36 (return)
[ Public schools do not
answer the general purpose of the poor. They are chiefly in corporation
towns from which the country towns and villages are excluded, or, if
admitted, the distance occasions a great loss of time. Education, to be
useful to the poor, should be on the spot, and the best method, I believe,
to accomplish this is to enable the parents to pay the expenses
themselves. There are always persons of both sexes to be found in every
village, especially when growing into years, capable of such an
undertaking. Twenty children at ten shillings each (and that not more than
six months each year) would be as much as some livings amount to in the
remotest parts of England, and there are often distressed clergymen's
widows to whom such an income would be acceptable. Whatever is given on
this account to children answers two purposes. To them it is education—to
those who educate them it is a livelihood.]
37 (return)
[ The tax on beer brewed
for sale, from which the aristocracy are exempt, is almost one million
more than the present commutation tax, being by the returns of 1788,
L1,666,152—and, consequently, they ought to take on themselves the
amount of the commutation tax, as they are already exempted from one which
is almost a million greater.]
38 (return)
[ See the Reports on the
Corn Trade.]
39 (return)
[ When enquiries are made
into the condition of the poor, various degrees of distress will most
probably be found, to render a different arrangement preferable to that
which is already proposed. Widows with families will be in greater want
than where there are husbands living. There is also a difference in the
expense of living in different counties: and more so in fuel.
This arrangement amounts to the same sum as stated in this work, Part II, line number 1068, including the L250,000 for education; but it provides (including the aged people) for four hundred and four thousand families, which is almost one third of an the families in England.]
40 (return)
[ I know it is the opinion
of many of the most enlightened characters in France (there always will be
those who see further into events than others), not only among the general
mass of citizens, but of many of the principal members of the former
National Assembly, that the monarchical plan will not continue many years
in that country. They have found out, that as wisdom cannot be made
hereditary, power ought not; and that, for a man to merit a million
sterling a year from a nation, he ought to have a mind capable of
comprehending from an atom to a universe, which, if he had, he would be
above receiving the pay. But they wished not to appear to lead the nation
faster than its own reason and interest dictated. In all the conversations
where I have been present upon this subject, the idea always was, that
when such a time, from the general opinion of the nation, shall arrive,
that the honourable and liberal method would be, to make a handsome
present in fee simple to the person, whoever he may be, that shall then be
in the monarchical office, and for him to retire to the enjoyment of
private life, possessing his share of general rights and privileges, and
to be no more accountable to the public for his time and his conduct than
any other citizen.]
41 (return)
[ The gentleman who signed
the address and declaration as chairman of the meeting, Mr. Horne Tooke,
being generally supposed to be the person who drew it up, and having
spoken much in commendation of it, has been jocularly accused of praising
his own work. To free him from this embarrassment, and to save him the
repeated trouble of mentioning the author, as he has not failed to do, I
make no hesitation in saying, that as the opportunity of benefiting by the
French Revolution easily occurred to me, I drew up the publication in
question, and showed it to him and some other gentlemen, who, fully
approving it, held a meeting for the purpose of making it public, and
subscribed to the amount of fifty guineas to defray the expense of
advertising. I believe there are at this time, in England, a greater
number of men acting on disinterested principles, and determined to look
into the nature and practices of government themselves, and not blindly
trust, as has hitherto been the case, either to government generally, or
to parliaments, or to parliamentary opposition, than at any former period.
Had this been done a century ago, corruption and taxation had not arrived
to the height they are now at.]