This is a fac-simile of the doctor's hand-writing, and must for ever set at rest the long-disputed question of "Who is the author of Junius?"
The people were really in need of the advocacy of a writer like Junius, for their burdens at this time were of the most grievous magnitude. Although the country was not in danger from foreign enemies, in order to give posts of command, honor, and emolument, to the employed sycophants at court, our navy was increased, nominal situations were provided; while all the means to pay for such services were again ordered to be drawn from the people!
was productive of little else than harassing distresses [51]to the poor labourer and mechanic. At this period, it was not unusual to tear the husband from the wife, and the parent from the child, and immure them within the damp and noisome walls of a prison, to prevent any interposition on the part of the suffering multitudes. Yes, countrymen, such tyranny was practised to ensure the secrecy of truth, and to destroy the wishes of a monarch, who was rendered incompetent to act for himself.
Various struggles were made this year to curb the power of the judges, particularly in cases relating to the liberty of the press, and also to destroy the power vested in the Attorney-General of prosecuting ex-officio, without the intervention of a grand jury, or the forms observed by courts of law in other cases. But the boroughmongers and minions of the queen were too powerful for the liberal party in the House of Commons, and the chains of slavery were, consequently, rivetted afresh.
A question of great importance also occurred this year respecting the privileges of the House of Commons. It had become the practice of newspaper writers to take the liberty, not before ventured upon, of printing the speeches of the members, under their respective names; some of which in the whole, and others in essential parts, were spurious productions, and, in any case, contrary to the standing orders of the House. A complaint on this ground having been made by a member against two of the printers, an order was issued for their attendance, with which they refused to comply; a second order was given [52]with no better success. At length, one of the printers being taken into custody under the authority of the speaker's warrant, he was carried before the celebrated Alderman John Wilkes, who, regarding the caption as illegal, not only discharged the man, but bound him over to prosecute his captor, for assault and false imprisonment. Two more printers, being apprehended and carried before Alderman Wilkes and the Lord Mayor, Crosby, were, in like manner, discharged. The indignation of the House was then directed against the city magistrates, and various measures adopted towards them. The contest finally terminated in favor of the printers, who have ever since continued to publish the proceedings of parliament, and the speeches of the members, without obstacle.
In this year, the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton took place. The king appeared electrified when the matter was communicated to him, and declared that he never would forgive his royal brother's conduct, who, being informed of his majesty's sentiments, thus wrote to him: "Sire, my welfare will ensure your own; you cannot condemn an affair there is a precedent for, even in your own person!"—alluding to his majesty's marriage with Hannah Lightfoot. His majesty was compelled to acknowledge this marriage, from the Duke of Cumberland having made a confidant of Colonel Luttrell, brother of Mrs. Horton, with regard to several important state secrets which had occurred in the years 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, and 1763.
[53]This Duke of Cumberland also imbibed the family complaint of BIGAMY; for he had been married, about twelve months previous, to a daughter of Dr. Wilmot, who, of course, remonstrated against such unjust treatment. The king solemnly assured Dr. Wilmot that he might rely upon his humanity and honor. The doctor paused, and had the courage to say, in reply, "I have once before relied upon the promises of your majesty! But"—"Hush! hush!" said the king, interrupting him, "I know what you are going to say; but do not disturb me with wills and retrospection of past irreparable injury."
The death of the Earl of Halifax, soon after the close of the session in this year, caused a vacancy; and the Duke of Grafton returned to office, as keeper of the privy seal. His grace was a particular favourite with the queen, but much disliked by the intelligent and reflecting part of the community.
The political atmosphere bore a gloomy aspect at the commencement of
and petitions from the people were sent to the king and the two houses of parliament, for the repeal of what they believed to be unjust and pernicious laws upon the subject of religious liberty. Several clergymen of the established church prayed to be liberated from their obligation to subscribe to the "Thirty-nine Articles." But it was urged, in opposition to the petitions, that government had an undoubted [54]right to establish and maintain such a system of instruction as the ministers thereof deemed most suitable for the public benefit. But expedience and right are as far asunder, in truth, as is the distance from pole to pole. The policy of the state required some new source from whence to draw means for the secret measures needful for prolonging the existence of its privacy; and it was therefore deemed expedient to keep politics and religion as close together as possible, by enforcing the strictest obedience of all demands made upon the clergy, in such forms and at such times as should best accord with the political system of the queen. In consequence of which, the petitions were rejected by a majority of 217 boroughmongers against 71 real representatives of the people!
An act, passed this session, for "Making more effectual provisions to guard the descendants of the late king, George the Second, from marrying without the approbation of his majesty, his heirs, and successors, first had and obtained," was strenuously opposed by the liberal party in every stage of its progress through both houses. It was generally supposed to have had its origin in the marriage contracted but a few months before by the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton, relict of Colonel Horton, and daughter of Lord Irnham; and also in a private, though long-suspected, marriage of the Duke of Gloucester to the Countess-dowager of Waldegrave, which the duke at this time openly avowed. But were there not other reasons which [55]operated on the mind of the queen (for the poor king was only a passive instrument in her power) to force this bill into a law? Had she not an eye to her husband's former alliance with the quakeress, and the Duke of York's marriage in Italy? The latter was even more dangerous to her peace than the former; for the duke had married a descendant of the Stuarts!
