Tac. Ann. iv. 6; i. 80; xiii. 50, 51;
xi. 24; Suet. Nero, x.; Dom. viii.; cf.
Merivale, vii. 385; Renan, Apôtres, p.
308 sqq; Gréard, Morale de Plut. p. 200.
Sen. Ep. 47; De Ira, i. 5; iii. 24;
De Benef. iv. 11, § 3; De Brev. Vit.
xiii. § 7; Plin. Ep. iv. 22; Juv. xiv. 15
sqq.; xv. 131; D. Cass. lxvi. 15; Or.
Henz. Inscr. Lat. 7244, Bene fac, hoc
tecum feres; Denis, Hist. des Idées
Morales, ii. 156, 172, 181.
Luc. Som. 32; Traj. 15; Charon,
15, 20; Tim. 14, 36; M. Aurel. v. 10,
33: ix. 29; 34; x. 19: cf. Sen. De
Ira, ii. 8; Ad Marc. ii. 17, 20, 22;
Petron. Sat. 88.
Ep. 70, § 14; Ep. 88, § 17, malis
paratus sum; Ep. 24, § 11; Ad Polyb.
ix. nullus portus nisi mortis; Ad
Marc. xx. mors quae efficit ut nasci non
supplicium sit.
Ep. 108, § 17. He adopted the
Pythagorean discipline under the influence
of Sotion, a pupil of Sextius,
but gave it up on the proscription of
suspected rites in the reign of Tiberius,
cf. Suet. Tib. 36; cf. Zeller, Die Phil.
der Gr. iii. 1, 605.
Suet. Dom.23;Nero, 57; cf. Tac.
Hist. i. 7, ipsa aetas Galbae irrisui ac
fastidio erat adsuetis juventae Neronis
et imperatores forma ac decore corporis
... comparantibus.
Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 36, 39;
Tac. Ann. xiv. 15, 16; xv. 67, odisse
coepi postquam parricida matris et
uxoris, auriga et histrio et incendiarius
extitisti; Suet. Nero, c. 21; D. Cass.
63. 9, 10.
Petron. Sat. 8, where the decay
of artistic sense is traced to the grossness
of evil living; at nos vino scortisque
demersi ne paratas quidem artes
audemus cognoscere.
Tacitus was born about 55 A.D.
(Peter, ii. 43; Macé, Suétone, p. 35, 81;
Momms. Plin. p. 51). He was, perhaps,
fifteen years older than Suetonius, and
seven years older than Pliny.
Merivale, viii. 84, Schiller, Gesch.
der Röm. Kaiserzeit, i. 140, 586. According
to Schiller, Tacitus has no research,
no exactness of military or
geographical knowledge, no true conception
of the time. He is an embittered
aristocrat and rhetorician. For a sounder
estimate v. Peter, ii. 43, 60, 63; Nipperdey,
Einl. xxv. For the influence
on the work of Suetonius of the Senatorial
tradition, v. Macé, Suétone, p. 84;
Peter, Gesch. Litt. ii. 69.
Ann. iii. 65, praecipuum munus
annalium reor, ne virtutes sileantur,
utque pravis dictis factisque ex posteritate
et infamia metus sit; cf. Peter,
ii. 46; Nipperdey, Einl. xxvi.
Agr. 4, memoria teneo solitum
ipsum narrare se studium philosophiae
acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano
ac Senatori, exhausisse. Cf. Fabian,
Quid Tac. de num. Div. judicaverit,
p. 1.
Tac. Ann. i. 72, 74, Crispinus formam
vitae iniit quam postea celebrem
miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum
fecerunt, etc.; cf. iii. 25; Sen.
De Ben. iii. 26; Suet. Tib. lxi.
Suet. Claud. x.; Calig. lx.; D.
Cass. 60. 1. On the assassination of
Caligula, the Senate debated the question
of abolishing the memory of the
Caesars, and restoring the Republic;
but the mob outside the temple of the
Capitoline Jupiter demanded “one
ruler” of the world.
On the sources of the history of the
Flavians, v. Krause, De C. Sueton.
Tranq. Fontibus; Macé, Suétone, p.
364, 376; Peter, Gesch. Litt. d. Kaiserzeit,
ii. 69, 70. For the senatorial
attitude to Domitian, v. Plin. Paneg.
48; Tac. Agr. 3, 41, 42, 45; Hist. iv.
51; iv. 2; Suet. Dom. xxiii.
Tac. Agr. 39; cf. 41, tot exercitus
in Moesia ... amissi. D. Cass. 67. 4,
7; cf. Stat. Silv. iv. 3, 153; Mart.
ix. 102; vii. 80, 91, 95; Meriv. vii.
347.
Quintil. iv.,
prooem. 2; Statius,
Silvae, iv. 2, 13; iii. 1, 1; Mart. ii.
91; iv. 27, iii. 95. For the flattery
of Martial, v. esp. v. 19, 6; ix. 4;
Spectac. 33.
Pliny was probably Quaestor in 90
A.D.; Trib. Pleb. 92; Praetor 93. Cf.
Momms. (Morel) p. 61. Tacitus says,
Hist. i. 1, dignitatem a Domitiano
(81-96) longius provectam non abnuerim.
From Ann. xi. 11 it appears
that he was Praetor in 88. Cf. Peter,
Gesch. Litt. ii. 43.
Tacitus b. probably 55 A.D.Dial.
de Or. 1, juvenis admodum in 75
or 76; cf. Agr. 9. He was betrothed
in 77 A.D.; cf. Meriv. viii. 92; Peter,
Gesch. Litt. ii. 43; Nipperdey, Einl. iv.
Juvenal b. circ. 55 A.D. (Peter, ii. 77);
decessit longo senio confectus exul Ant.
Pio imp. Vit. iv.; Teuffel, § 326, 1.
Teuffel, § 326, 4; Peter, Gesch.
Litt. ii. 77; Nettleship, Lectures and
Essays, p. 122, brings together the indications
of date from 96-127 A.D. He
thinks that perhaps some of the earlier
Satires belong to the last years of
Domitian, and that the words, spes
et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum,
in Sat. vii., may refer to that Emperor
(p. 132).
He says of himself, i. 5, 8, lasciva
est nobis pagina, vita proba est; cf. iii.
68; v. 2; Ausonius urges the same
plea, cf. Idyll. xiii. Pliny finds a
long series of examples to warrant his
indulgence in loose verses, Ep. iv.
14; cf. v. 3. It was a bad tradition
of literature; cf. Nettleship, Lectures
and Essays, p. 39.
Ib. xiv. 16; cf. Suet. Nero, lii.,
where Suetonius distinctly says that
some of Nero’s verses, which he had
seen, bore all the marks of originality.
Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 39; Macé,
Suétone, p. 127; Boissier, L’Opp. p.
248.
Sen. Fr. xiii. de Matrimonio,
formosus assecla et procurator calamistratus,
etc., sub quibus nominibus adulteri
delitescunt; cf. S. Hieron. Ep. 54,
§ 13. S. Jerome is evidently imitating
Seneca; cf. Or. 639, Mart. v.
61.
And many in the first century,
Plin. Ep. iv. 3; viii. 4, 1; Friedl. iii. 360;
Martha, Les Moralistes sous l’Empire
Rom. p. 267; Teuffel, R. Lit. § 342;
Mackail, R. Lit. 232.
