degli Adimari, his associate, by reason of enmity between them. M. Corso, departing quite alone, was overtaken and captured near Rovezzano by certain Catalans on horse, and as they were taking him prisoner to Florence, when they were hard by San Salvi, he prayed them to let him go free, promising them much money if they would let him escape, but they held to their purpose of taking him to Florence, as had been commanded them by their lords; then M. Corso, in fear of coming into the hands of his enemies, and of being brought to justice by the people, being much afflicted with gout in his hands and feet, let himself fall from his horse. The said Catalans seeing him on the Purg. xxiv. 81-87. ground, one of them gave him a thrust with his lance in the throat, which was a mortal blow, and then left him there for dead; the monks of the said convent carried him into the abbey, and some said that before he died he gave himself into their hands as a penitent, and some said that they found him dead; and the next morning he was buried in San Salvi with little honour and but few present, for fear of the commonwealth. This M. Corso Donati was among the most sage, and was a valiant cavalier, and the finest speaker, and most skilled, and of the greatest renown and of the greatest courage and enterprise of any one of his time in Italy, and a handsome and gracious cavalier in his person; but he was very worldly, and in his time caused many conspiracies and scandals in Florence to gain state and lordship; and for this cause have we made so long a treatise concerning his end, forasmuch as it was of great moment to our city, and after his death many things followed thereupon, as may be understood by the intelligent, to the end he may be an example to those which come after.

§ 97.—How the church of the Lateran at Rome was burned. § 98.—How 1308 a.d. the magnates of Samminiato destroyed their Popolo. § 99.—How the Tarlati were expelled from Arezzo, and the Guelfs restored. § 100.—How the Ubaldini returned to submission to the commonwealth of Florence.

§ 101.—After what manner Henry, count of Luxemburg, was elected emperor of Rome.

In the said year 1308, the King Albert of Germany being dead, as we afore said, by the which death the Empire was left vacant, the electors of Germany were at great discord among themselves concerning the election; and when the king of France heard of the said vacancy, he thought within himself that now his purpose would be carried out with little difficulty, by reason of the sixth promise which Pope Clement had secretly made to him when he promised to make him Pope, as we afore made mention; and he assembled his secret council with M. Charles of Valois, his brother, and there he revealed his intention, and the long desire which he had had that the Church of Rome should elect as king of the Romans M. Charles of Valois, even while Albert, king of Germany, was living, by means of his forces and power and money, and with the aid of the Pope and the Church; for at other times of old the election had passed from the Greeks to the French, and from the French to the Italians, and from the Italians to the Germans. And now much more ought it to come to pass, seeing the Empire was vacant, and especially by reason of the said promise and oath, which Pope Clement had made to him when he had made him Pope. And he revealed all the secret covenant with him, and this done, he asked their counsel and made them swear secrecy. To this enterprise the king was encouraged by all his counsellors, and that to this end he should use all the power of the crown and of his realm, so that it might be brought about, alike for the honour of M. Charles of Valois, who was worthy thereof, and that the honour and dignity of the Empire might return to the French, as it had of old pertained long time to their forefathers, Charles the Great and his successors. And when the king and M. Charles heard the encouragement and good-will of his council, they rejoiced greatly, and took counsel that without delay the king and M. Charles, with a great force of barons and knights in arms, should go to Avignon to the Pope, before the Germans should have made any other election, showing and giving out that his going was concerning the petition against the memory of Pope Boniface; and that when the king came to the court, he should require from the Pope the sixth and secret promise,—to wit, the election and confirmation as Emperor of Rome of M. Charles of Valois; and he being so strong in followers, no cardinal nor any one else, not even the Pope, would dare to refuse him. And this ordered, the barons and knights were commanded to provide themselves with arms and with horses to bear the king company on his journey to Avignon; and they of the signiory of Provence were to make ready, and should number more than 6,000 knights in arms. But as it pleased God, who willed not that the Church of Rome should be wholly subject to the house of France, these preparations of the king and his purpose were secretly made known to the Pope by one of the privy council of the king of France. The Pope, fearing the coming of the king with so great a force, remembering the promise he had made, and perceiving that it was most contrary to the liberty of the Church, held secret counsel with M. d'Ostia, Cardinal da Prato alone, forasmuch as they were already indignant with the king of France, by reason of his inordinate demands, and because, if the Church had condemned the memory of Pope Boniface, that which he had done would have been made null and void, and the Cardinal da Prato had been made cardinal by Boniface with certain others, as we have said in another place. The said cardinal, hearing that which the Pope had learned of the purpose and of the coming of the king of France, spake thus: "Holy Father, here there is but one remedy, to wit, before the king makes his request of thee, thou must secretly and carefully arrange with the princes of Germany that they complete the election to the Empire." This counsel pleased the Pope, but he said: "Whom do we will to be Emperor?" Then the cardinal, with much foresight, not only to secure the liberty of the Church, but to advance his own interests and those of his Ghibelline party, which he would fain exalt in Italy, said: "I hear that the count of Luxemburg is to-day the best man in Germany, and the most loyal and bold, and the most catholic; and I do not doubt, if by thy means he comes to this dignity, that he will be faithful and obedient to thee and to Holy Church, and a man who will come to great things." The Pope was pleased with the good report which he heard of him, and said: "How can this election be brought about by us secretly, sending letters under our seal, unknown to the college of our brother cardinals?" The cardinal made answer: "Write thy letters to him and to the electors under a small and secret seal, and I will write to them in my letters more fully concerning thy purpose, and I will send them by my servant"; and so it was done. And as it pleased God, when the messengers were come into Germany, and had presented the letters, in eight days the princes of Germany were assembled at Middleburg, and there without dissent they elected as king of the Romans Henry, count of Luxemburg; and this was from the industry and activity of the said cardinal which wrote these words among others to the princes: "See that ye are united in this matter, and without delay; if not, I believe that the election and the lordship of the Empire will return to the French." This done, the election was straightway made public in France and at the papal court; and the king of France, not knowing the manner thereof, and making preparations to go to the court, held himself deceived, and was never afterwards a friend of the said Pope.

