Edward Winslow was appointed to return with the Anne, for the procuring of needed supplies and especially to report the truth about the Colony, whose enemies had maligned it. This gifted and honorable man rendered a valuable service to Plymouth at that day, and to posterity ever since, by his detailed journal of events to that time, entitled Good Newes from New-England. He and Bradford, unnamed, had previously prepared a Journal of the Plantation through June of the first full year, which was printed in 1622. That and the longer account were embodied in "Purchas his Pilgrims" in 1625.

In the feminine contingent of these latest arrivals, there appeared one who was to share her life for thirty-three years with the Governor of the Old Colony. She was previously well acquainted with him, and born in the same year. Alice Carpenter was the widow of Edward Southworth a descendant of Sir Gilbert Southworth, knight of Lancaster. When a maiden of seventeen, she had cast in her lot with the Puritans and lived a while as an exile in Holland, with her father. She became a woman of devout mind and great force of character.

Alice must often have seen William Bradford in the Separatist community at Leyden. And in her widowhood, two years after the tragic decease of Dorothy May Bradford, she received with favor his suit for marriage, which was happily consummated at Plymouth on August fourteen, Old Style.

She brought over considerable property with her. Dorothy Bradford's son John, a lad under seven then, did not come till a few years later. He himself though married died childless, after threescore years of life; and he was given the position of Deputy to the General Court, before his father passed away. He received a house and land from a paternal will.

Goodwife Southworth's own sons Thomas and Constant Southworth rejoined her within seven years, meeting their half-brothers, the Plymouth family having then been blessed with three little ones, William, Mercy and Joseph. The Bradford household, of parents and children, therefore comprised eight persons, residing in the Governor's assigned homestead at the south-west corner of the square in the intersection of the two main streets.

Mrs. Bradford engaged earnestly and long in labors for the young people at Plymouth.

Though she survived her life-partner by nearly thirteen years, he had the joy of knowing some of the fifteen children of his son and namesake William, the Deputy Governor and Major, and several of his other son Joseph's seven children. His only daughter, Mercy, married and was living in 1650. The grandmother's name was repeated in Alice, daughter of William Junior.

Following a long debility, on April 5, 1670, shortly before the dark days of King Philip's war, the Governor's consort closed, at her home of peace, her course of almost fourscore years; and a relative, Nathaniel Morton, Secretary of Plymouth Colony, writing verses which are copied on the first original leaf of Bradford's History, "Upon the life and death of that godly matron Mistris Alice Bradford," said of her that after the obsequies of her husband,

IV

THE GOVERNOR: LATER ADMINISTRATION

AS Plymouth's third summer displayed its saved harvest which, with a fresh food supply from the Anne, promised enough by prudent management for the increased Colony, a sense of security and content was justified. The new-comers, who had wept to see the founders' leanness and scanty clothing, were glad to help as they could, and consoled their much tried spirits in the reunited and new families. The lingering experimental stage had passed. Establishment was in sight. With only a few exceptions, every settler had done his part and would continue to do so, toiling for the general good as for his private welfare. The Governor performed his share of responsibility, as he had willingly taken his equal portion in the emergency restrictions. He would not himself avoid in any degree what he had been obliged to impose upon others. And in appreciation of his true democratic feeling they cordially co-operated with him, and were pleased to support him still as their civil head. But an external authority was to try the genuine quality of his humility; and well it stood this test.

The Council for New England, seated in old England, could not long direct affairs at that distance, as only a body subject to the British government and usually having no electoral voice abroad; but before its early expiration it assumed at one time to do more than the Crown itself cared to undertake for Plymouth, which was never of marked political importance to the realm. This ephemeral Council superseded the colonists' head by the appointment of a Governor General of New England, Captain Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando the famous promoter of provincial territory. On his advisory board was Admiral Francis West, who had unsuccessfully served a monopoly seeking exclusive control of the New England fishing grounds, and one William Bradford, resident in New Plymouth and generously accorded this favor "for the time being," a copy of his superior's commission being delivered to him. The Pilgrim leader not only accepted the situation, as his duty was, but did so with good grace, providing for the entertainment of Gorges and his considerable company during a fortnight after their arrival in September, an act of hospitality which was acknowledged with thanks.

With the new dignitary were families intended to replace, at Wessagusset, now Weymouth, those who had been there long enough to provoke the natives into the insurrection against all whites.

Before they sailed up the coast, Thomas Weston also came into port, just at the wrong juncture for him. All his fraudulent villainy was charged against him by Robert Gorges, including the wrongs done to the latter's distinguished father. Bradford here displayed his forgiving spirit by interceding in behalf of Weston, though he himself and all Plymouth had suffered because of his actions. Clemency being obtained, Weston thought himself free and, instead of showing gratitude, indulged in the spiteful expressions so congenial to his nature. Thereupon Gorges in righteous wrath vowed he would either curb or banish him; and he would have done so had not Bradford, secretly entreated by the wretch, again procured his release with much difficulty. This and other favors granted to him, when in dire straits or personal peril, were ignored by Weston, who from a safe distance still proved his inherent depravity by reviling the Pilgrims.

A single American winter sufficed for Gorges and the bulk of the Wessagusset colony. Relinquishing his magisterial powers, necessity compelled him to return home before spring, accompanied by some of his people. Others were carried to Virginia, only a few remaining in Weymouth. Thus quickly terminated the assumption of external, delegated authority at Plymouth as a separate Colony, the British government being usually content to grant, though unofficially and by sufferance, its autonomy, even to the choice of its chief executive, which was not the case at Massachusetts Bay.