Suet. Ill. Gram. i. ii. antiquissimi
doctorum qui iidem et poëtae et semigraeci
erant (Livium et Ennium dico),
etc.; Strab. vi. 3, 5; A. Gell. xvii. 17, i.
On the Augustales v.Orell. Henz.
ii. p. 197; iii. p. 427; Friedländer,
Cena Trim. Einl. p. 39; Marq. Röm.
Staatsverw. i. 513 sqq.; Nessling, De
Seviris Augustalibus.
Petron. 88, at nos vino scortisque
demersi ne paratas quidem artes audemus
cognoscere, sed accusatores antiquitatis vitia tantum docemus et discimus.
This rather applies to the higher cultivated class.
Petron. 118, 119; cf. Boissier,
L’Opp. p. 239. Other proofs of the
date of the Satiricon are the occurrence
of names like Apelles and Menecrates,
c. 64, 73; cf. Suet. Calig. 33; Nero,
30; Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. 9; the
reflections on decline of oratory, Sat.
1; cf. Tac. Dial. Or. c. 35; the
invention of a peculiar glass, which
belongs to the reign of Tiberius, cf.
Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 66; D. Cass. 57.
21 ad fin.
Petron. 81, cf. Friedl. Cena
Trim. Einl. 6. Puteoli is excluded
by the complaints of municipal decay
in c. 44: Naples, by the fact that
the town is a Roman colony (44, 57);
Cumae was the only town in this region
which had Praetors. Cf. Or. Henz.
1498, 2263; Petron. 65.
v. Friedl. Cena Trim. Einl. p. 7.
His cognomen Maecenatianus marks
him as a slave of the friend of Augustus
who died 8 B.C. Trimalchio would
therefore be born circ. 18 B.C. (Sat. 71,
29, 75). He was perhaps over seventy
at the time of the dinner (Sat. 27, 77),
which may therefore be placed about
57 A.D.
Petron. 48; on private and public
libraries, cf. Sen. De Tranq. c. ix.; Plin.
Ep. i. 8, § 2; ii. 17, § 8; iii. 7, § 7;
iv. 28, § 1; Suet. Vit. Pers.; Luc. Adv.
Indoct. 1, 16; Mart. vii. 17, 1; Suet.
J. Caes. xliv.; Octav. xxix.; Marq.
Priv. i. 114; Gregorov. Hadr. (Tr.) p.
210; Macé, Suétone, p. 220; Sid.
Apoll. ii. 9.
Id. 42, medicus nihil aliud est
quam animi consolatio. For similar
opinions of the medical profession, cf.
Petron. 56; D. Cass. lxix. 22, lxxi.
33; Mart. vi. 31; vi. 53; ii. 16; Epict.
iii. 23, § 27; Juv. iii. 77; Luc. Philops.
c. 21, 26; Adv. Indoct. c. 29; Marq.
Priv. ii. 779. Sen. gives a higher idea
of the craft, De Ben. vi. 16; cf. Apul.
Met. x. 8, where the doctor rejects the
base proposals made to him.
Id. 44, haec colonia retroversus
crescit tanquam coda vituli. This
passage is used to prove that Puteoli
cannot be Trimalchio’s town. Friedl.
Cena Trim. p. 239.
Id. 45. On the meaning of Centonarius
v. Marq. Priv. ii. 585. They
had a great number of Collegia, often
leagued with the Fabri; v.Henz. Ind.
pp. 171-72; C. Th. xiv. 8.
See the monument of the surgeon
oculist of Assisi, Or. 2983, who records
the amount he gave for his freedom,
his benefactions, and his fortune. v.
C.I.L. v. 4482, the monument of
Valerius Anteros Asiaticus, a Sevir
Aug. of Brescia.
Id. 78; cf. Sen. De Brev. Vit. xx.
3, where a similar scene is described.
Turannius—componi se in lecto et velut
exanimem a circumstante familia plangi
jussit.
Some of Pliny’s older friends, the
elder Pliny, Quintilian, Spurinna, Verginius
Rufus, go back to the age which
Juvenal professes to attack (i. 170). But,
although Juvenal mentions few names
of his own generation, such as Isaeus,
Archigenes, and Marius Priscus, a
comparison between his subjects and those
of Martial shows that they were dealing
with the same social facts. Cf. Teuffel,
R. Lit. ii. § 326, n. 5; Nettleship,
Lectures and Essays, p. 124 sqq.
Pliny is pleased with the virtuous
monotony, Ep. iii. i. § 2, me autem ut
certus siderum cursus ita vita hominum
disposita delectat, senum praesertim;
cf. iii. 5.
The Caecilii were probably established
at Como from 59 B.C.; cf. Catull.
35; Plin. Ep. iv. 30, 1; vii. 32, 1; vi.
24, 5; ix. 7; Momms. Plin. p. 33
(Morel).
Plin. Ep. iii. 5, § 13; Persius, who
was eleven years younger than the
elder Pliny, shows a character of the
same type, cf. Pers. Sat. ii. 71-74; iii.
66 sqq.; cf. Martha, Les Moralistes
sous l’Emp. p. 131 sqq.
Ib. xviii.;
continued by Hadrian,
Spart. xvi.; by Ant. Pius, Capitol.
xi.; by Alex. Severus, Lamprid. xliv.;
cf. C. Th. xiii. 3, 1, 2, 3; Eum. Or.
pro Scholis, c. 11.
Quintil. Inst. Or. i. 2, 6; cf. Plin. Ep.
iii. 3, 4, cui in hoc lubrico aetatis non
praeceptor modo sed custos etiam rectorque
quaerendus est; cf. Ep. iv. 13, 4,
ubi enim pudicius contineantur quam
sub oculis parentum; cf. Tac. Dial. de
Or. 28.
Renan, Les Évangiles, p. 142, treats
the philosophic opposition as a mere
aristocratic reaction; cf. pp. 287, 382.
Boissier, L’Opp. p. 103; Schiller,
Gesch. d. röm. Kaiserz. pp. 509, 536.
For the career and character of M.
Aquilius Regulus, v. Tac. Hist. iv. 42;
Plin. Ep. i. 5; i. 20, 15; ii. 11; ii.
20; iv. 2; vi. 2; and Boissier, L’Opp.
p. 193.
Plin. Ep. ii. 10, 4; iii. 7, 14, quatenus
nobis denegatur diu vivere, relinquamus
aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur;
v. 5, 4; v. 8, 2, me autem nihil
aeque ac diuturnitatis amor sollicitat;
cf. vii. 20.
Mart. ii. 7; v. 30; iii 20; iv. 23;
v. 23. For the same breadth of
accomplishment in the fifth century,
cf. Sidon. Apoll. Carm. v. 97; ii. 156;
xxiii. 101; Rom. Soc. in the Last
Cent. of the Western Empire (1st ed.),
p. 375.
Plin. Ep. iii. 21. This book is
dated by Mommsen 101 A.D. (Plin. p.
14, Morel; v. App. C, p. 95); cf. Friedländer’s
Martial, “Chronologie der
Epigr. Mart.” p. 66.
Plin. Ep. iii. 18, 5; viii. 12, literarum
senescentium reductor; Stat. Silv.
i. Prooem.; Petron. 88; cf. Sidon. Apoll.