§ 102.—How Henry the Emperor was confirmed by the Pope.

In the said year, after Henry of Luxemburg had been elected king of the Romans, he sent for his confirmation to Avignon to the court of Pope Clement the count of Savoy, his kinsman, and M. Guy of Namûrs, brother of the count of Flanders, his cousin, which were honourably received by the Pope and by the cardinals; and in the month of April, 1308, the said Henry was confirmed as Emperor by the Pope, and it was ordained that the Cardinal dal Fiesco and the Cardinal da Prato should be legates in Italy, and should bear him company when he should have crossed the mountains, commanding in the Church's name that he should be obeyed by all. Immediately when his ambassadors had returned with the Pope's confirmation, he went to Aix-la-Chapelle in Germany with all the barons and prelates of Germany, and there were there the duke of Brabant, and the count of Flanders, and the count of Hainault, and more barons of France; and at Aix, by the archbishop of Cologne, he was with honour and without any opposition crowned with the first crown, on the day of the Epiphany, 1308, as king of the Romans.

§ 103.—How the Venetians took the city of Ferrara and then lost it again. § 104.—How the master of the Hospital took the island of Rhodes. § 105.—How the king of Aragon prepared an expedition against Sardinia. § 106.—How the Guelfs were expelled from Prato, and then were reinstated. § 107.—How the Tarlati returned to Arezzo and expelled the Guelfs therefrom. § 108.—How King Charles II. died. § 109.—Of the signs that appeared in the air. § 110.—How the Florentines renewed war with Arezzo. § 111.—How the Lucchese would have destroyed Pistoia, and the Florentines opposed them.

§ 112.—How Robert was crowned king over the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia.

In the month of June of the year 1309, Duke Robert, now King Charles' eldest son, went by sea from Naples to Provence, to the court, with a great fleet of galleys, and a great company, and was crowned king of Par. viii. 76-84. Sicily and of Apulia by Pope Clement, on S. Mary's Day in September of the said year, and was entirely acquitted of the loan which the Church had made to his father and grandfather for the war in Sicily, which is said to have been more than 300,000 ounces of gold. In the said year and month the Guelfs were driven out of Amelia by the forces of the Colonnesi.

§ 113.—How they of Ancona were discomfited by Count Frederick. § 114.—How M. Ubizzino Spinoli was driven out of Genoa and defeated. § 115.—How the Venetians were defeated at Ferrara. § 116.—Of the war between them of Volterra and them of Sangimignano. § 117.—How the Orsini of Rome were defeated by the Colonnesi. § 118.—How the folk of Arezzo were defeated by the marshal of the Florentines. § 119.—How the Florentines marched upon Arezzo.

§ 120.—How the ambassadors of Henry, king of the Romans, came to Florence.