In an opportune time when opposition among the English patrons was developing against the New England Separatists, Winslow did his part well in defending, abroad, the Colony from its unfriendly critics, who had misrepresented it from the time of the Mayflower's return with her rough, profane crew, to the reprobate malcontents who had to be deported. And now, when the Charity went back in which Winslow had returned, having left her cargo of necessities such as much needed clothing and cattle for breeding, she conveyed home specific answers by the Governor, to a dozen baseless criticisms. Two are cited, in the loose orthography of the day. Variable spelling was no sure sign of illiteracy then, as with Bradford and contemporary writers of good thought and dignified style.

Thus he meets the leading calumny, as to "diversitie about Religion:"

"We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came."

The last objection designed to injure Plymouth was this: "The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.

"Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begin new-plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that y^e more y^e land is tild, and y^e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarce any at all."

Bradford prepared this clear and direct rejoinder to the unjust charges, at the urgent request of the planters' foreign agent. And the unexpected defense "did so confound y^e objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, & some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne & other mens judgments."

The Governor further justified Plymouth's course by a series of replies, which became useful locally and for posterity, but were not sent abroad, as the letters of complaint were intercepted and seized. He had now to cope with internal revolt, headed by John Lyford and John Oldham. Lyford was an exceedingly disreputable and discredited clergyman of the Established Church who, like Morell of Wessagusset previously, had been sent in hope of superseding Elder Brewster and breaking up the much disliked Separatist order in New England. Morell had perceived the strength of the Pilgrim fellowship, and was wise enough to make no vain attempt to subvert its order, only daring to mention, on leaving the country, the ecclesiastical authority with which he had been invested. His successor, in this dark scheme of foreign persecution, sought with serpentine cleverness to ingratiate himself; but his effusive servility nauseated those sterling souls. As Bradford graphically recorded, "when this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have suffered him; yea, he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring y^e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been made all of love, and y^e humblest person in y^e world."

Nevertheless, not knowing his reprobate nature, they gave the clerical the best entertainment they could, a larger allowance from the stored food than any other had, and, "as the Gov^r had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses." Soon he desired admission to the church, and was received, confessing that his conscience had been troubled by much wrong doing, and professing gratitude for "this opportunity of freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his people."

Oldham also, who had been a malcontent and evil informant to parties abroad, now, to quote again the magisterial historian, "tooke occasion to open his minds to some of y^e cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pang of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they show all readynes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlyness, and called him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^e other, without any distrust at all."

Thus generous and patient was the Governor and his Pilgrim comrades. They were ready to let a man make amends for his misdeeds. But very soon Bradford had opportunity to show that he had discretion as well as mercy.

Lyford saw no prospect of his becoming the "spiritual" head at Plymouth, although by his encouragement some of the Merchant Adventurers in England succeeded in still keeping the Pilgrims' true pastor from coming to his own, as he desired to do, writing to them concerning his unwilling absence. They even pleaded lack of funds to transport him and Mrs. Robinson, though they could send Lyford with his numerous family. This man and Oldham secretly lapsed back into their congenial ways, and they busied themselves in efforts to stir up discontent and sedition, among those who had been generously allowed residence at Plymouth without assuming the colonial foreign obligations. There were stealthy gatherings and whisperings, which the government discovered. There was industrious writing of letters intended for English consumption.

As the mail carrier sailed, the Governor and several others accompanied her in the shallop until well out, when he called for all the letters of Lyford and Oldham. The ship master, knowing the evil conduct of those men on both sides of the sea, cheerfully co-operated, finding over a score of vicious epistles, many of them bulky, and full of slanders sufficient to ruin the reputation of the Colony if believed.

At night the Governor returned and nothing was said, the uneasy malcontents concluding Bradford had gone with messages of his own. Instead of this, he waited to see what their intentions were, and who were their adherents, particularly as one of the intercepted letters promised a change in church and state, and that they would bring this about soon after the ship's sailing. Therefore, mistaking the Governor's caution for timidity, without notifying him or the Elder they presumed to call a meeting of the conspirators, on a certain Sunday.

This was what Bradford had been waiting for, to know the disloyal constituency. Swiftly he acted now, summoning the whole company to court. They were urged to state, frankly and fully, all their grievances, in the open and proper manner; but they had nothing to say, and stoutly denied the charges laid against them. Their letters being produced, Lyford was struck dumb; but Oldham began to rage, affecting righteous wrath over the interference with his mail. He called upon his supposed sympathizers to have courage and stand forth, but none of them spoke or moved. The Governor explained to the people the necessity of suppressing mutinous missives; and the assembly was shocked at the produced evidence, of seditious plotting in return for uniform kindness. The weak and variable Lyford, when some of his voluminous writing was read, suddenly gave way to copious tears, cursing himself and confessing everything, declaring that his actions were the result of his pride, vainglory and self-love, though he involved Billington and others who at once grew emphatic in denial.

By way of illustration, and to show the breadth of the colonial policy, the first two charges, and their refutations, are here given.

"1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them selves. 2'y. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had company to live elsewher.

"Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both y^e parts of it; for they were willing & desirous y^t any honest men may live with them, that will cary them selves peacably, and seek y^e comone good, or at least doe them no hurte. And again, ther are many that will not live els wher so long as they may live with them.

"2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of y^e seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.

"A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them."

Sentence of banishment was imposed upon the miserable men, but Lyford's time was extended to six months more at Plymouth in the vain hope that his punishment might be commuted on good behavior. Elder Brewster especially entreated for him, though this strange pulpit aspirant had hoped to supplant him. The clerical renegade's contrition began to cool in a few weeks, and he penned in great secrecy a letter to his backers abroad, which however was brought to the Governor, and all its charges answered in writing. In consequence, there was a revulsion of feeling on the part of certain formerly disaffected ones, who now so loathed these traitorous deeds that their own loyalty was toned up. The Colony was rid of such experts in duplicity, though Oldham rashly returned next spring, and became so defiant and abusive that he was first put under guard, then led away to a boat between files of musketeers who were ordered to strike him with the butts of their guns. Yet afterward in a fearful storm he confessed his wickedness and vowed that if spared he would do right. Delivered from drowning, he kept his word, proved his genuine good will, and behaved himself so well that eventually he had liberty to visit Plymouth when he would. In all these things the toleration of the chief magistrate and his associates, where toleration was possible, appears marvellous, though they were firm in protecting their essential rights and maintaining the colonial integrity.