Ep. viii. 8; ii. 14; vii. 15; ii. 10, 1.
Tac. Hist. ii. 11; ii. 18, 36; Plin.
Ep. i. 5; ii. 7; iii. 1, scribit et
quidem utraqua lingua, lyra doctissima.
Spurinna was 77, at the date of
this letter, A.D. 101-102; Momms. p. 11.
Momms. Plin. p. 13, puts his birth
in 77 A.D.; but cf. Macé, p. 35, who
places it in the year 69; see too Peter,
Gesch. Litt. ii. 67. The indications
in Suet. are Domit. xii.; Ill. Gramm.
iv.; Nero, lvii.
Tac. Dial. de Or. 20; Mart. v. 10;
cf. Suet. Octav. 86, Cacozelos et antiquarios,
ut diverso genere vitiosos, pari
fastidio sprevit; Pers. i. 69 sq.; Sen.
Ep. 114. For Hadrian’s preference of
Ennius to Virgil, etc., v. Spart. Hadr.
c. 16; A. Gell. xii. 2; Macé, p. 96;
Martha, Les Moralistes sous l’Empire
Rom. p. 184.
Ib. vii 17, 7, quia in numero
ipso est quoddam magnum conlatumque
consilium. Cf. Arist. Pol. iii. 11,
διὸ καὶ κρίνουσιν ἄμεινον οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τὰ τῆς μουσικῆς ἔργα καὶ τὰ τῶν ποιητῶν.
Plin. Ep. i. 9; quot dies quam
frigidis rebus absumpsi! cf. the social
life of Symmachus, Roman Society in
the Last Century of the Western Empire,
p. 128 sq. (1st ed.).
Imposed by Trajan on candidates
for office, Plin. Ep. vi. 19. This was
a repetition of former enactments, e.g.
Suet. Tib. 48. It was revived again by
M. Aurelius, Capitol. xi. Exclusion
from commerce necessitated investments
in land. Plin. Ep. iii. 19, sum prope
totus in praediis, aliquid tamen foenero.
In A.D. 106 the price of land was
rising, Ep. vi. 19; but cf. iii. 19 (A.D.
101); see Friedl. i. p. 197.
Ib. § 7. This estate was once
worth HS.5,000,000; it was now offered
for HS.3,000,000, i.e. £25,000; cf. Ep.
iv. 6; ii. 4, 3. The letter iii. 19
belongs to the year 101 A.D.; but in
Ep. vi. 19 (106 A.D.) it appears that
the price of land was rising, owing to
competition, and Pliny advises Nepos
to sell his Italian estates and buy
others in the provinces; cf. vi. 3, 1.
Ib. viii. 16; cf. the Lex Coll.
Cultorum Dianae et Antinoi, Or. Henz.
6086. The slave member is permitted
to dispose of his funeraticium by will.
Marq. Priv. i. 189.
Sen. Ep. 31; 47; 77; De Clem. i.
18, 3; De Ben. iii. 21; Juv. xiv. 16;
D. Chr. Or. x.; Spart. Hadr. 18, § 7;
Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 358; Denis, des
Idées Morales, etc., ii. 208 sq.; Wallon,
L’Esclav. i. c. 11; Marq. i. 189.
Sen. Ep. 24, § 11; 58, § 36; 70, §
8; 117, § 22; De Prov. ii. 10; vi. 7;
De Ira, iii. 15; Epict. i. 24; cf. ii. 15;
iii. 24; M. Aurel. x. 8; x. 32; cf.
Mommsen, De Coll. p. 100.
Ib. 58, § 36, non adferam mihi
manus propter dolorem: hunc tamen si
sciero perpetuo mihi esse patiendum,
exibo; non propter ipsum, sed quia
impedimento mihi futurus est ad omne
propter quod vivitur ... prosiliam ex
aedificio putri ac ruenti.
Pliny boasts of idealising his
friends; vii. 28, agnosco crimen....
Ut enim non sint tales quales a me
praedicantur, ego tamen beatus quod
mihi videntur.
Plin. Ep. viii. 18; iv. 21; viii. 10,
11, neque enim ardentius tu pronepotes
quam ego liberos cupio; cf. iv. 15, 3,
fecunditate uxoris frui voluit eo saeculo
quo plerisque etiam singulos filios orbitatis
praemia graves faciunt.
Ib. vii. 24,
she was born about
A.D. 27, in the reign of Tiberius. Ummidia
had the virtue of liberality; she
built an amphitheatre and temple for
Casinum, Or. Henz. 781.
Plin. Ep. vi. 6; vi. 32; in which
he offers a dowry to Quintilian’s
daughter in the most delicate way;
cf. Juv. iii. 215; xv. 150; Sen. De
Benef. ii. 21, 5; iv. 11, 3; Tac. Ann.
iv. 62; yet cf. the judgment of D.
Chrys. Or. vii. § 82; Denis, Idées
Morales, ii. 175 sqq.
Plin. Ep. viii. 23, 2; vi. 11, 3;
i. 12, 12; ii. 1, 8 (of Verginius Rufus),
sic candidatum me suffragio ornavit,
etc., iii. 1, 6 (of Spurinna), quibus praeceptis
imbuare!
Ib. iv. 15. Fundanus’s consulship
is mentioned in two inscriptions, Or.
1588, 2471. There is a difficulty about
the dates which is discussed in Momms.
Plin. p. 17, n. 3. Fundanus does not
appear in the Fasti.
Ad Marc. xvi. par illis, mihi crede,
vigor, etc. Ad Helv. xvii. 4, cf. Plut.
Conj. Praec. xlviii.
φαρμάκων ἐπῳδὰς οὐ προσδέξεται (ἡ γυνὴ) τοῖς Πλάτωνος ἐπᾳδομένη λόγοις, κτλ.; cf. Juv. vi. 450;
Mart. vii. 69.
Cic. De Off. i. 14; Sym. Ep. ii.
78; ix. 126; Olympiod. § 44 (Müller,
Fr. H. Gr. iv. p. 68); cf. Boeckh,
Public Ec. of Athens (Trans. Lewis),
pp. 458, 520, 578.
Or. Henz. 6664; Plin. Paneg. 28, hi
subsidium bellorum, ornamentum pacis
publicis sumptibus aluntur. Duruy,
iv. 784; Boissier, Rel. Rom. ii. 211;
Kratz, De Benef., a Traj. collatis, p. 11.
Id. M. Aurel. 26; cf. Capitol.
Pertin. 9. He found the interest on
Trajan’s foundation nine years in arrear.
Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 57, 7; his charity
children were called Mammaeani; Kratz,
p. 11.
Or. Henz. 6694 to a man who left
Tibur his sole heir; 3733 ob munificentiam;
3765, 3766, 3882, 7190,
6993, 7001, 781; cf. Philostr. Vit.
Soph. ii. 1 sqq.
ἄριστα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ ἐχρήσατο. Plin. H. N. xxix. 4
(8); Friedländer, Cena Trim. Einl.
46 sq.
Illustrations may be found in Plaut.
Mil. Glor. 653; Captiv. 879; Trinum.
609; Bacch. 24; Cic. Phil. iii. 6, 15,
videte quam despiciamur omnes qui
sumus e municipiis, id est, omnes
plane; Tac. Ann. iv. 3, seque ac
majores et posteros municipali adultero
foedabat.