In the said year, on the 3rd day of July, there came to Florence M. Louis of Savoy, senator elect of Rome, with two clerics, prelates of Germany, and M. Simone Filippi of Pistoia, ambassadors from the Emperor, requiring the commonwealth of Florence to prepare to do honour to his coronation, and to send their ambassadors to him to Lausanne; and they required and commanded that the expedition which had been sent against Arezzo should be withdrawn. A great and fine council was held by the Florentines, wherein the ambassadors discreetly set forth their embassy. M. Betto Brunelleschi was called upon to respond for the commonwealth, which at the first made answer with proud and unfitting words, wherefor he was afterwards blamed by the wise; then answer was discreetly made, and courteously, by M. Ugolino Tornaquinci, whereon they departed, well content, on the 12th day of July, and went to the host of the Florentines to Arezzo, and made the like command that the host should depart, which did not therefore depart. The said ambassadors abode in Arezzo, very wrathful against the Florentines.

§ 121.—Of wondrous folk that went their way through Italy beating 1310 a.d. themselves.

END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VIII.

BOOK IX.

§ 1.—Henry, count of Luxemburg, reigned four years and seven months 1310 a.d. and eighteen days from his first coronation to his end. He was wise and just and gracious, valiant and firm in arms, virtuous and catholic; and albeit of low estate according to his lineage, he was great-hearted, feared and redoubted; and if he had lived longer he would have done the greatest things. This man was elected emperor Par. xvii. 82, xxx. 133-138. Epistolæ v. vi. vii. after the manner aforesaid, and immediately when he had received confirmation from the Pope he caused himself to be crowned king in Germany; and afterwards he pacified all the disputes between the barons of Germany, and purposed earnestly to come to Rome for the imperial crown, and to pacify Italy from the divers discords and wars which were therein, and then to carry out the expedition over seas to recover the Holy Land, if God had granted it to him. Whilst he abode in Germany to pacify the barons, and to provide himself with money and with followers before crossing the mountains, Wenceslas, king of Bohemia, died, and left no male heir, but only two daughters, the one already wife of the duke of Carinthia, and the other, by the counsel of his barons, Henry gave to wife to John, his son, whom he crowned king of Bohemia, and left him in his place in Germany.

§ 2.—How the Guelf party was expelled from Venice. § 3.—Of the 1310 a.d. prophecies of M. Arnaldo da Villanuova. § 4.—How there was a conspiracy in Ferrara to make the place rebel against the Church. § 5.—How they of Todi were routed by them of Perugia. § 6.—How the Guelfs were expelled from Spoleto.

§ 7.—How the Emperor Henry departed from Germany to go into Italy.

In the said year 1310, the Emperor came to Lausanne with few followers, awaiting his forces, and the embassies from the cities of Italy, and there abode many months. When the Florentines heard this they took counsel to send him a rich embassage, and likewise the Lucchese, and the Sienese, and the other cities of the Tuscan league; and the ambassadors were actually chosen, and the stuffs for their robes prepared, that they might be honourably arrayed. Yet this journey was abandoned by reason of certain Guelf magnates of Florence, which feared lest under pretence of peace the Emperor might restore the banished Ghibellines to Florence, and make them lords thereof; wherefore suspicion arose, and afterwards indignation, whence followed great peril to all Italy, forasmuch as when the ambassadors from Rome, and they of Pisa and of the other cities were come to Lausanne in Savoy, the Emperor asked why the Florentines were not there. Then answer was made to the lord by the ambassadors of the refugees from Florence, that it was because they were afraid of him. Then said the Emperor: "They have done ill, forasmuch as our desire was to have all the Florentines, and not only a faction, for our faithful subjects, and to make that city our treasure and archive house, and the loftiest of our empire." And it was known of a surety by folk which were near to him, that up to that time he had purposed with pure intent to maintain them which were ruling Florence in their estate, which intent the refugees greatly dreaded. But henceforth, by reason of this anger, or through evil report of his ambassadors which came to Florence, and of the Ghibellines and Pisans, he gave his mind the other way. Wherefore, in the following August, the Florentines, being alarmed, raised 1,000 citizen cavalry, and began to provide themselves with soldiers and with money, and to make a league with King Robert, and with many cities of Tuscany and of Lombardy, to oppose the coming and the coronation of the Emperor; and the Pisans, to the end that he might cross the Alps, sent him 70,000 golden florins, and promised him as many more when he should be come to Pisa; and with this aid he set forth from Lausanne, forasmuch as he was not himself a lord rich in money.

§ 8.—How King Robert came to Florence as he returned from his coronation.