Lord Chatham made many representations to the king and queen of the improper and injudicious state of the penal laws. He cited an instance of unanswerable disproportion; namely, that, on the 14th of July, two persons were publicly whipped round Covent Garden market, in accordance with the sentence passed upon them; but mark the difference of the crimes for which they were so punished: one was for stealing a bunch of radishes; the other, for debauching his own niece! In vain, however, did this friend of humanity represent the unwise, unjust, and inconsistent tenour of such laws. The king was anxious to alter them immediately; but the queen was decided in her opinion, that they ought to be left entirely to the pleasure and opinion of the judges, well knowing they would not disobey her will upon any point of law, or equity, so called. Thus did the nation languish under the tyrannical usurpation of a German princess, whose disposition and talents were much better calculated to give laws to the brute creation than to interfere with English jurisprudence!
In November of this year, it was announced that [56]the king earnestly desired parliament should take into consideration the state of the East India Company. But the king was ignorant of the subject; though it was true, the queen desired it; because she received vast emoluments from the various situations purchased by individuals under the denomination of cadets, &c. Of course, her majesty's will was tantamount to law.
The Earl of Chatham resolved once more to speak to the queen upon the state of things, and had an audience for that purpose. As an honest man, he very warmly advocated the cause of the nation, and represented the people to be in a high state of excitement, adding, that "if they be repelled, they must be repelled by force!" And to whom ought an unhappy suffering people to have had recourse but to the throne, whose power sanctioned the means used to drain their purses? The queen, however, was still unbending; she not only inveighed against the candour and sentiments of the earl, but requested she might not again be troubled by him upon such subjects! Before retiring, Lord Chatham said, "Your majesty must excuse me if I say, the liberty of the subject is the surest protection to the monarch, and if the prince protects the guilty, instead of punishing them, time will convince him, that he has judged erroneously, and acted imprudently."
The earl retired; but "his labouring breast knew not peace," and he resolved, for the last time, to see the king in private. An interview was requested, and as readily granted. "Well, well," said the king, [57]"I hope no bad news?" "No bad news, your majesty; but I wish to submit to your opinion a few questions." "Quite right, quite right," said the king, "tell me all." The earl did so, and, after his faithful appeal to the king, concluded by saying, "My sovereign will excuse me, but I can no longer be a party to the deceptions pawned upon the people, as I am, and consider myself to be, amenable to God and my conscience!" Would that England had possessed a few more such patriots!
This year will ever be memorable in history as the commencement of that partition of Poland, between three contiguous powers,—Russia, Austria, and Prussia,—which has served as an example and apology for all those shameful violations of public right and justice that have stained the modern annals of Europe. The unfortunate Poles appealed in vain to Great Britain, France, and Spain, and the States-general of Holland, on the atrocious perfidy and injustice of these proceedings. After some unavailable remonstrances, the diet was compelled, at the point of the bayonet, to sign a treaty for the formal cession of the several districts which the three usurpers had fixed upon and guaranteed to each other. The partitioning legitimates also generously made a present of an aristocratic constitution to the suffering Poles.
In the year
commercial credit was greatly injured by extensive [58]failures in England and Holland. The distress and embarrassment of the mercantile classes were farther augmented by a great diminution in the gold coin, in consequence of wear and fraud,—such loss, by act of parliament, being thrown upon the holders!
At this time, the discontents which had long been manifest in the American colonies broke out into open revolt. The chief source of irritation against the mother country was the impolitic measure of retaining a trifling duty on tea, as an assertion of the right of the British parliament to tax the colonies.
The year
bore a gloomy and arbitrary character, with wars abroad and uneasiness at home. The county of Nottingham omitted to raise their militia in the former year, and in this they were fined two thousand pounds.
Louis the Fifteenth of France died this year of the small-pox, caught from a country girl, introduced to him by Madame du Barré to gratify his sensual desires. He was in the sixty-fourth year of his age, and in the fifty-ninth of his reign. The gross debaucheries into which he had sank, with the despotic measures he had adopted towards the Chamber of Deputies in his latter years, had entirely deprived him of his appellation of the [59]"Well-beloved." Few French sovereigns have left a less-respected memory.
was also a year of disquiet. The City of London addressed the throne, and petitioned against the existing grievances, expressing their strong abhorrence of the measures adopted towards the Americans, justifying their resistance, and beseeching his majesty to dismiss his ministers. The invisible power of the queen, however, prevented their receiving redress, and the ministers were retained, contrary to all petition and remonstrance. Upon these occasions, the king was obliged to submit to any form of expression, dictated by the minister, that minister being under the entire controul of the queen; and though the nation seemed to wear a florid countenance, it was sick at heart. Lord North was a very considerable favourite with her majesty; while his opponents, Messrs. Fox and Burke, were proportionately disliked. The Duke of Grafton now felt tired of his situation, and told the queen that he could no longer continue in office; in consequence of which, the Earl of Dartmouth received the privy seal.