Marq. i. 155, in keiner andern
Provinz lässt sich die Entwickelung
der römischen Städteanlagen so genau
verfolgen als in Dacien. Arnold, R.
Prov. Admin. p. 205.
C.I.L. viii. 2403; Suppl. ii. 17903;
Suppl. i. 12058. This inscription, from
an obscure place, shows how an original
honorarium of HS. 1600 was finally
increased by voluntary generosity to
HS. 12,000.
Tac. Ann. i. 15; Momms. Röm.
St. ii. 1002; Duruy, v. pp. 336-346;
Gréard, Plut. 221, 237; Plut. Reip. Ger.
Pr. c. 17, 19. The first curatores
civitatum are heard of in the reigns
of Nerva and Trajan; cf. Marq. i. 510,
n. 10.
Suet. Tib. 32; Tac. Ann. iv. 6;
Suet. Nero, x.; Otho, iii. provinciam
administravit moderatione singulari;
Vitell. v. Vespasian had to increase
burdens, Suet. xvi.; Tac. Hist. ii. 84;
as to Trajan, cf. Plin. Paneg. 20; Suet.
Dom. 8. Nero, it is true, is said to
have encouraged plunder (Suet. Nero,
32; Plin. H. N. 18, 6). Yet the
general prosperity was undisturbed,
Boissier, L’Opp. 170; Arnold, Rom.
Prov. Admin. 135; Gréard, Plut.
199.
See a crowd of inscriptions to
Domitian and Commodus in remote
places in Africa; cf. C.I.L. viii. 1016,
1019; 10570, 8702, in which Commodus
is described as indulgentissimus
princeps, etc.
Henz. iii. Ind. p. 156; Inscr. 2322,
6980, 4983; Marq. Röm. St. i. 477.
There were consuls at Tusculum and
Beneventum. But the grand style was
ridiculed by Cicero, In Pis. xi. 24.
Tac. Ann. xiii. 31; xvi. 22, diurna
per provincias, per exercitus curatius
leguntur. Peter, Gesch. Litt. i. 212;
Macé, Suétone, p. 191; Marq. Priv. i.
88; cf. C.I.L. viii. 11813; Lamprid.
Com. 15.
See the history of this legion in
Cagnat, L’Armée Rom. d’Afrique, p.
148 sqq. C.I.L. viii., Momms. Praef.
xix. sq. The legion was first stationed
at Thevesta.
Marq. i. 485; Henz. Ind. p. 157.
Often described as iivir quinquennalis,
or iivir censoria potestate quinq. etc.,
or shortly quinquennalis; cf. Or. Henz.
3882, 3721.
In the Inscr. they are mentioned
after the decurions and before the
plebs; cf. Or. Henz. 4009, 3807, 1167.
On the distinction between the Augustales
and the Seviri Aug. v. Marq.
Röm. St. i. 514; Ohnesseit, De Jure
Munic. 46; Nessling, De Seviris Aug.Marq. says, scheinen die Augustales
als lebenslängliche Mitglieder des
Collegiums, die Seviri als jährlich
wechselnde Beamte desselben zu betrachten
zu sein.
Or. Henz. 7001; Friedl. Cena
Trim. Einl. 53; corruption, however,
by means of hospitality is expressly
forbidden by the Lex Urson. § 132;
C.I.L. ii. Suppl. p. 852.
The different classes of Curatores,
which must be carefully distinguished,
are clearly given by Arnold, Prov.
Admin. 236. Cf. Or. Henz. 3899,
3902, 3989. For a good example of the
function of the Curator, cf. Or. 3787.
Friedl. Sittengesch. ii. 137, Doch
diese Summe erscheint gering im Vergleich
mit der kolossalen Verschwendung,
mit der die Schauspiele in der
letzten Zeit der Republik gegeben
wurden; cf. C.I.L. ii. 6278 (Suppl. p.
1032).
Ib. 7008, 7010; cf. 7082, where a
youth of twenty had been iivir quinquennalis,
and had given a gladiatorial
show. Cf. 3714, quaestor designatus
est annorum xxiiii., 3745, 3246, 3768.
Or. Henz. 4007 (Canusium), 2391
(Praeneste), 4491 (Pisa), 3898 (Bergamum),
3787 (Caere). For places
out of Italy, cf. C.I.L. xii. 3212 (datus
a Trajano); viii. 2403, 2660 (Timgad
and Lambesi); iii. 3485 (Aquincum);
ii. 484 (Emerita); 4112 (Tarraco); cf.
x.; ii. p. 1158; Capitol. M. Ant. c. 11.
Ib. 4816, balnea, vina, Venus corrumpunt
corpora nostra, sed vitam
faciunt. Vixi; quod comedi et ebibi
tantum meum est. Non fui, fui; non
sum, non curo; 4807, 7407, 7387.
Ib. 6086. Ex S.C.P.R. quibus
coire convenire collegiumque habere
liceat qui stipem menstruam conferre
volent in funera, in id collegium coeant
neque sub specie ejus collegii nisi
semel in mense coeant, etc.
Or. 2417, ut ne plures adlegantur
quam numerus s. s. etc.; C.I.L. ii.
1167, collegio hominum centum dumtaxet
constituto. Cf. Plin. x. 33, where
the coll. fabrorum is to be limited to
150.
Or. Henz. 4456 aediculae in quibus
simulacra, etc., 4510, 4400 area quae
ante se est maceria cincta long. p. x̅l̅i̅i̅x̅., lat. p. x̅x̅x̅i̅x̅., 7365, 4337, 4070,
4085.
For the contempt for slaves in the
fourth and fifth centuries, v. S. Hieron.
Ep. 54, § 5; Salv. De Gub. Dei, iv. 26.
For humaner sentiment, cf. Macrob.
Sat. i. 11, 12 sqq.; C. Theod. ix. 6, 2,
3, vii. 13, 8; ix. 7, 4; ix. 9, 1; ix. 12,
1.
Plin. Ep. viii. 16, § 1; on the more
humane feeling to slaves, cf. Sen. Ep.
47; De Ira, iii. 24, 32; De Clem. i.
18; De Ben. iii. 18, 19, 20; Juv. xiv.
16; Spart. Hadr. c. 18; Wallon,
L’Esclav. i. c. 11; Marq. Pr. i. 177.
Cagnat, pp. 467, 540; cf.
Boissier,L’Afr. Rom. p. 111. C.I.L. viii. 2554,
optiones scholam suam cum statuis et
imaginibus domus div. ex largissimis
stipendiis ... fecerunt, etc.
The Cornicines of the 3rd Legion
at Lambesi paid an entrance fee of 750
denarii (Scamnari nomine). The anularium
on retirement, and the funeraticium,
were each 500 denarii. It would
seem that there must have been a considerable
surplus. C.I.L. viii. 2557.
The diptych, which has been singularly
preserved, was found in a deserted
mine or quarry about 1780, along with
some other private documents of a
commercial character; v.C.I.L. iii.
p. 213, and 921. The dates range from
131 to 167 A.D. Cf. Or. Henz. 6087;
Schiller, Gesch. der röm. Kaiserzeit, i.
2, p. 643.
See Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1,
13, 14, Jener dualistische Idealismus,
welchen Plato begründet, und auch
Aristoteles nicht grundsätzlich überwunden
hatte, führt in letzter Beziehung
auf nichts anderes zurück, als
auf den Gegensatz des Inneren und
Aeusseren des Denkens und der gegenständlichen
Welt.... Es war nur ein
Schritt weiter in dieser Richtung, wenn
die nacharistotelische Philosophie den
Menschen in grundsätzlicher Abkehr
von der Aussenwelt auf sich selbst
wies, um in seinem Innern die Befriedigung
zu suchen, etc.
See Luc. Eun. c. 3,
συντέτακται ἐκ βασιλέως μισθοφορά τις οὐ φαύλη κατὰ γένη τοῖς φιλοσόφοις,
Στοϊκοῖς λέγω, κτλ.
Cf. Capitol. M. Ant. c. 3; Philostr.
Apoll. T. i. 7, § 8.
On pessimism in the reign of
Augustus, v. Boissier, Rel. Rom. i. p.
241. Cf. Sen. De Ira, ii. 8; De Ben.
i. 10; Ad Marc. 20, 22; Tac. Hist. ii.
37; Petron. 88.
Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, 487;
Plut. Aemil. P. c. vi.; Plin. H. N.
xxxv. 135; Polyb. xxxii. 10. But cf.
Mahaffy on Zeller’s view, in Greek
World under Roman Sway, p. 67.
Sen. Ep. 77, § 16, ecquid habes
propter quod expectes? Voluptates ipsas
quae te morantur consumpsisti....
Nihil tibi luxuria tua in futuros annos
reservavit intactum: cf. Ep. 89, § 21;
90, § 42.
Ep. 49, § 5, non vaco ad istas
ineptias: ingens negotium in manibus
est; Ep. 75, § 5, non delectent, verba
nostra, sed prosint ... non quaerit
aeger medicum eloquentem; Ep. 88, §
36, plus scire quam sit satis, intemperantiae
genus est. Cf. Ep. 71, § 6.
Nat. Quaest. Prol. § 11, formicarum
iste discursus est in augusto laborantium....
Punctum est istud in quo
navigatis, in quo bellatis; Sursum ingentia
spatia sunt, etc.; cf. Macrob.
Som. Scip. i. 16, § 6.
Ep. 102, § 26, dies iste, quem
tanquam extremum reformidas, aeterni
natalis est ... discutietur ista caligo
et lux undique clara percutiet ...
nulla serenum umbra turbabit. Cf.
De Imit. iii. 48, § 1, O supernae
civitatis mansio beatissima! O dies
aeternitatis clarissima, quam nox non
obscurat, sed summa Veritas semper
irradiat! Lucet quidem Sanctis perpetua
claritate splendida, sed non nisi
a longe et per speculum peregrinantibus
in terra.
Ep. 71, § 27; 94, § 50; Ad Marc.
24, § 5; Ep. 79, § 12, tunc animus
noster habebit quod gratuletur sibi,
cum emissus his tenebris, in quibus
volutatur, non tenui visu clara perspexerit
... et caelo redditus suo
fuerit; Zeller, iii. i. 637.
Ep. 79, § 12; 102, § 22, per has
mortalis aevi moras illi meliori vitae
longiorique proluditur, §§ 26, 28; Ep.
73, § 15, Deus ad homines venit, etc.
But cf. Zeller, iii. 1, 650; and for a
different view, Burgmann,Seneca’s
Theologie in ihrem Verhältn. zum
Stoicismus, etc. pp. 20-32. That Burgmann’s
is the truer view appears from
Sen. Ep. 95, § 49; 65, § 9; De Clem.
i. 5, § 7; De Benef. ii. 29, § 4; De Prov.
v. 10; De Ira, ii. 28, § 1; Ep. 41, §
2.
De Vit. Beat. xii. § 4, nec aestimant,
voluptas illa Epicuri quam sobria
et sicca sit, sed ad nomen ipsum advolant
quaerentes libidinibus suis patrocinium
aliquod ac velamentum. Cf.
Ep. 18, § 14; 16, § 7; 22, § 13; 28,
§ 9.
Ad Helv. viii. § 3, quisquis formator
universi fuit, sive ille deus est
potens omnium, sive incorporalis ratio
ingentium operum artifex, sive divinus
spiritus per omnia aequali intentione
diffusus, sive fatum et immutabilis
causarum inter se cohaerentium series.
Cf. N. Quaest. ii. 45, § 2.
Ep. 120, § 14; 65, § 16, nam corpus
hoc animi pondus ac poena est;
premente illo urgetur, in vinculis
est, etc. Ad Polyb. ix. § 6, omnis vita
supplicium est; Ad Marc. xx. § 2.
Ep. 24, § 18, mors nos aut consumit
aut eximit; Ep. 36, § 10;
102, § 23; De Prov. vi. § 6; Ad Marc.
25, § 1; ib. 19, § 5; 20, § 2, quae efficit
ut nasci non sit supplicium; cf. Epict.
ii. 1; iii. 10; iii. 13; iv. 1; M. Aurel.
viii. 18; vi. 28; iii. 3; ix. 3.
Ep. 53, § 11, est aliquid quo sapiens
antecedat deum; cf. Ep. 59, § 16,
talis est sapientis animus, qualis mundus
super lunam; semper illic serenum
est; 72, § 8.
Nat. Quaest. ii. 36; De Prov. 5,
§ 8, eadem necessitate et deos adligat
... ille ipse omnium conditor scripsit
quidem fata, sed sequitur; semper paret,
semel jussit.
Ep. 73, § 15, non sunt di
fastidiosi:
adscendentibus manum porrigunt;
Ep. 83, § 1, nihil deo clusum est;
Ep. 43, § 5, O te miserum si contemnis
hunc testem.
Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p.
235; Plut. De Prof. in Virt. i.
ὥστε τὸν πρωΐ κάκιστον ἑσπέρας γεγονέναι κράτιστον κτλ.;
Adv. St. c. x.; cf. Sen. Ep.
76, § 19.
Sen. De Benef. i. 10, § 1, hoc majores
nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur,
hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos
mores regnare nequitiam, in deterius
res humanas labi. Cf. Ad Polyb. c. iv.
Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p.
637; cf. p. 249. Cf. Martha, Mor.
sous l’Emp. p. 62. On Seneca’s relation
to the old Stoic theology, v.
Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 42 sq.
Sen. Ep. 36, § 1, illum objurgant
quod umbram et otium petierit; Ep.
123, § 15, illos quoque nocere nobis
existimo, qui nos sub specie Stoicae
sectae hortantur ad vitia: hoc enim
jactant solum sapientem et doctum esse
amatorem.
Ib. i. §§ 13-15, nec aegroto nec
valeo;... In omnibus rebus haec
me sequitur bonae mentis infirmitas.
Ib. § 17, rogo, si quod habes remedium
quo hanc fluctuationem meam sistam,
dignum me putes qui tibi tranquillitatem
debeam.
Ep. 32, § 2, in tanta brevitate vitae
quam breviorem inconstantia facimus,
etc.; Ep. 99, § 11,
intelleges etiam in
longissima vita minimum esse quod
vivitur.
Sen. Ep. 95, § 52; cf. M. Aurel.
iv. 4,
ὁ κόσμος ὡσανεὶ πόλις ἐστί: Epict.