In the said year 1310, on the 30th day of September, King Robert came to Florence on his way back from his coronation at Avignon, where was the Pope's court; he abode in the house of the Peruzzi dal Parlagio [of the Forum], and the Florentines did him much honour, and held jousts, and gave him large presents of money, and he abode in Florence until the 24th day of October, to reconcile the Guelfs together, which were divided into factions among themselves, and to treat of warding off the Emperor. He could do but little in reconciling them; so much had error increased among them, as before has been narrated.

§ 9.—How the Emperor Henry passed into Italy and gained the city of Milan.

In the year 1310, at the end of September, the Emperor departed from Lausanne with his followers, and crossed the mountains of M. Cenis, and at the beginning of October he came to Turin in Piedmont: afterwards he came to the city of Asti, the 10th day of October. By Johannes de Virgilio. Carmen v. 26. the people of Asti he was peaceably received as lord, and they went out to meet him, with rejoicing and a great procession, and he pacified all the disputes among the people of Asti. In Asti he awaited his followers, and before he departed he had nigh upon 2,000 horse from beyond the mountains. In Asti he abode more than two months, forasmuch as at that time M. Guidetto della Torre was ruler in Milan, a man of great wit and power, which had, between soldiers and citizens, more than 2,000 cavalry, and by his force and tyranny he kept out of Milan the Visconti and their Ghibelline party, and also his associate, the archbishop, with many other Guelfs. This M. Guidetto was in league with the Florentines and with the other Guelfs of Tuscany and of Lombardy, and opposed the coming of the Emperor, and would have succeeded if it had not been that his own associates with their following led the Emperor to make for Milan, by the counsel of the cardinal of Fiesco, the Pope's legate. M. Guidetto, not being able to provide against everything, consented to his coming, against his will; and thus the Emperor entered into Milan on the vigil of the Feast of the Nativity, and on the Day of the Epiphany, the 6th of January, he was crowned in S. Ambrogio by the archbishop of Milan, with the second crown of iron, with great honour, both he and his wife. [And the said crown is in Milan, and is of fine tempered steel as for a sword, made in the form of a wreath of laurel, wherein rich and precious stones were inlaid, after the fashion of the Cæsars which were crowned with laurel in their triumphs and victories; and it is made of steel by way of a figure and similitude, for like as steel and iron surpass all other metals, so the Cæsars, triumphing by the force of the Romans and Italians, which then were all called Romans, surpassed and subdued to the Empire of Rome all the nations of the earth.] And at the said coronation were ambassadors from well-nigh all the cities of Italy save Florence and those of their league. And whilst he abode in Milan he caused all the Milanese to be at peace one with another, and restored M. Maffeo Visconti and his party, and the archbishop and his party, and in general every man who was in banishment. And well-nigh all the cities and lords of Lombardy came to do his bidding, and to give him great quantity of money; and he sent his vicar into all the cities save into Bologna and Padua, which were against him, and were with the league of the Florentines.

§ 10.—How the Florentines enclosed the new circle of the city with moats.

In the said year, on S. Andrew's Day, the Florentines, through fear of the coming of the Emperor, took counsel to enclose the city with moats from the Porta San Gallo as far as the Porta Santo Ambrogio, which is Cf. Epist. vi. called La Croce a Gorgo, and then as far as the river Arno; and then from the Porta San Gallo to the Porta dal Prato d'Ognissanti, where the walls were already founded, they were raised eight cubits higher. And this work was done quickly and in short time, which thing was assuredly afterwards the salvation of the city of Florence, as hereafter shall be narrated; inasmuch as theretofore the city had been all exposed and the old walls in great measure pulled down and sold to the neighbouring inhabitants, to enlarge the old city, and to enclose the suburbs and the new additions.

§ 11.—How the della Torre were driven out of Milan.