The Americans, in the mean time, were vigorously preparing for what they conceived to be inevitable—a war. Various attempts, notwithstanding, were made by the enlightened and liberal-minded part of the community to prevent ministers from [60]continuing hostilities against them. That noble and persevering patriot, Lord Chatham, raised his warning voice against it. "I wish," said he, "not to lose a day in this urgent, pressing crisis; an hour now lost in allaying ferments in America, may produce YEARS OF CALAMITY! Never will I desert, in any stage of its progress, the conduct of this momentous business. Unless fettered to my bed by the extremity of sickness, I will give it unremitted attention; I will knock at the gates of this sleeping and confounded ministry, and will, if it be possible, rouse them to a sense of their danger. The recall of your army, I urge as necessarily preparatory to the restoration of your peace. By this it will appear that you are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and to consider, revise, and repeal, if it should be found necessary, as I affirm it will, those violent acts and declarations which have disseminated confusion throughout the empire. Resistance to these acts was necessary, and therefore just; and your vain declaration of the omnipotence of Parliament, and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be found equally impotent to convince or enslave America, who feels that tyranny is equally intolerable, whether it be exercised by an individual part of the legislature, or by the collective bodies which compose it!"
How prophetic did this language afterwards prove! Oh! England, how hast thou been cursed by debt and blood through the impotency and villany of thy rulers!
[61]In the year
the Earl of Harcourt was charged with a breach of privilege; but his services for the queen operated as a sufficient reason for rejecting the matter of complaint.
So expensive did the unjust and disgraceful war with America prove this year, that more than nine millions were supplied for its service! In order to raise this shameful amount, extra taxes were levied on newspapers, deeds, and other matters of public utility. Thus were the industrious and really productive classes imposed upon, and their means exhausted, to gratify the inordinate wishes of a German princess, now entitled to be the cause of their misery and ruin. The queen knew that war required soldiers and sailors, and that these soldiers and sailors must have officers over them, which would afford her an opportunity of selling commissions or of bestowing them upon some of her favourites. So that these things contributed to her majesty's individual wealth and power, what cared she for the increase of the country's burdens!
It is wonderful to reflect upon the means with which individuals in possession of power have contrived, in all ages and in all countries, to controul mankind. From thoughtlessness and the absence of knowledge, the masses of people have been made to contend, with vehemence and courageous enterprise, [62]against their own interests, and for the benefit of those mercenary wretches by whom they have been enslaved! How monstrous it is, that, to gratify the sanguinary feelings of one tyrant, thousands of human beings should go forth to the field of battle as willing sacrifices! Ignorance alone has produced such lamentable results; for a thirst after blood is never so effectually quenched as when it is repressed by the influence of knowledge, which teaches humility, moderation, benevolence, and the practice of every other virtue. In civilized society, there cannot be an equality of property; and, from the dissimilarity in human organization, there cannot be equality in the power and vigour of the mind. All men, however, are entitled to, and ought to enjoy, a perfect equality in civil and political rights. In the absence of this just condition, a nation can only be partially free. The people of such a nation exist under unequal laws, and those persons upon whom injuries are inflicted by the partial operation of those laws are, it must be conceded, the victims of an authority which they cannot controul. Such was, unhappily, the condition of the English people at this period. To prevent truth from having an impartial hearing and explanation, the plans of government were obliged to be of an insincere and unjust character. The consequences were, the debasement of morals, and the prostitution of the happiness and rights of the people. But Power was in the grasp of Tyranny, attended on each side by Pride and Cruelty; while Fear presented an excuse for Silence and Apathy, and left [63]Artifice and Avarice to extend their baneful influence over society. British courage was stifled by arbitrary persecutions, fines, and imprisonment, which threatened to overwhelm all who dared to resist the tide of German despotism. Had unity and resolution been the watch-words of the sons of Britain, what millions of debt might have been prevented! what oceans of blood might have been saved! The iniquitous ministers who dictated war with America should have suffered as traitors to their country, which would have been their fate had not blind ignorance and servility, engendered by priests and tyrants, through the impious frauds of church and state, overwhelmed the better reason of the great mass of mankind! It was, we say, priestcraft and statecraft that kindled this unjustifiable war, in order to lower human nature, and induce men to butcher each other under the most absurd, frivolous, and wicked pretences. Englishmen, at the commencement of the American war, appear to have been no better than wretched captives, without either courage, reason, or virtue, from whom the queen's banditti of gaolers shut out the glorious light of day. There were, however, some few patriots who raised their voices in opposition to the abominable system then in practice, and many generous-hearted men who boldly refused to fight against the justified resistance of the Americans; but the general mass remained inactive, cowardly inactive, against their merciless oppressors. The queen pretended to lament the sad state of affairs, while she did all in her power to continue the misrule!