But the English supporters of the unsuccessful revolution, vexed at the ministerial traitor's expulsion, dissolved their company as then composed, broke with the Colony and thenceforth withheld their help. Also some of them, not content with this, manned a vessel on their own account, and dispatched it ahead of any others to Cape Ann on the north shore, where Plymouth had established a fishing station. This expedition seized the stage and necessary supplies for the Cape Ann industry, and threatened to fight for their possession. Hereupon Bradford sent men to defend their authority, and help build a new drying stage; but those who were left in charge conducted the business so unsuccessfully that it was finally abandoned.

The Governor was now relieved from the chain of crises which had threatened to overthrow the Colony from its beginning. In the fourth year he found himself at the head of about one hundred and eighty people, including approximately a score of persons not in the trading company, together occupying thirty-two dwellings within the stockade. By the tenth year, 1630, Plymouth had grown to about three hundred inhabitants.

When the Merchant Adventurers had failed in their scheme to break up the Pilgrim order in America as in England, and so as a body had deserted Plymouth, four of their former company showed their own faithfulness by sending in 1625, on their own account, more cattle and clothing. In their accompanying letter, they subscribed themselves, over mere initials, "your assured freinds to our powers." The following extract reveals their desire to impart cheer, as well as good things, to the distant toilers, in whom they also felt confidence.

"Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We still are perswaded you are y^e people that must make a plantation in those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your friends should forsake you (which we our selves will not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereth).... Goe on, good friends, comfortably, pluck up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet y^e work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected."

Myles Standish was sent over in hope of persuading the Merchant Adventurers to hold together, with the aid also of the nominally ruling Council for New England. But his earnest efforts met with only partial success, in a time of industrial depression prevalent on account of the fearful pestilence there, together with an uncertain political situation embarrassed by rumors of war with France. Nevertheless Bradford recorded for Plymouth, that "in y^e mean time, it pleased the Lord to give y^e plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to blese their labours, as they had corn sufficient, (and some to spare to others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but what they first brought with them." He had previously spoken of the provisions brought by the sixty in 1623, but they retained them for their own use, and had no more than what they carried over with them.

After Captain Standish returned from abroad, however, their peace of mind was sorely tested. They learned that their loved pastor, Mr. Robinson, could no more hope to rejoin them, for he had passed away, as also had their capable agent Robert Cushman, who expected soon to come to them. The efficient Sherley was seriously ill, whose initials had led in the joint letter of encouragement the year before. Many of their friends in Leyden likewise were dying, while others lamented that they could not leave Holland for New England. King James too had died, and Charles now reigned. Considering all these important changes, the Governor writes again:

"To looke humanly on y^e state of things as they presented them selves at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and y^e Lord so helped them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest they begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all human helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine providence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but their proceedings both honoured and imitated by others."

They went resolutely to work anew, giving their attention to planting and trading. Bradford and Winslow proceeded by boat, with several hands, to Monhegan Island in Maine, where an attempted plantation was about to give up and sell out their trading stock. A good supply of articles being procured, a number of debts were cleared away in consequence, and clothing bought for those who still needed it. Little by little their wants were being met, and actual discomfort prevented.

Also Isaac Allerton was commissioned to go to England the same year Myles Standish came back, and with the assistance of friends over there, a formal agreement satisfactory to the colonists was drawn up and subscribed by forty-two Merchant Adventurers. Thereupon in 1627 Bradford and six or seven other leading citizens ran a large venture and made themselves personally responsible for the eventual purchase, by them and their partners, of the revived English company's interest in the Colony, amounting to eighteen hundred pounds, of which two hundred were to be paid annually at the Royal Exchange in London. Next year, 1628, the transaction was fully confirmed, with the best legal counsel available; and the first instalment was paid. This gradual settlement was completed three years ahead of time, with the help of a large quantity of beaver skins.

Yet it was ten years beyond the expiration of those creditors' time limit of nine years before the Colony was finally free from heavy indebtedness to other parties in England, so making a financial struggle of a quarter of a century from the landing of the Pilgrims. To the lasting wonder of all who consider them, they exhibited alongside of their piety, a practical business ability and perseverance, which ultimately was not frustrated by reverses such as the seizure of consignments by national enemies, and the loan to themselves of absolutely necessary sums at the fearfully extortionate rate of thirty and even fifty per cent. An indomitable tenacity, and the endurance of rock, reposed in these gentle spirits.

To facilitate commercial progress, Governor Bradford, Captain Standish and other competent men came before the body of colonists, recounted the weight of debt upon them, in this matter of buying out the English company's interest, and offered to undertake the payment of it themselves, instead of merely being responsible for the others; only they asked that they might have the trade of the Colony for six years, after which it was to revert to them all, who were called the generality. The Colony was to purchase its exemption by yearly delivering to this internal smaller company a specified amount of agricultural products.

This was a hazardous responsibility for the few most concerned, none of whom were persons of real affluence; and yet they felt this was the only feasible way to push trade, unhindered by too cumbrous an organization, in which a number of incapable individuals, and even some less earnest, were sure to be found. Efficiency and resolution were certainly needed; for this little inner company dared to attempt, in two-thirds of the time granted for the full payment of the eighteen hundred pounds, not only the discharge of that encumbrance, but various other obligations devolving upon the plantation, approximating six hundred pounds, or a third of the other sum. It was a bold venture truly, in their still limited circumstances and with the loss of valuable helpers abroad:—to assume liabilities aggregating between two and three thousand pounds, or more specifically, about twelve thousand dollars in our currency. Insignificant enough for a well established community, the load was large for these straitened pioneers in an almost unbroken wilderness, who recently throughout several years had struggled for their very lives. The feebleness of their condition makes their courage colossal.