Diss. i. 13, § 3; Cic. De Leg. i. 7, 23, ut
jam universus hic mundus una civitas
sit communis deorum atque hominum
existimanda.
Ep. 65, § 24; Ad Helv. viii. § 3; Ep.
41, § 2; De Ben. iv. 4 and 7; Ep. 10,
§ 5, sic vive tamquam deus videat;
Siedler, De Sen. Phil. Mor. p. 14;
Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie, p. 32.
Sen. Frag. ap. Aug. De Civ. Dei,
vi. 10; Ep. 41, § 1, non sunt ad caelum
elevandae manus, nec exorandus aedituus,
ut nos ad aurem simulacri quasi
magis exaudiri possimus admittat.
Epict. Diss. iv. i. 138,
Ἆρον ἐκεῖνα τὰ τῶν σχολαστικῶν καὶ τῶν μωρῶν κτλ. M. Aurel. vii. 67; cf. Zeller,
Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 203; Hatch,
Hibbert Lec. p. 142.
Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p.
483. Renan, Les Év. p. 384, les différences
des écoles étaient à peu près
effacées. Un éclecticisme superficie
était à la mode.
Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. iv.
ἔθελγε τῇ τε ἠχῇ τοῦ φθέγματος καὶ τῷ ῥυθμῷ τῆς γλώττης. A. Gell. v. 1, 3; Sen.
Ep. 108, § 6, non id agunt ut aliqua illo
vitia deponant sed ut oblectamento
aurium perfruantur. Cf. Philostr.
Vit. Soph. i. 7.
A. Gell. v. 1, 2, tum scias neque
illi philosophum loqui sed tibicinem
canere. Philostr. Vit. Soph. iii. 3,
ῥυθμούς τε ποικιλωτέρους αὐλοῦ καὶ λύρου ἐσηγάγετο ἐς τὸν λόγον. D. Chrys. Or.
xxxv. §§ 7, 8.
Sen. Ep. 5, § 1; 29, § 1; Mart. iv.
53, cum baculo peraque senem ... cui
dat latratos obvia turba cibos; Epict.
iii. 22; D. Chrys. Or. xxxiv. § 2;
Athen. iii. 113; Petron. 14; Aleiphr.
iii. 55; Caspari, De Cynicis, p. 10.
Plut. (?) De Plac. Phil. ii. 8; iv. 5;
Luc. (?) Demon. 4,
ποιηταῖς σύντροφος ἐγένετο ... καὶ τὰς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ προαιρέσεις ...
ἠπίστατο: cf. Caspari,
De Cyn. p. 6; Zeller, iii. 1, p. 685.
Cf. Aristid. Or. xlvi. (Dind. vol. ii.
p. 402),
τοῖς ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ δυσσεβέσι παραπλήσιοι τοὺς τρόπους. Bernays, p.
36, Übertritte aus dem einen in das
andere Lager vorkamen; Hatch, Hib.
Lec. p. 166; cf. Caspari, De Cyn. p. 25;
Jul. Or. vii. 224. C.
τὰ δὲ ἄλλα γε πάντα ἐστὶν ὑμῖν τε κἀκείνοις
(i.e.Χριστιανοῖς)
παραπλήσια. καταλελοίπατε τὴν πατρίδα ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι.
Sen. Ep. 58, § 36; 70, § 8; De
Prov. ii. 10; vi. § 7; De Ira, iii. 15;
De V. Beat. 19; Epict. i. 24. Cf. Plin.
Ep. i. 12; i. 22; iii. 7; iii. 9; vi.
24; Boissier, L’Opp. p. 212 sqq.
Ib. c. 34,
ἐγὼ δέ, εἰκάζεις, οἶμαι, πῶς ἐγέλων. v. Baur’s view of this
piece (Ch. Hist. ii. 170). He thinks
the self-immolation of Peregrinus pure
fiction, and that Lucian’s object throughout
was to discredit Christianity.
Luc. De Morte Peregr. c. 19; the
attempt of Peregrinus in Greece is probably
referred to in Jul. Capitol. Ant.
P. 5, § 5; cf. Bernays, p. 30; Caspari,
De Cyn. p. 15.
Bernays, Luc. u. die Kyniker, p. 104,
agrees with Bekker that the Demonax
can hardly be a genuine work of Lucian.
But its author was a contemporary and
friend of Demonax (c. i.
ἐπὶ μήκιστον συνεγενόμην).
Cf. Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 7. For
other authorities v. Zeller, Phil. der
Griech. iii. 1, p. 729, n. 1. Martha,
Moralistes sous l’Emp. rom. 294, gives
a good sketch of Dion’s career.
Ib. § 12,
πολλοὶ γὰρ ἠρώτων προσιόντες, ὅ τι μοι φαίνοιτο ἀγαθὸν ἢ κακόν.
ὥστε ἠναγκαζόμην φροντίζειν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἵνα ἔχοιμι
ἀποκρίνεσθαι τοὶς ἐρωτώσιν.
With the conversion of Dion cf. of that
of Isaeus and Polemon, etc., Philostr.
Vit. Soph. i. p. 218; Apoll. Tyan. i.
13; iv. 20; Epict. iii. 1; Diog. Laert.
iv. 3, § 1.
Or. xiv. § 2; xiii. § 13,
ἐδόκουν δέ μοι πάντες ἄφρονες, κτλ.: cf. Zeller, Phil.
der Gr. iii. 1, p. 730, er zeigt mit den
Stoikern, dass die wahre Freiheit mit
der Vernünftigkeit, die Sklaverei mit
der Unvernunft zusammenfalle; cf. Or.
xvi. § 4.
Sueton. Dom. xxxiii.; Calig. lx.
abolendam Caesarum memoriam ac diruenda
templa censuerunt; cf. Or. Henz.
698, 699, 767, where the names of
Caligula and Domitian have been
erased.
Lamprid. Alex. Sev. c. 29; Spart.
Hadr. 14, § 5; Luc. Peregr. c. 29;
Friedl. Sittengesch. iii. pp. 454-456.
Thiersch, Pol. u. Phil. in Verhältn.
zur Rel. p. 10.
C.I.L. xii. 3070, 4316; viii. 9195;
viii. 4578, Jovi, Junoni, Minervae, Soli
Mithrae, Herculi, Marti, Genio loci,
Diis, Deabusque omnibus; cf. viii.
4578; vi. 504.
Apul. Apol. c. 64 (536), totius
naturae causa et ratio, summus animi
genitor, aeternus animantum sospitator
... neque tempore neque loco neque
vice ulla comprehensus, nemini effabilis;
cf. Met. xi. c. 25; Denis, Hist.
des Idées Morales, ii. p. 264.
Thiersch, Pol. u. Phil. in ihrem
Verhältn. zur Rel. p. 21, man nennt den
Marcus einen Stoiker.... Aber
seine Dogmatik und seine ganze Seelenbestimmung
gehört schon weit mehr
dem Neoplatonismus an. Cf. Bussell,
School of Plato, pp. 278-290.
Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii. 1, p. 649.
Cf. Sen. Ep. 10, § 5; Ep. 73, § 16; Ep.
41, § 2; Ep. 63, § 7; Ep. 83, § 1; Ep.