[64]At the commencement of
the several states of Europe had their eyes fixed on the contest between this country and the colonies. The French government assisted the Americans with fleets and armies, though they did not enter into the contest publicly. Queen Charlotte still persevered in her designs against America, and bore entire sway over her unfortunate husband. The country, as might be expected, was in a state of great excitement, owing to the adoption of measures inimical to the wishes and well-being of the people. The greater power the throne assumed, the larger amounts were necessarily drawn from the people, to reward fawning courtiers and borough proprietors.
This year, thirteen millions of money were deemed needful for the public service, and the debts of the civil list a second time discharged! At this time, the revenue did not amount to eight millions, and to supply the consequent deficiency, new taxes were again levied upon the people; for ministers carried all their bills, however infamous they might be, by large majorities!
In May, Lord Chatham again addressed the "peers," and called their attention to the necessity of changing the proceedings of government. Although bowed down by age and infirmity, and bearing a crutch in each hand, he delivered his sentiments, with all the ardour of youth, in these words: "I wish the removal of accumulated grievances, and the [65]repeal of every oppressive act which have been passed since the year 1763! I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last will come your equinoctial disappointment."
On another occasion, he said, "I will not join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace! It is necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth! We must dispel the delusions and darkness which envelop it. I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to permit me to say less." Alas! this patriot stood nearly alone. In his opinion, the good of the people was the supreme law; but this was opposed to the sentiments of the hirelings of state and their liberal mistress.
As a last effort, the earl resolved to seek an audience of the queen, and the request was readily complied with. The day previous to his last speech, delivered in the House of Lords, this interview took place. His lordship pressed the queen to relieve the people, and, by every possible means, to mitigate the public burdens. But, though her majesty was gentle in her language, she expressed herself positively and decisively as being adverse to his views; and took the opportunity of reminding him of the secrecy of state affairs. As Lord Chatham had once given his solemn promise never to permit those secrets to transpire, he resolved faithfully to keep his engagement, though their disclosure would have opened the eyes of the public to the disgraceful proceedings of herself and ministers. The noble earl retired [66]from his royal audience in much confusion and agitation of mind; and on the following day, April the 7th, went to the House, and delivered a most energetic speech, which was replied to by the Duke of Richmond. Lord Chatham afterwards made an effort to rise, as if labouring to give expression to some great idea; but, before he could utter a word, pressed his hand on his bosom, and fell down in a convulsive fit. The Duke of Cumberland and Lord Temple caught him in their arms, and removed him into the prince's chamber. Medical assistance being immediately rendered, in a short time his lordship in some measure recovered, and was removed to his favourite villa at Hayes, in Kent. Hopes of his complete restoration to health, however, proved delusive, and on the 10th of May,
this venerable and noble friend of humanity expired, in the seventieth year of his age.
The news of the earl's death was not disagreeable to the queen; and she thenceforth determined to increase, rather than decrease, her arbitrary measures. Ribbons, stars, and garters, were bestowed upon those who lent their willing aid to support her system of oppression, while thousands were perishing in want to supply the means.
Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, this year, were servile enough to raise regiments at their own expense; but the independent and brave [67]citizens of London, steady to their principles, that the war was unjust, refused to follow so mean an example!
The year
exhibits a miserable period in the history of Ireland. Her manufactures declined, and the people became, consequently, much dissatisfied; but their distresses were, at first, not even noticed by the English parliament. At length, however, an alarm of INVASION took place, and ministers allowed twenty thousand Irish volunteers to carry arms. The ministers, who before had been callous to their distresses, found men in arms were not to be trifled with, and the Irish people obtained a promise of an extension of trade, which satisfied them for the time.
Large sums were again required to meet the expenses of the American war, and, the minister being supported by the queen, every vote for supplies was carried by great majorities; for the year's service alone fifteen millions were thus agreed to. As the family of the king increased, extra sums were also deemed requisite for each of his children; and what amounts could not be raised by taxation were procured by loans,—thus insulting the country, by permitting its expenditure to exceed its means of income to an enormous extent.
Many representations were made to Lord North, that public opinion was opposed to the system pursued by ministers; but he was inflexible, and the generous interpositions of some members of the [68]Upper House proved also unavailing. The independent members of the Commons remonstrated, and Mr. Burke brought forward plans for the reduction of the national expenditure and the diminution of the influence of the crown; but they were finally rejected, though not until violent conflicts had taken place, in which Lord North found himself more than once in the minority.
About this time, Mr. Dunning, a lawyer and an eminent speaker, advocated, in a most sensible manner, the necessity of taking into consideration the affairs of Ireland; but ministers defeated the intended benefit, and substituted a plan of their own, which they had previously promised to Ireland; namely, to permit a free exportation of their woollen manufactures. The unassuming character of that oppressed people never appeared to greater advantage than at this period, as even this resolution was received by them with the warmest testimonies of joy and gratitude.
There cannot be a doubt, that if the Irish had been honestly represented, their honor and ardour would have been proverbial; but they have almost always been neglected and insulted. The queen had taken Lord North's advice, and acquainted herself with the native character of the Irish, by which she became aware that, if that people generally possessed information, they would prove a powerful balance against the unjust system then in force. At this time, there was not an Irishman acquainted with any state secrets; her majesty, therefore, did not [69]fear an explanation from that quarter, or she dare not have so oppressed them.