Yet the Governor and his several partners in this enterprise were no hot-headed speculators, rashly making chimerical castles in the air, or busily blowing financial bubbles with foolhardy recklessness. They were a brainy group, and the outcome proved their judgment sober. Having by this time some basis of calculation, they took the long look, knew what they were about, and, though purposing to be as prompt as possible, were too cool to be in a hurry. Their sound discretion never failed; and they displayed that rare balance which blends quiet repose of mind with resistless energy.

One fortunate effect of such stress of business burdens was to develop territorial exploitation. To fulfil their purposes, they enlarged the area of their industry. Southward and northward their commerce spread. A small pinnace was built and placed in Monumet river, emptying into Buzzard's Bay. This could be reached by boat from Cape Cod Bay and Scusset river, with some colportage overland between those two streams; so avoiding the dangerous peninsular circumnavigation, and marking the main course of the present Cape Cod Canal. Thus was opened all the lower coast of New England, including the populous Narragansett Bay; access was given to the mouth of the Connecticut River, with its fair valley intersecting the country; and the approach was unimpeded, through Long Island Sound, to the New Netherlands. Here was trading ground indeed, all the way to the promising harbor at the Hudson's mouth and the seat of the mighty metropolis to be. This southern enterprise brought substantial returns.

Also in the north, a store house was put up on the Kennebec River, where Augusta, the capital city of Maine, should afterward arise. The Council for New England, over the signature of its president the Earl of Warwick, made out a patent to William Bradford, granting territory thirteen miles on the River, and extending fifteen miles on either side. Business there did so well at first, that the American debtors gained headway, until a disappointing agent abroad occasioned trouble by private competition. After carrying on trade for ten years, they leased the post for one-sixth of its profits, so receiving some regular income thence.

In 1629 another Mayflower vessel brought to Plymouth thirty-five more Pilgrims from Leyden via the new settlement of Salem, and later a smaller number followed, but poorer and less capable, though worthy persons all. This serious matter, resulting partly from the indiscretion of friends, incurred an expense for transportation, new clothing and considerable maintenance, to the amount of over five thousand dollars in our money. The bulk of it was borne by several new partners in England; yet Plymouth's share was equivalent to a thousand dollars or a little more, which was never repaid to the Colony or even demanded back, and became a chief cause of Plymouth's indebtedness during its first quarter of a century. Commenting on this final extra burden from abroad, Bradford thus expresses his wonder "that these poor people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the unfaithfulness of some, and many other great losses which they sustained, which will be made manifest, if y^e Lord be pleased to give life and time. In y^e mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo."

Even more than the intricacies of financial entanglements, the responsibilities of diplomacy rested in large measure upon the colonial leader. He had to deal not only with the unsympathetic home government in England, but at one time with Dutch pretensions in New England, which emanated from Fort Manhattan on the future site of New York City. Perceiving clearly that they possessed a place of immense natural advantage, the desire of these Hollanders was enlarged, to extend their area, both commercially and politically, from this safe and promising base. They therefore sent letters to Plymouth in its seventh year, the year of the trading station's establishment near Buzzard's Bay on the south.

Correspondence opened with this ample salutation as rendered in English:

"Noble, honorable, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and Councillors residing in New Plymouth, our very good friends."

Bradford replied with an equally cordial tone, in which lay no lack of sincerity:

"To the Honoured, &c.

"The Gov^r & Counsell of New Plim: wisheth, &c. We have received your letters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & frendship toward us; but is expressed with over high titls, more than belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our pore colonie, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledge y^e same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimony of your love and good neighborhood."

After this modest beginning of his message, one discerns in the next sentence, underneath its tenor of genuine amity, a deep note of well disguised warning, that no open question exists in the matter of mutual territorial relations. Thus the subordinate and latent inference is couched, almost like some unintended meaning which nevertheless carries more weight than with a studied significance; for Bradford's very honesty itself was his constant safety:

"Now these are further to give your Wor^pps to understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not only bene pleased to confirme y^t ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist y^e prid of y^t comone enemy y^e Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries."

Following the adroit but legitimate suggestion, that their harmony is the more desirable in view of their natural foes, he concludes with this reminder of their former happy concord in Holland:

"Now forasmuch as this is sufficiente to unite us togeather in love and good neighbourhood, in all our dealings, yet are many of us further obliged, by the good and curteous entreaty which we have found in your countrie; haveing lived ther many years, with freedome, and good contente, as also many of our freinds doe to this day; for which we, and our children after us, are bound to be thankfull to your Nation, and shall never forgett y^e same, but shall hartily desire your good & prosperity, as our owne, for ever."

Notwithstanding these veiled admonitions, the Dutch sent further epistles, asserting now a claim over English territorial and trade rights, and declaring that they would defend the claim. Yet the Plymouth Governor's versatile mind and ready tact were equal to this new crisis, delicate as it was, and fraught with momentous possibilities. There was considerable correspondence, and mutual insistence, though always with conventional courtesy of language. Bradford preserved part of these diplomatic communications in his Letter Book. He remained firm in the English title, knowing the ground therefor, and requested the Manhattan magistrates to refer to their own home government, while he deprecated any future trouble to them from the British crown.

In the conclusion of one of his missives he offers this advice:

"We desire your Honours, that ye would take into your wise and honorable considerations, that which we conceive may be a hindrance to this accordation, and may be a means of much future evil, if it be not prevented, namely, that you clear the title of your planting in these parts, which his Majesty hath, by patent, granted to divers his nobles and subjects of quality; least it be a bone of division in these stirring evil times, which God forbid: We persuade ourselves, that now may be easily and seasonably done, which will be harder and with more difficulty obtained hereafter, and perhaps not without blows; so there may be assured peace and good correspondence on all parts, and ourselves more free and able to contract with your Honours. Thus commending our best service to our most noble Lords, praying for the prosperous success of your worthy designs, we rest your Lordships'

Most sincerely affected and bounden,

William Bradford,

Governour, &c.