95, § 50; Ep. 102, § 28, nulla serenum
umbra turbabit; De Prov. iv. 7; De
Ira, ii. 27; De Clem. i. 7; De Ben. 1.
29.
Yet cf. Zeller, iii. 1, p. 649, der göttliche
Beistand, welchen er verlangt, ist
kein übernatürlicher. Seneca had
broken away unconsciously from the
old Stoic idea of God, more than Zeller
will admit, or his words have no
meaning.
Suet. Dom. c. xx.; Spart. Vit. Hadr.
c. 16, § 5, Aul. Gell. xii. 2; Luc.
Lexiph. c. 20; Friedl. Sittengesch. iii.
p. 278; Macé, Suétone, p. 96; Gréard,
Morale de Plut. p. 33; cf. Sen. Ep.
114, § 13, multi ex alieno seculo petunt
verba: duodecim tabulas loquuntur.
Plut. De Tranq. c. 1;
Sympos. i.
9; v. 7, § 10; viii. 1; De Cohib. Ira,
c. 1; Sympos. ii. 3; i. 5; cf. Plin.
Ep. i. 9; iv. 5; Ep. i. 13; iv. 4;
Tac. Agr. c. 2; cf. Suet. Vesp. c. xxii.
Non posse Suav. vivi sec. Epic. c.
ii.
τὰ γὰρ αἴσχιστα ῥήματα, βωμολοχίας, ληκυθισμούς, ἀλαζονείας,
ἡεταιρήσεις, ἀνδροφονίας ... συνάγοντες Ἀριστοτέλους
καὶ Σωκράτους καὶ Πυθαγόρου καὶ τίνος γὰρ οὐχὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν,
κατεσκέδασαν:
Adv. Col. c. ii.
De Rect. Rat. Aud. c. xii.; cf. De
Prof. c. xv.
τίθεσθαι πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τοὺς ὄντας ἀγαθοὺς ἢ γεγενημένους καὶ
διανοεῖσθαι τί δ’ ἂν ἔπραξεν ἐν τούτῳ Πλάτων κτλ.
Ib. c.
xv.; cf. Sen. Ep. 11, § 8;
aliquis vir bonus nobis eligendus est
... ut sic tanquam illo spectante
vivamus, et omnia tanquam illo
vidente faciamus.
De Is. et Osir. c. 54, 78;
De ΕΙ ap. Delph. c. 20; Def. Or. c. 9, ad fin.;
Oakesmith, Rel. of Plut. p. 88; Zeller,
Phil. der Griech. iii. 2, p. 148; De Is.
et Osir. c. 40, 66; non p. Suav. c. 22,
βοηθεῖν πέφυκεν, ὀργίζεσθαι δὲ καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖν οὐ πέφυκεν: De Ser. Num. Vind.
c. iv. v. xviii.; Nitsch, De Plut. Theologo,
p. 8; Gréard, Morale de Plut. p.
263; cf. Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie,
pp. 14-20.
Diog. Laert. ix. § 18,
γέγραφε δὲ καὶ [Ξενοφάνης] ἰάμβους καθ’ Ἡσιόδου καὶ Ὁμήρου
ἐπισκώπτων αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ θεῶν εἰρημένα: v. extracts in Ritter
and Preller, Hist. Phil. p. 82; Plat.
Rep. ii. pp. 378-380.
Of the life of Maximus of Tyre little
is known. He began his career as a
teacher probably about 155 A.D. Like
other philosophers of his time, he had
travelled widely. See the references to
Arabia and Phrygia in Diss. viii., e.g.
§ 8,
Ἀράβιοι μὲν σέβουσι μὲν ὅντινα δὲ οὐκ οἶδα· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα εἶδον,
λίθος ἦν τετράγωνος. Cf. Zeller, iii. 2, p. 183 n.
Tatian, Adv. Gr. 20; Clem. Alex.
Ad Gent. 26; Cypr. Ep. 75, 10; Min.
Felix, c. 26, 27, isti igitur impuri
spiritus daemones, ... sub statuis et
imaginibus delitescunt, et adflatu suo
auctoritatem quasi praesentis numinis
consequuntur, dum inspirant interim
vates, dum fanis immorantur ...
sortes regunt, oracula efficiunt, falsis
pluribus involuta, etc. Cf. Tertull.
Apol. c. xxii. operatio eorum est
hominis eversio.... Itaque corporibus
quidem et valitudines infligunt et aliquos
casus acerbos, etc. Cf. De Idol.
c. ix; Maury, La Magie, p. 99 sqq.
Cic. De Div. ii. 57, 117, cur isto
modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur
... ut nihil possit esse contemptius?
Strab. vii. 7, 9,
ἐκλέλοιπε δέ πως καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον τὸ ἐν Δωδώνῃ καθάπερ τἆλλα.
Ib. c. 6,
φοβοῦνται τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ καταφεύγουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς θεούς,
κολακεύουσι καὶ λοιδοροῦσιν. Cf. Bacon’s Essays, Of
Superstition, “It were better to have
no opinion of God at all, than such an
opinion as is unworthy of Him.”
v. Fabian, Quid Tac. de num. div.
judicaverit, pp. 7, 13, 16, 21, 24, 29;
Nipperdey, Einleitung, xiv. xxvi.;
Tac. Hist. v. 5; ii. 38; Ann. iii. 18;
vi. 22; xiv. 12; cf. Peter, Die Gesch.
Litt. ii. p. 221.
Hist. i. 22, genus hominum
potentibus infidum sperantibus fallax,
quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur semper
et retinebitur; cf. Hist. v. 4; Ann.
vi. 28; iv. 58; cf. Fabian, p. 19.
Wolff, De Nov. Orac. Aet. p. 31,
Ejus sacerdotes fraudibus famosi opportune
Isidis templo Pompeiano culpae
convicti sunt; ubi ipse scalinam vidi
secretam, etc. Maury, La Magie, pp.
237-8.
Baumgart, p. 64, und dabei entwickelte
sich der Glaube, dass er dem
Asklepios alles verdanke, Leib, Leben,
und speciell die Gabe der Rede, etc.; cf.
p. 68, erhebt er ihn auch als den eigentlichen
Verleiher und Spender seiner
rednerischen Gaben, etc., p. 69, er dem
Gotte einen stärkeren und bleibenden
Einfluss auch auf die Gestaltung seines
inneren Lebens zuschreibt.
Jul. Capitol. M. Ant. c. 18,
hodieque in multis domibus M. Antonini
statuae consistunt inter deos
penates ... sacrilegus judicatus est
qui ejus imaginem in sua domo non
habuit.
Or. Henz. 2135, Sei Deo Sei Deivae
Sac. etc.; 1580, Aesculapio et Hygiae
caeterisque diis deabusque hujus loci
Salutaribus; 5902, Hospitibus diis
Mauricis et genio loci, etc.
Orig. C. Celsum, lib. iii. p. 124,
ed. Spencer; lib. vii. p. 334, Friedl.
iv. p. 458; S. Aug. De Civ. D. xix. 23,
quis ita stultus est qui non intelligat ... consilio
simili ab impuris daemonibus
ita fuisse responsa, etc.; cf.
viii. 22, mirabilibus et fallacibus signis
sive factorum sive praedictorum deos
se esse persuaserunt.