To provide for the exigencies of state, twelve millions of money, in addition to the former fifteen millions, were required this year; and thus were the sorrows of a suffering people increased, and they themselves forced to forge their own chains of oppression!
Numerous were the prosecutions against the press this year; among the rest, Mr. Parker, printer of "The General Advertiser," was brought before the "House of Hereditaries," for publishing a libel on one of its noble members. That there were a few intelligent and liberal-minded men in the House of Lords at this time, we do not wish to deny. The memorable speech of Lord Abingdon proved his lordship to be one of these, and, as this speech so admirably distinguishes PRIVILEGE from TYRANNY, we hope to be excused for introducing it in our pages. We give it in his lordship's own words:
"My Lords,—Although there is no noble lord more zealously attached to the privileges of this House than I am, yet when I see those privileges interfering with, and destructive of, the rights of the people, there is no one among the people more ready to oppose those privileges than myself. And, my lords, my reason is this: that the privileges of neither house of parliament were ever constitutionally given to either to combat with the rights of the people. They were given, my lords, that each branch of the legislature might defend itself against the encroachments of the other, and to preserve that balance entire, which is essential to the preservation of all.
"This was the designation, this is the use of privilege; and in this unquestionable shape let us apply it. Let us apply it against the encroachments of the crown, and not suffer any lord (if any such there be) who, having clambered up into the house upon the ladder [70]of prerogative, might wish to yield up our privileges to that prerogative. Let us make use of our privileges against the other house of parliament, whenever occasion shall make it necessary, but not against the people. This is the distinction and this the meaning of privilege. The people are under the law, and we are the legislators. If they offend, let them be punished according to law, where we have our remedy. If we are injured in our reputations, the law has provided us with a special remedy. We are entitled to the action of scandalum magnatum,—a privilege peculiar to ourselves. For these reasons, then, my lords, when the noble earl made his motion for the printer to be brought before this House, and when the end of that motion was answered by the author of the paper complained of giving up his name, I was in great hopes that the motion would have been withdrawn. I am sorry it was not; and yet, when I say this, I do not mean to wish that an inquiry into the merits of that paper should not be made. As it stands at present, the noble lord accused therein is the disgrace of this House, and the scandal of government. I therefore trust, for his own honor, for the honor of this House, that that noble lord will not object to, but will himself insist upon, the most rigid inquiry into his conduct.
"But, my lords, to call for a printer, in the case of a libel, when he gives up his author (although a modern procedure) is not founded in law; for in the statute of Westminster, the 1st, chapter 34, it is said, 'None shall report any false and slanderous news or tales of great men, whereby any discord may arise betwixt the king and his people, on pain of imprisonment, until they bring forth the author.' The statutes of the 2d of Richard the Second, chapter 5, and the 14th of the same reign, are to the same effect. It is there enacted, that 'No person shall devise, or tell any false news or lies of any lord, prelate, officer of the government, judge, &c., by which any slander shall happen to their persons, or mischief come to the kingdom, upon pain of being imprisoned; and where any one hath told false news or lies, and cannot produce the author, he shall suffer imprisonment, and be punished by the king's counsel.' Here, then, my lords, two things are clearly pointed out, to wit, the person to be punished, and what the mode of punishment is. The person to be punished is the author, when produced; the mode of punishment is by the king's counsel; so that, in the present case, the printer having given up the author, he is discharged from punishment: and if the privilege of punishment had been in this House, the right is barred by these statutes; for how is the punishment to be had? Not by this House, but by the king's counsel. And, [71]my lords, it cannot be otherwise; for, if it were, the freedom of the press were at an end; and for this purpose was this modern doctrine, to answer modern views, invented,—a doctrine which I should ever stand up in opposition to, if even the right of its exercise were in us. But the right is not in us: it is a jurisdiction too summary for the freedom of our constitution, and incompatible with liberty. It takes away the trial by jury; which king, lords, and commons, have not a right to do. It is to make us accusers, judges, jury, and executioners too, if we please. It is to give us an executive power, to which, in our legislative capacities, we are not entitled. It is to give us a power, which even the executive power itself has not, which the prerogative of the crown dare not assume, which the king himself cannot exercise. My lords, the king cannot touch the hair of any man's head in this country, though he be guilty of high treason, but by means of the law. It is the law that creates the offence; it is a jury that must determine the guilt; it is the law that affixes the punishment; and all other modes of proceeding are ILLEGAL. Why then, my lords, are we to assume to ourselves an executive power, with which even the executive power itself is not entrusted? I am aware, my lords, it will be said that this House, in its capacity of a court of justice, has a right to call for evidence at its bar, and to punish the witness who shall not attend. I admit it, my lords; and I admit it not only as a right belonging to this House, but as a right essential to every court of justice; for, without this right, justice could not be administered. But, my lords, was this House sitting as a court of justice (for we must distinguish between our judicial and our legislative capacities) when Mr. Parker was ordered to be taken into custody, and brought before this House? If so, at whose suit was Mr. Parker to be examined? Where are the records? Where are the papers of appeal? Who is the plaintiff, and who the defendant? There is nothing like it before your lordships; for if there had, and Mr. Parker, in such case, had disobeyed the order of this House, he was not only punishable for his contumacy and contempt, but every magistrate in the kingdom was bound to assist your lordships in having him forthcoming at your lordship's bar. Whereas, as it is, every magistrate in the kingdom is bound, by the law of the land, to release Mr. Parker, if he be taken into custody by the present order of this House. Nothing can be more true, than that in our judicial capacity, we have a right to call for evidence at our bar, and to punish the witness if he does not appear. The whole body of the law supports us in this right. But, under the pretext of [72]privilege, to bring a man by force to the bar, when we have our remedy at law; to accuse, condemn, and punish that man, at the mere arbitrary will and pleasure of this House, not sitting as a court of justice, is tyranny in the abstract. It is against law; it is subversive of the constitution; it is incompetent to this House; and, therefore, my lords, thinking as I do, that this House has no right forcibly to bring any man to its bar, but in the discharge of its proper functions, as a court of judicature, I shall now move your lordships, 'that the body of W. Parker, printer of the General Advertiser, be released from the custody of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and that the order for the said Parker, being brought to the bar of this House be now discharged.'