Plymouth, Oct. 1, Anno 1627."

This seemed to be enough. They desisted from such designs as might not be deemed "worthy" by the benevolent English Governor, and for which he did not say he might pray. The unwarranted question was dropped, as to the Dutch prerogative.

Nevertheless next year the Manhattan correspondent, Secretary Isaac de Rasier, came to the Monumet station with trumpeters and a retinue, and was conveyed to Plymouth by a boat sent to meet him. After several days' entertainment, he returned to his ship under escort, having been permitted to accomplish his unprofessed purpose, to observe the condition of the fortified English Colony, of which he delivered a description, still extant, to his superiors at New Amsterdam.

In 1633 Bradford also sustained the British claim in the Connecticut valley above the Hollanders' holdings, sending a vessel up the river to the navigable limits, past the threatening Dutch fort at Hartford, and establishing a trading post at present Windsor. Both New Amsterdam and Massachusetts had repeatedly encouraged them to do this, but repented. This mercantile base was embarrassed by a wide-spread plague among the Indians, most of whom were unfriendly. After this reverse it was taken up by a party from Dorchester and, on Bradford's protest, only a sixteenth share in it was returned to Plymouth. The matter caused some feeling in the Old Colony toward its newer northern neighbor. Such rivalries and questions of debate between the two English sections made evident the need of the inter-colonial union which later arose. Harmony was sought and usually prevailed.

Captain John Endicott, the new Governor of Massachusetts Bay residing at Salem, proceeded promptly to recognize Plymouth's head in this truly fraternal manner (his spelling modernized):

"To the worshipful and my right worthy friend, William Bradford, Esq. Governor of New Plymouth, these.

"Right Worthy Sir,

"It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master and of the same household should be strangers; I assure you I desire it not, nay to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you: God's people are marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and the same seal, and have for the main one and the same heart, guided by one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is, there can be no discord, nay, here must needs be sweet harmony; and the same request (with you) I make unto the Lord, that we may, as Christian brethren, be united by an heavenly and unfeigned love, bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength with reverence and fear, fastening our eyes always on him that only is able to direct and prosper all our ways."

In the following summer of 1629 the sincere and cultured pastors at Salem, Higginson and Skelton, though ordained clergymen, wished to be set apart anew. To this religious assembly William Bradford and other delegates from the Plymouth church were invited. Adverse winds delayed their arrival by sail, and even the days of the stagecoach were then in the future; but happily they were in time to give the right hand of fellowship to their brethren of the Bay.

The closely allied civil and religious interests of the time were further promoted between north and south, under Governor John Winthrop, in his third year at Boston, the new and growing colonial seat. This excellent man wished to visit his gubernatorial brother, Bradford, and associates. There had been great sickness at Boston in its beginning, as in Plymouth at first, though proportionately not so severe in the colony which started with much better numbers. These Bostonians in their crisis bought every available commodity from Plymouth, and for cattle they exchanged horses. Thus by their very exigencies, a good degree of commercial intercourse and brotherly regard was facilitated.

With Governor Winthrop went the Boston pastor, Reverend John Wilson, and two other companions. Their journey was partly by water and latterly by land. Informed of their coming, a party headed by Governor Bradford and Elder Brewster hastened forth to meet them in the evening, and attended them into the town. During their stay of some days, they received the best entertainment that could be given them, at the executive residence and other homes. And when they returned, they were accompanied for some distance on their way, Bradford having his horse carry Winthrop.

The Boston chief dignitary, historian of Massachusetts Bay as Governor Bradford was of Plymouth, wrote of the Sabbath which he and his comrades spent with their Pilgrim brethren. At that time Roger Williams, afterwards the devoted missionary and pioneer among the Rhode Island Indians, was living at Plymouth for a couple of years, and was mentioned by Winthrop in his narration, as was Reverend Ralph Smith, first pastor there for a short time, a good but mediocre man. Thus the record reads, in modern spelling:

"On the Lord's Day was a sacrament, which they did partake in; and in the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams, according to their custom, propounded a question, to which their pastor, Mr. Smith, spoke briefly. Mr. Williams prophesied the topic he had submitted; and after, the Governor of Plymouth spoke to the question; after him, the Elder; then some two or three more of the congregation. Then the Elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When this was ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in mind of the contribution, upon which the Governor and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat and put into the bag, and then returned."

Edward Winslow also once described another feature of their worship:

"We refresht ourselves ... with synginge of Psalmes, making joyfull melodie in our hartes, as well as with y^e voice, there being manie in y^e congregation verie experte in musick."

V

THE GOVERNOR: LAST ACTS

IN their personal visitation the colonial leaders had opportunity to confer on matters of mutual interest, before there was any thought of their respective territories becoming merged indissolubly into a noble Commonwealth. In 1630 Bradford had received in his name a patent, which ten years later the Plymouth court requested to have; but on his ready compliance, it returned the same at once to him, to whom and his heirs it had been made out by the authorities in England. This charter specified the area of the Old Colony, which, under the jurisdiction of Plymouth, extended from Scituate, considerably below Boston harbor, to Narragansett Bay in Rhode Island, with Cape Cod on the east. Not long after this it included ten towns.

Soon a decided forward step was taken, toward unity. In September 7, 1643, a confederation was formed, composed of the colonies of Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, and named The United Colonies of New England. Probably this coalition was in the minds of those who founded the United States of America. There are similarities in the very constitutions of the two governmental organizations, small and large. The four colonial sections were associated on a basis of political equality. A federal congress was formed, there being two representative delegates from every Colony, who were called commissioners, with one of them presiding. William Bradford was four times a commissioner from Plymouth; and twice he was chosen president, the second time in 1656, the last full year of his life.