In the said year, on the 11th day of the month of February, M. Guidetto della Torre, seeing himself cast out from the lordship of Milan, and Maffeo Visconti and his other enemies much in favour with the Emperor, thought to cause the city of Milan to rebel against the Emperor, seeing that he had with him but few horse, forasmuch as they were gone away and dispersed throughout the cities of Lombardy; and this would have come to pass, if it had not been that Matteo Visconti very wisely warned the Emperor thereof, and his marshal, and the count of Savoy. For the which thing the city rose in arms and uproar, and there was some fighting. Now there were who said that M. Maffeo Visconti by his wit and sagacity deceived him to the end he might bring him under the Emperor's suspicion, coming to him secretly, and complaining of the lordship of the Emperor and of the Germans, making as though he would better love the freedom of Milan than such lordship; and saying to him that he would rather have him for lord than the Emperor, and that he and his followers would give him all aid and assistance in driving out the Emperor. To which proposal M. Guidetto gave heed, trusting in his former enemy, through desire of recovering his state and lordship; or perhaps it was for his sins, of which he had many, and was the answer of Maffeo coming true, which he had made to him through the mouth of the jongleur, as we related before. M. Maffeo under the said promise betrayed him, and revealed all to the Emperor and to his council; and this we believe of a surety, because of what we heard thereof afterwards from wise Lombards which were then in Milan. And for this cause M. Guidetto della Torre was called upon to defend himself, who did not appear, but departed with his followers from Milan, asserting that he was not guilty of treachery, but that his enemies had charged him therewith to bring him to nought and drive him out of Milan. But the most believe that he was in fault, forasmuch as he was in league with the Florentines and the Bolognese, and with other Guelf cities, and it was said that he was to receive much money therefor from the Florentines and their league. But whatever might have been the cause, the said intrigues made the city of Cremona immediately rebel against the Emperor, on the 20th day of February, and this rebellion and others in Lombardy were of a surety brought about by the zeal and the spending of the Florentines, to give the Emperor so much to do in Lombardy that he would not be able to come into Tuscany. At this time the Ghibellines of Brescia drave out the Guelfs, and this likewise came to pass to those of Parma; for the which thing the Emperor sent his vicar and followers into Brescia, and caused peace to be made, and the Guelfs to return to the city, which a short time afterwards finding themselves strong in the city, and seeing that Cremona had rebelled, and being encouraged by the Florentines and the Bolognese with monies and large promises, drave out the Ghibellines from Brescia, and altogether rebelled against the Emperor, and prepared to make war against him.

§ 12.—How there was great scarcity in Florence, and concerning other events.

§ 14.—How the Emperor besieged Cremona, and his people took Vicenza.

In the said year, the 12th day of the month of April, the Emperor was besieging Cremona with an host, and he sent the bishop of Geneva, his cousin, with 300 horsemen from beyond the mountains, and with the force of M. Cane della Scala of Verona, and suddenly took the city of Par. xvii. 76-93. Epistola x. Quest. de Acqua et Terra. § 24.—Cf. Inf. i. 100-111. Purg. xxxiii. 40-45. Vicenza from the Paduans, and they which were of Padua in the fortress, through fear, without defending themselves, abandoned the fortress, the which loss caused great dismay to the Paduans, and to all their allies; for the which thing, a little while after, the Paduans were reconciled to the Emperor, and gave him the lordship of Padua, and 100,000 golden florins in divers payments, and they received his vicar. The said bishop of Geneva went afterwards to Venice, and craved aid for the Emperor of the Venetians. The Venetians did him great honour, and gave him to buy precious stones for his crown 1,000 pounds of Venetian grossi; and in Venice from these monies and with others was made the crown, and the imperial throne, very rich and magnificent, the throne of silver gilt, and the crown with many precious stones.

§ 15.—How the Emperor took the city of Cremona.

In 1311, on the 20th of April, the Emperor being with his army at Cremona, the city being much straitened, forasmuch as they were ill-provided by reason of their sudden rebellion, they surrendered the city to the Emperor's mercy, through the negotiations of the archbishop of Ravenna; and he received them and pardoned them, and caused the walls and all the fortresses of the city to be destroyed, and laid a heavy fine upon them. And when he had taken Cremona, immediately he went with his army against the city of Brescia on the 14th day of May, and there he found himself with larger forces, and more numerous and better cavaliers than he had ever had, for of a truth there were there more than 6,000 good horsemen; 4,000 and more Germans, and Frenchmen, and Burgundians, and men of birth; and the rest Italians. For after he had taken Milan and then Cremona, many great lords of Germany and of France came into his service, some for pay, and many for love. And verily if he had abandoned the enterprise of the siege of Brescia, and had come into Tuscany, he would have quietly secured Bologna, Florence, and Lucca and Siena, and afterwards Rome, and the Kingdom of Apulia, and all the lands against him, forasmuch as they were not furnished nor provided, and the minds of the people were much at variance, forasmuch as the said Emperor was held to be the most just and benign sovereign. It pleased God that he should abide at Brescia, the which siege cost him much both in people and in power, by reason of the great destruction both by death and pestilence, as hereafter I shall make mention.

§ 16.—How the Florentines, by reason of the Emperor's coming, recalled from banishment all the Guelfs.