"Before I sit down, I will just observe to your lordships, that I know that precedents may be adduced in contradiction to the doctrine I have laid down. But, my lords, precedents cannot make that legal and constitutional which is, in itself, illegal and unconstitutional. IF THE PRECEDENTS OF THIS REIGN ARE TO BE RECEIVED AS PRECEDENTS IN THE NEXT, THE LORD HAVE MERCY ON THOSE WHO ARE TO COME AFTER US!!!
"There is one observation more I would make, and it is this: I would wish noble lords to consider, how much it lessens the dignity of this House, to agitate privileges which you have not power to enforce. It hurts the constitution of parliament, and, instead of being respected, makes us contemptible. That privilege which you cannot exercise, and of right too, disdain to keep."
If the country had been blessed with a majority of such patriots as Lord Abingdon, what misery had been prevented! what lives had been saved!
Early in the year
meetings of the populace took place in various parts of the kingdom, and ministers were boldly accused of having prodigally and wastefully spent the public [73]money; while petitions were presented, praying "for a correction of abuses in the public expenditure." Riots in many parts of England were the consequences of unjustly continuing wars and taxation, and several hundred people were killed and wounded by the military; while many others forfeited their lives on the scaffold for daring to raise their arms against tyranny. Lord George Gordon was also committed to the Tower on a charge of high treason; but no jury of his countrymen could be found to consider his undaunted attempt to redress the people's grievances as treasonable, and he was, consequently, honorably acquitted! The influence of her majesty, however, kept a minister in office, though contrary to the sense of the wisest and best part of the community; and a ruinous war was still permitted to drain the blood and money of the many.
War might probably be considered by those in power a legal trade; but was it not continued for the untenable purpose of avarice? We think it was. There did not appear to be any rational hope for reform or retrenchment, while men versed in corruption were so enriched, and had an almost unlimited sway over the councils of the reigning authority. Popular commotion was dreaded; yet the ministers could not be prevailed upon to dispel the cause of anxiety by conciliatory measures,—by a timely redress of grievances, by concession of rights, and by reformation of abuses. If they had done so, they would have given satisfactory evidence that government had no other object in view than faithfully to [74]discharge their duty, by adopting such plans as would really benefit mankind, and furnish means to secure the comfort and happiness of all men.
In the mean time, much distress was imposed upon the unfortunate king, by the increasing and uncontroulable prodigality of some of his children, especially of George. The queen would not hear of any thing to his discredit, and thus what little of family enjoyment remained was ultimately destroyed.
The unrestrained predilection of this youthful prince now became habitual pursuits, and excesses of the most detestable description were not unknown to him. Within the circle of his less nominally illustrious acquaintance, every father dreaded the seduction of his child, if she possessed any personal charms, while the mother feared to lose sight of her daughter, even for a moment. It is not in our power to give an adequate idea of the number of those families whose happiness he ruined; but we well, too well, know the number was infamously great. The country gave him credit for being liberal in political principles, and generously disposed for reform. But little of his real character was then known; his faults, indeed, were named as virtues, and his vices considered as gentlemanly exploits, so that his dissembled appearance was received, by those unacquainted with him, as the sure and incontestable mark of a great and noble soul. But, before our pages are concluded, we fear we must, in duty, prove him a widely-different character! It is true, his acquaintance with political characters was chiefly amongst [75]"the Whigs;" it may also be added that those "Whigs," so particularly intimate with this prince, did not gain much by their connexion with him, but finally became as supine and venal as himself. They determined that, as the heir-apparent, he should not be allowed to suffer any deterioration of greatness, and the principles and practices of so mighty an individual were considered by them to constitute a sufficient patent for continual imitation.