The preamble to this federal constitution thus commences: "Wheras we all came into these parts of America with one and y^e same end and aime, namly, to advance the kingdome of our Lord Jesus Christ, & to injoye y^e liberties of y^e Gospell in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling (by a wise providence of God) we are further disperced upon y^e sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, so y^t we cannot, according to our desires, communicate in one governmente & jurisdiction;—"

This union was highly desirable, from considerations foreign and domestic. The supreme home government was in a condition of uncertainty suggestive of either radical change or revolution itself; and so it would be less able to attend to its provinces in case of need. And need might be at any time, with rival neighboring colonies under other national flags, and with the growing realization of the savages that if they wished for their former independence they must fight for it, soon or never. These facts were plainly perceived in the English settlements, with their loose and informal interconnection of only national and religious sympathy.

The Massachusetts Bay Colony, beginning at Salem, had been powerfully augmented at Charlestown and Boston in the summer of 1630, by the arrival of its Governor John Winthrop and others who were soon followed by the New England fleet of no less than ten more vessels carrying about fifteen hundred colonists. The great natural facilities of Boston harbor and its environments encouraged a steady and numerous immigration, so that in 1643, the year of confederation, it is estimated that five times as many were found there as in the Old Colony. Connecticut comprised now about the same number as the latter, three thousand, and New Haven half a thousand less. Numerically, therefore, the English in New England were not yet strong. Yet they were constantly growing in this and every respect, having now nearly fifteen thousand acres of grain and a thousand acres in gardens and orchards, with two thousand cattle and three thousand sheep.

The limited body of legislators in this confederation, was composed, however, of truly representative men. And Bradford had much previous experience in law. The first few and simple statutes of Plymouth were revised and enlarged in 1636, when eight delegates, representing also Duxbury and Scituate, co-operated with the Governor and his seven assistants.

The seal of authority which he was accustomed to use was a double eagle. He was Chief Justice, Speaker of the General Court, which granted him a double vote, and Auditor of the Treasury, all these functions being, however, on a scale so limited as to forbid what in larger setting would seem an excess of prerogatives. The record of the 1621 meersteads are in his hand, as was the lost register of early deaths, marriages and punishments.

Bradford felt keenly the numerical loss of Plymouth colonists who went out to form new communities. Everywhere the pioneer mood was for expansion. In this way he was also deprived of a group of able men. Yet they remained mostly in the Old Colony, except Edward Winslow, who finally returned to England. In the year of colonial union Elder Brewster passed away, who had been not only a most worthy and acceptable preacher and virtual pastor at Plymouth, but a close adviser to the Governor, even as he had been the counsellor of his youth. The efficient military head, Myles Standish, was released by death from further responsibilities in 1656; and Bradford survived him only into the next year, having still the company of the public-spirited and helpful John Howland, of the remaining Mayflower Pilgrims.

Many of the best people of England were leaving for America. Much alarm was felt by the home government on this account, in whose eyes colonial New England always represented protest. The former vacillated between aggression and hesitating aloofness toward this uncomfortable element of dissent, exceedingly vexed at such persistent survival and vigorous increase, and yet recognizing its most promising contribution to the strength of the realm. But always again, where royalty wavered, or on the other hand in desperation leaped to violent opposition, the prelacy was close behind it with an urgency which often bordered upon dictation.

Of course the exception to this otherwise uniformly uncongenial Anglo-American interrelation was the regime of the Commonwealth. Had Cromwell sat on the throne of George IV, we would undoubtedly have been a lower Canada for a period of time difficult to delimit. It has been aptly stated that the Oriental idea of conquest was without incorporation, the Roman idea was conquest with incorporation but without representation, and the English idea of empire building was incorporation with representation. This is eminently true as regards England, to her credit be it said. And herein was her folly in forcing the American Revolution, because at that time she fell from her own ideals, which have so signally succeeded in the policy of practical colonial autonomy, vastly promoting her beneficent power.

This happy principle of provincial administration was not yet developed in the seventeenth century, which was a season of preparation for the stupendous blunder of the eighteenth, perpetrated by a head-strong despot without the sympathy of his own home people or a large part of Parliament. The root of the trouble then was taxation without representation, and England learned a valuable lesson after quite an awkward experience. But regal antagonism found its provincial object in religious dissent as early as 1634, when a warrant was issued to stay several vessels about to sail for America. In King Charles' reign, three ships were assigned to convey a governor and bishops to the west. Massachusetts was greatly stirred up in regard to this, forts were ordered built, and resistance was meditated. The program of absolutism lagged. Nevertheless it looked like a critical juncture, before the tension was relieved by the rise of revolution in Scotland, which resulted in the monarch's dethronement and decapitation. The lords accepted the colonists' petition, and gave forth that they did not intend to curtail their liberties.

The New England Federation was an unprofessed Declaration of Independence. Their virtual assertion of popular sovereignty was temporarily smothered by imported tyranny in the shape of Sir Edmund Andros. Yet the people's power slowly continued to grow, and the erection of Harvard College was a mighty factor in the process before a decade had passed in the Bay Colony. Thither Plymouth sent her youth of promise.

The claim is presumably warranted, that the unsought but unchanging popular choice of the chief executive, this cordial will of the Plymouth people as a body, occasioned the later departure of individuals or small groups of citizens who might wish to give exercise to political aspirations, where fresh settlements offered more room for choice without a solid constituency for any one favorite. The Plymouth voters were the more ardent for their man, because he returned the patent which, if strictly interpreted by the old English law, would make him Lord of the Manor and the colonists his tenants. In the essential democracy of the American community, he would be the last person to use the anciently established privilege; but evidently because of the technical possibility the Court finally requested him to surrender his charter, and then, pleased at his ready compliance, as promptly restored it. They knew him beyond all doubt, after that transaction of 1640 if not before.