Or. Henz. 4414, 4417, nam curatores
substituam qui vescantur ex
horum hortorum reditu natali meo et
praebeant rosam in aeternum. Hos
neque dividi neque alienari volo.
Cic. Tusc. i. 12, 27, quas (caeremonias
sepulcrorum) ingeniis praediti
nec tanta cura coluissent, nec violatas
tam inexpiabili religione sanxissent,
nisi haereret in eorum mentibus mortem
non interitum esse omnia tollentem,
etc.
Diog. Laert. Vit. Pythag. viii. 1,
§ 14;
πρῶτόν τέ φασι τοῦτον ἀποφῆναι τὴν ψυχὴν κύκλον ἀνάγκης
ἀμείβουσαν ἄλλοτ’ ἄλλοις ἐνδεῖσθαι ζῴοις: S. Aug.
De Civ. D. vii. 6; cf. Liebaldt, Theolog.
Varr. i. p. 14; Cic. Rep. vi. 15-25;
Macrob. Som. Scip. i. 14.
Rohde, Psyche, ii. 161, n. 1, 34, 312;
Cic. De N. D. i. 11, 27; Pythagoras
qui censuit animum esse per naturam
rerum omnem intentum et commeantem,
ex quo nostri animi carperentur,
etc.
Cf. Graham, Creed of Science (2nd
ed.), p. 183, “The poets must count
for much in the argument, since they
possess in higher degree than others
the great creative faculty of imagination
which outlines the province of
the possible”; Jowett, Plato, i. pp.
389 sqq., etc.
Sen. Ad Marc. c. 19, 20; cf. Plut. (?)
Consol. ad Apoll. c. 15,
εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν οὖν τάξιν οἱ τελευτήσαντες καθίστανται
τῇ πρὸ τῆς γενέσεως: cf. ib. c. 34.
Ep. 120, § 14; 102, § 28,
aliquando naturae tibi arcana retegentur:
discutietur ista caligo ...
nulla serenum umbra turbabit, cf.
Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 328, n. 4. Rohde,
like Zeller, seems to me not to recognise
sufficiently how far Seneca has departed
from the old Stoicism.
See the apocryphal letters, p. 477,
of Haase’s ed. of Sen.; cf. Lightfoot,
S. Paul’s Ep. to the Philippians, p.
268 sqq. Zeller, Phil. der Griech. iii.
1, p. 637, n. 1; Baur, Ch. Hist. i. p. 16.
Herodotus never mentions Orpheus,
but speaks of
τὰ Ὀρφικά, ii. 81; nor do
the schol. on Homer allude to him (Lob.
Aglaoph. i. p. 540; cf. Aglaoph. p. 255
sqq.). His existence was denied by
Aristotle (Cic. De Nat. Deor. 1. 38, 108).
Plato seems to be as assured of it as
Iamblichus, Cratyl. 402; cf. Iambl.
Pythag. 145, 243.
Cic. De Div. i. 5, 9, existimo ...
si Dii sint, esse qui divinent; i, 38,
82; si sunt Dii, neque ante declarant
hominibus quae futura sint, aut non
diligunt homines, aut quid eventurum
sit ignorant. This argument is attributed
to Chrysippus and Diogenes in ii.
49, 101.
Plin. H. N. ii. 7, 5, fragilis et
laboriosa mortalitas in partes ista
digessit infirmitatis suae memor, ut
portionibus coleret quisque quo maxime
indigeret.
Min. Fel. Octav. c. 6, quanto
venerabilius ac melius antistitem veritatis
majorum excipere disciplinam,
religiones traditas colere, deos, quos a
parentibus ante imbutus es timere
quam nosse familiarius, adorare, etc.
Réville, p. 66; Goehler, p. 29;
Cumont, Mon. figurés de Mithra,
Introd. p. 333; Or. 2329, 2330, 1900;
C.I.L. vi. 497, 500, 511; cf. ib. x.
1596, where the taurobolium is connected
with Venus Coelesta (sic);
Preller, p. 486.
Tertull. De Praescrip. Haeret. 40;
Firm. Matern. De Err. Prof. Relig. c. 27,
neminem aput idola profusus sanguis
munit ... polluit sanguis iste, non
redimit.... Tauribolium quid vel
criobolium scelerata te sanguinis labe
perfundit? S. Paulin. Nol. Poem.
Ult. 112-117.
This is rendered doubtful by
Porphyr. De Abstin. iv. 16,
ὡς τοὺς μὲν μετέχοντας τῶν αὐτῶν ὀργίων μύστας
λέοντας καλεῖν (εἰώθασιν). τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ὑαίνας
(altered by Felicianus to λεαίνας);
cf. Gasquet, p. 98.
Tertull. Apol. 6; Ad Nat. i. 10;
prohibitos Capitolio Varro commemorat
eorumque aras a senatu dejectas nonnisi
per vim popularium restructas,
Val. Max. i. 3, 4; cf. Lewald, De Peregr.
Rel. ap. Rom. p. 10.
Rohde, Psyche, ii. p. 126; cf. i. 286;
Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. p. 239; Hardie, Lectures
on Classical Subjects, pp. 56, 57.
The Orphici laid more stress on the
moral aspect of immortality than the
priests of Eleusis did.
Lafaye, p. 126; Plut. De Is. et Osir.
c. 39,
διὸ μηνὸς Ἀθὺρ ἀφανισθῆναι τὸν Ὄσιριν λέγουσιν,
κτλ.: Juv. viii. 29;
vi. 534; Ov. Metam. ix. 692, nunquamque
satis quaesitus Osiris; Lucan, viii.
831, et quem tu plangens hominem
testaris Osirim; Min. Fel. c. 21.
C.I.G. 6006; Apul. Met. ii. c. 28
(159), propheta primarius, xi. c. 17
(788), sacerdos maximus. Or. Henz.
2305, C. Ruf. Volusianus pater ierofanta
profata Isidos; 1878, 6666; C.I.L. x.
6445; xii. 410.
Apul. Met. xi. c. 22 (800), Mithram
illum suum sacerdotem praecipuum,
divino quodam stellarum consortio ut
aiebat mihi conjunctum, sacrorum
ministrum decernit.
Cf. Denis, Idées Morales, etc. ii. p.
248 sq.; cf. Burgmann, Seneca’s Theologie,
p. 37; Sen. Ep. 95, 50; 31,
§ 11; Philostr. Apoll. Tyan. v. 25;
Max. Tyr. Diss. viii.; xiv. § 7, 8;
xvi. § 9.
Firm. Matern. c. 20, alterius
profani sacramenti signum est
θεός ἐκ πέτρας, etc. Cf. S. Hieron. Adv. Jov.
i. § 7; Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph.
c. 70; Prud. Cathem. v. 9; Cumont,
Mon. 199, 207.
Or. Henz. 6042; Gasquet, p. 112,
on the inscription of Vincentius, priest
of Sabazius, who was buried by the side
of Aurelius, a priest of Mithra; cf.
Réville, p. 92; Renan, M. Aurèle, pp.
578-9, n. 1.
Cumont, Intr. p. 326. For the
organisation of the societies of Magna
Mater v. Foucart, Associations Religieuses,
p. 20 sqq. Cf C.I.L. vi. 717;
vi. 734; vi. 3728; xiv. 286; Or. Henz.
6042 (Sentinum).