At this period, Mr. Dunning moved his famous resolution to the House, with unbending firmness and uncompromising fidelity. He said, "The influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished." It was carried by a majority of 233 against 215; but a second resolution, which was to give effect to the first, was lost by a majority of fifty-one votes.
In the year
William Pitt, the second son of the late Lord Chatham, delivered his first speech in the Commons, in favour of the bill introduced by Mr. Burke, on the subject of reform.
Lord North brought forward the budget on the 7th of March, containing the various items needful for the service of the year. The amount so calculated was twenty-one millions of money!—twelve of which were to be raised by loans, the terms being very high. From this bold imposition upon the public [76]purse and credit, the ministry were much lowered in public opinion.
During this year, the brave General Washington struck that decisive blow which afterwards gave liberty to his countrymen. He kept General Clinton at New York, in constant alarm; and then suddenly appeared before York Town in full force, and obtained a grand victory over Lord Cornwallis, who was there with his army. The American war consequently became more unpopular than ever, and shortly after the meeting of parliament, in March,
a resolution was moved, and passed without a division, declaring that the House of Commons would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all who should advise the prosecution of offensive war in North America!
Shortly after, Lord North resigned, and the Marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of the new administration. Amongst the promotions at this time, was Mr. Dunning! who, at her majesty's request, was created Baron Ashburton, and also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
A treaty of peace was now entered into with General Washington, and Sir Guy Carleton was deputed to conduct the happy affair.
In the beginning of July, the unexpected death of the Marquis of Rockingham threw the whole cabinet into extreme disorder; and another resignation [77]of ministers took place, on which occasion Mr. Pitt was constituted "Chancellor of the Exchequer," although only twenty-three years of age! Lord Shelburne accepted the office of premier, at the request of the king, which gave great offence to Mr. Fox and the Duke of Portland, who resigned. The country was little benefitted by this change, as the money required for the service of the year was more than twenty-four millions, of which thirteen had to be raised by loans.
In November, the provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris between the Commissioners of England and those of the United States.
The Shelburne party were obliged to retire in
having, by their arbitrary measures, drawn upon themselves general displeasure throughout the country.
Much surprise was created at the unexpected coalition of Lord North and Mr. Fox, which was the natural result of the pressing case of the prince, to whom the queen had confidentially entrusted his father's breach of the law, in the solemnization of his marriage with herself. The queen, in fact, used the prince's influence to prevail upon Mr. Fox to join Lord North, as he was well informed upon all the circumstances of the king's first marriage. Although the political sentiments of these gentlemen were opposed, it was represented as a safe line of conduct, to ensure the tranquillity of the kingdom. Thus, [78]again, was every portion of truth sacrificed to the WILL of the queen.
This year, the king agreed that the heir-apparent should receive fifty thousand pounds per annum, and sixty thousand pounds to equip him suitably to his dignity. In the mean time, it became a public fact, that the prince had so deeply involved himself in debt as to be mean enough to resort, through the medium of others, to borrow money (of various amounts) of his tradespeople!
Before the conclusion of the year, the Whig and Tory ministry were ejected, to the entire satisfaction of nearly every individual in the nation, who despised such an unholy alliance of opposite principles.
Mr. Pitt was now made "First Lord of the Treasury," which was a change very satisfactory to her majesty, as, from the youth of the new "premier," she augured her likely influence over the political hemisphere to be increased. It was well known that her majesty did not like any of the prince's associates, more especially Messrs. Fox and Sheridan. Mr. Burke was not supposed to be so informed upon all subjects; and, though much in the necessary confidence of the prince, the queen presumed it was chiefly in procuring pecuniary accommodations. It was not until an after period, that the whole truth was stated to her by the prince.
New taxes alone could furnish means for the immense additional annuities now imposed upon the country; and thus were sums for every succeeding year's demand increased.
[79]At this period, the Prince of Wales and his next brother were associated in dissipation of every kind. Their love of gaming was proverbial, and their excess of indulgence in voluptuousness soon exhausted the income allowed them by the country. Their caprices were various, but those of the prince was most strikingly evinced in his abruptly declining his engagements with the celebrated Mrs. Robinson. His usual plan was, when fascinated by the appearance of a new object, to exert every nerve to possess it. Presents, accompanied by the highest eulogiums, and protestations of eternal love and constancy, were always pressed upon the acceptance of the intended victim; and thus, by apparent devotion and unconquerable passion, many were the delusions he practised, and the outrages he committed, upon the unsuspecting virtue of woman.
Had a plebeian committed but one act similar to those in which the prince was so frequently the principal character, his life must have atoned for his fault, and a destitute family, in consequence, been plunged into distraction. But, because the prince was of such high-reputed family, he must, forsooth, be accounted a noble-minded gentleman; and, instead of exposition and punishment, the venal and hired press of the day launched out into the most fulsome eulogiums of his graceful, all-attracting elegance of style and manners, without even speaking of the infamy of his amours, intrigues, and debaucheries! Some writers, alas! are so fearful of speaking the truth, lest they should offend the side they have [80]espoused, or the inclinations and political principles of those by whom they are likely to be read, that they almost persuade themselves there is a sort of impropriety in presenting facts in their proper colours! But is it not beneath the dignity of the press to act in so cowardly a manner?