His long continued term is especially noteworthy when we reflect that he was upheld as an ideal leader by a company of citizens who were ethically most exacting. They were peers of the best in all human society, and to satisfy such was indeed a compliment. At the same time, men and women of their excellent type, speaking at least for those of the church considered in their civic order, were too noble to need the ordinary repressions incident to the task of governing. Except for the necessary form and precedent, their moral grandeur required no governor.

Though he wrote against the sectaries with their sinister politico-religious designs or wishes, he did not drive them out unless actual treason developed. The Pilgrims realized they were themselves exiles from intolerance. Yet there was a degree of intolerance after Bradford passed out from Plymouth, and what bigotry was discoverable in Boston then was felt somewhat at the older settlement. The successor of Carver, like most of his associates, was also free from superstition, placing no credence in the supernatural omens of comets and celestial bodies.

It was his understood duty to entertain strangers, especially visiting officials. The Jesuit Driulette spoke afterward of his kindness, noting also that as host on Friday, he served an excellent dinner of fish.

At least seven orphans, but probably many more, at one time or another found refuge beneath his roof. Robert Cushman, the Pilgrim agent who died after valued services abroad, requested that his son Thomas might receive a father's care from Bradford, and the latter brought him up with such faithful training that eventually his charge became Elder Brewster's successor. To cite one further instance of his kindness, in 1644 Bradford wrote to his wife's sister, Mary Carpenter, inviting her to come to them though they had grown old, as he said. She accepted and lived with them in such tranquillity, as a devout maiden lady, that she survived till past ninety.

The Plymouth town meetings were held at first in the Governor's house. But in at least two of the years when relieved by a successor in office and sometimes during his gubernatorial term as in 1643, the more strenuous first year of Federation, he occupied his house and farm of three hundred acres in present Kingston, which he owned as early as 1637, above the Jones River. He was among its explorers who took such a liking for the locality that they were tempted to establish the settlement there; but the stream ran shallow at ebb tide, and the surrounding woods rendered the situation more unsafe. In this quiet summer retreat he must have found more leisure to pen much of his careful History. When that had ended, by 1647, tenants occupied the farm, and he is thought to have returned to town.

The inventory of his property specifies "the old mare," possibly when in her prime the one he caused Governor Winthrop to mount, while the latter's party were escorted forth after visiting Plymouth, the departure being probably fully as ceremonious as when they were conducted to town after nightfall. Two horses besides, and a couple of colts are cited, with twenty-six head of cattle of various ages, and sheep and swine. He was the largest property holder, Standish rating next. At his decease he was worth about nine hundred pounds.

He possessed considerable real estate in Plymouth centre, particularly the area between the Hill and Main Street, and across on the site of Pilgrim Hall. An orchard and garden adjoined his town residence.

The house concerned with the inventory of his estate shows how far superior the executive residence must have been, to the original log cottages. The long list of articles in the inventory is available to those interested in all the minutiæ. Every item has its valuation. The old parlor's furnishings head this attractive catalogue of the contents of his home, and imagination is not greatly taxed to see the possessor there.

This reception room includes the green rug, quite likely the same as that early mentioned, and a white one, table and cupboard and settle, a smooth-grained "wainscot" bedstead and feather bed, and among the chairs a large leather one and great wooden ones, with muskets, a pistol and a cutlass.

We pass in thought to "the great Rome," over three striped carpets and amidst chairs, great and small; and here may have been the public functions, as the annual meeting.

In "the new chamber," among articles of clothing picture two suits with silver buttons, one of them leaden-colored, garments of sufficient distinction for a magistrate, as are a coat of broadcloth, a well used violet-colored cloak and dignified old green gown. A black hat and colored one are mentioned without allusion to age. Fourteen pairs of shoes appear, and one hundred and thirteen yards of different cloth.

The family hospitality is evinced by sixty-four pewter pieces, some silverware and a few Venetian glasses, four dozen trenchers, and kitchen utensils of brass and iron.

Among many things in the "studdie" are his desk, presumably the witness of an incalculable amount of official business, and seven small moose skins for the silent tread. There is a good collection of books, though the most of them were passed on in his lifetime, especially to his son William who possessed the father's fondness for Latin and inherited those classical treasures. But the Governor retained to the last various historical and theological works, among which were Luther's commentary on Galatians, Calvin on Genesis, a history of the Church of the Netherlands, and Cotton's concordance. A volume on "domesticall dutyes" is cited, to the accomplishment of which attest two spinning wheels. Mrs. Bradford certified to this appraisal.

The will was made May 9, Old Style, the very day of his decease, when he "feeling himself very weake and drawing on to the conclusion of his mortal life spake as followeth." In the beginning of this testament he was described as "weake in body but in p^pct memory," and he named the sole executrix as "my dear and loving wife Alice Bradford."

Thus the dictated statement closes: "I commend to your wisdome some small bookes written by my owne hand to bee improved as you shall see meet. In speciall I comend to you a little book with a black cover, wherein there is a word to Plymouth and a word to Boston and a word to New England with sundry useful verses."

The family record, from Governor Bradford's birth, was contained in a Bible printed 1592 in old English.

Posterity is vastly indebted to William Bradford as the resident historian of Plymouth Colony, throughout its first quarter of a century. His narration of the Pilgrim story begins almost with the seventeenth century, before the exodus to Holland. He makes no entries beyond 1646, although, in the same neat handwriting, these dates are added—"Anno 1647. And Anno 1648." Similarly, 1639 and '40 had been joined together, the author expressing his opinion that they did not cover enough matters of importance for separate treatment. But two years after the last date mentioned in the main volume, he concludes an Appendix with these words:

"And of the old stock (of one & other) ther are yet living this present year, 1650, nere 30 persons. Let the Lord have y^e praise, who is the High Preserver of men."

In the opening chapter, we find on a reverse page a note dated during that last year of the continuous record, 1646, wherein he says—"when I first begane these scribled writings (which was aboute y^e year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure afterward)." It would seem that no season of sufficient leisure arrived even to begin, before that strenuous first decade had nearly elapsed.

It is consistent with the unfailing humility that graced the people's chosen and beloved leader that, although as such he necessarily had a most important part in the affairs of the Colony, he speaks of his official self, when this is unavoidable, in an impersonal manner only; and he rather rarely introduces the pronoun "I," or even its inclusive plural "we," but usually employs the third person.

The language of this monumental work is that of a careful recorder, plain and unaffected, having a lucid simplicity combined with the replete vocabulary of a reflective literary mind. The style is dignified and chaste, neither labored nor strained. Its fluent grace and ease of diction compels and sustains the interest of the reader, whatever page he may peruse. It is a model specimen of Elizabethan literature. The account proceeds with a thoughtful deliberation and river-like momentum of progressiveness. One realizes the faithful and honest comprehensiveness of his memory's scrutiny, obeying the habitual call of his conscience, which would not allow him the transcription of untruths under any circumstances. His review "of Plimoth Plantation" is well worthy of its place as New England's first historical record of considerable extent, following Edward Winslow's fascinating journal of the three initial years.

It is the privilege of everyone to look upon this hoary manuscript, bound in its time-worn parchment, and exhibited under glass in a specially prepared strong case upon its nightly enclosing iron safe at the Massachusetts State Library. The volume is a folio less than a foot long, nearly eight inches wide, and an inch and a half in thickness, having two hundred and seventy pages. At the outbreak of the Revolution the priceless treasure disappeared and was long lost; but finally, in 1855, it was found and identified in the library of the Bishop of London. Just when and how it reached its destination there, remains a mystery. The British occupation of Boston would make its seizure easy, and the home government may have desired it for official entries. Senator George F. Hoar of Massachusetts, who said of the classic document, "There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem," voiced to Sir Frederick Temple, Bishop of London, the earnest desire of the Commonwealth and the Federal administration for its return. The Bishop recognized the justice of the request, but considered it necessary or advisable to consult Queen Victoria and Dr. Benson, who was Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of the Established Church of all England. But directly the venerable and scholarly Dr. Temple himself succeeded to the supreme ecclesiastical office at Canterbury; and in response to a formal request from the United States Ambassador, Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, the cherished tome was conveyed to America in 1897, and received by Governor Roger Wolcott, a lineal descendant of Governor Bradford. The formal presentation at the State House made an impressive occasion, with memorable addresses. Such, briefly stated, is the singular history of the History.

Two other literary properties of Bradford also disappeared. His Pocket Book was preserved long enough to furnish the chronologist, Rev. Thomas Prince of Boston, with many dates of great importance, and other material of incalculable use.

His Letter Book was a large volume containing copies of letters in regard to the Colony's affairs. Such a collection of reproduced missives betokened the carefulness and preparedness of the possessor. A fragment of it was discovered in a Halifax grocery, and published by the Massachusetts Historical Society. Six of these letters found were written by Bradford alone, and three jointly. They were mostly official. Appended to this correspondence file was the Governor's interesting description and short historical review of New England, written in metre and rhyme.

Though we who speak of William Bradford as our Forefather should not be moved by pride, as no man is responsible for his own birth, it causes in us profound gratitude that we can affirm our relationship to one who has been called the first great American. Men of renown before his day, a few of them, had a touch with this country, as the very conspicuous connections of famous discoverers; but the epithet applies to him as a continuous resident of the land. His life and labors were permanently given to it as his adopted abode, for he never left it from the day of his coming in the prime of his manhood. In what, let us ask, did his greatness consist? Others shared in heroic faithfulness, to the limit of their powers or opportunities. His was the magnitude of an immovable fidelity joined with marked ability, though, as with Washington, his mental genius was not the most brilliant. But he carried well and long exceedingly weighty responsibilities.

When has a combination of so many most critical problems confronted a magistrate? Weakened by disease which threatened utter extermination, the Colony encountered a tedious period of famine; it was menaced by hostile savage tribes stronger than the friendly natives; the malevolence of foreign persecution plotted the overthrow of its chosen religious order; treason sprang up in its midst; a staggering weight of financial obligations, made heavier by accidents and outrageous injustice, lay upon them for a quarter of a century; and the seventh problem, which stayed by the Governor till his final release, was that presented by the frequent loss of citizens attracted by new settlements, a circumstance so serious that the question of moving the whole Colony was raised as late as 1644. In all the arduous activities occasioned by these facts, he possessed the quality of steady endurance. His soul was reposeful in energy, while his underlying faith made him an optimist but not a visionary, and lent both basis and balance in his working.

To Bradford also belongs the singular honor of being the first ruler to demonstrate, with his associates, true Christian democracy, not exaggerated into communism, as a successful principle of government.

Peaceful was his departure, from the scene of his colossal tasks. He last presided at court February 13, 1657. The annual meeting in March found him absent. But though his health declined for a few months, to be followed by a sudden and acute disease in May, the end came soon. One night he was so moved with anticipations of the hereafter, that he said in the morning to those about him, "The good Spirit of God has given me a pledge of my happiness in another world, and the first-fruits of eternal glory." About nine o'clock on the next day, May 19, after he had dictated his will, his breathing ceased.

His endeared form was laid to rest in the brow of the gently swelling eminence which overlooks the site of his homestead of thirty-six years and the blue bay seemingly meeting the heavens beyond the harbor, suggestive of the final voyage to scenes of yet nobler liberty. His obsequies were observed with fitting dignity, accentuated by resounding volleys. The distinguished clergyman, Cotton Mather of Boston, wrote in eulogy, that he was "lamented by all the colonies of New England as a common father to them all."

Let his own simple verses summarize his career.