In the year
(notwithstanding the dreadfully enormous weight of the "national debt," borrowed by the ministers upon nominal annuities, for which large interest was given) the king was again solicited to assist the prince, in order that his debts might be discharged. This request was refused, and Messrs. Fox and Sheridan advocated the subject to no purpose.
During this year, much public display of talent was made in the House. Mr. Pitt was now fully and entirely in her majesty's "confidence," and he well knew if "the system" were to be continued, war must be carried on, and oppression would increase rather than decrease. While engaged in a private interview with the queen, upon various state subjects, Mr. Pitt submitted his opinion upon the extravagance and improper pursuits of the prince, adding, "I much fear, your majesty, in his delirium of debauchery, some expressions may escape him, to the injury of the crown!" "No," answered the queen, "he is too well aware of the consequences to himself, if that transpired; so on that point I can rely upon [81]him." "Is your majesty aware," said Mr. Pitt, "that at this time the prince is engrossed by a fair beauty? and I believe, from good authority I may say, intends to marry her! He is now so much embarrassed, that, at the suggestion of his trusty friend, Sheridan, he borrows large amounts from a Jew, who resides in town, and gives his bonds for much larger amounts than he receives; by this means, he is actually involved in debt to the amount of above a million of money; and the interest and principal must, some day, be honourably discharged, or else he must never ascend the throne; as the dishonour would cause him eternal disgrace, if not an abdication." Truly, this was a fine picture of England's future monarch!
In the year
Mr. Pitt caused prosecutions to be issued and enforced to check the rising spirit of the Irish, as they appeared determined to press hard until they received reform in the representation; and, in order to divert the exasperated feelings of the people of England, as he stood deeply pledged to the reformers, "as a man and a minister," to bring in "a bill to amend the representation of the people," he moved, April 18th, for leave to bring it forward for the consideration of the House. His plan was to transfer the right of election from thirty-six rotten boroughs to the counties and principle unrepresented towns, allowing a pecuniary compensation to the owners of the disfranchised boroughs, and to extend the right of voting [82]for knights of the shires to copyholders. This minister suffered his motion to be negatived by 248 against 194! Had there been honesty on the part of the minister towards the people, unfettered by any state secrets, he would have been prepared to meet the numerous opposers; but he found himself unable to serve the cause of liberty and slavery at the same time, and so, to save his word of promise, he did bring in "the bill," when he well knew it was impossible to carry it under the then existing corruptions!
In the farce here played, under the management of that youthful renegade,—Pitt, we have a fair specimen of the way in which the English have been treated. But there is a time rapidly approaching when the supporters of despotism cannot thus delude their countrymen. The whole nest of court sycophants, however, seem determined rather to see England reduced to a state of the most grievous bondage than imagine one of their own ill-gotten acres endangered, or the least of their absurd and exclusive privileges called in question. But are such creatures, their imagined interests, and affected opinions, to triumph over the views of the most virtuous patriots and wisest men of the present age? Forbid it, Justice!
The year
was ushered in under some peculiar circumstances [83]of distress and alarm. The king was evidently declining in health, and strong signs of imbecility were apparent. He positively refused to see the prince upon the subject of his debts, and was otherwise much distracted at the recollection of various impositions upon the public, which might have been avoided, if, in the moment of necessity, he had explained himself fully to the nation, and pressed for an amelioration of all unnatural and uncivilized acts of parliament, detrimental to the peace, welfare, and happiness of the sovereign and the subject.
In July, the prince was so beset with appeals from his numerous creditors, that, partly to silence them, and partly to induce the House to pay his long-standing arrears of borrowed money, he announced his intention to give up his establishment, and, out of his annual income of fifty thousand pounds, to reserve ten thousand, and appropriate forty thousand for the benefit of his creditors.
In the early part of this year, the prince was married to Mrs. Fitzherbert. Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, and Burke were present upon the occasion, as also were some of the relatives of the bride. After the ceremony, Mr. Fox handed them into a carriage, and they drove to Richmond, where they spent some days. In the interim, the queen was made acquainted with the marriage. Her majesty requested an audience with the prince, which was immediately complied with. The queen insisted on being told if the news of his marriage were correct. "Yes, madam," replied he, "and not any force under [84]heaven shall separate us. If his majesty had been as firm in acknowledging his marriage, he might now have enjoyed life, instead of being a misanthrope, as he is. But I beg, further, that my wife be received at court, and proportionately as your majesty receives her, and pays her attention, from this time, so shall I render my attentions to your majesty. The lady I have married is worthy of all homage, and my very confidential friends, with some of my wife's relations, only, witnessed our marriage. Have you not always taught me to consider myself heir to the first sovereignty in the world? where then will exist any risk of obtaining a ready concurrence from the House in my marriage? I hope, madam, a few hours reflection will satisfy you that I have done my duty in following this impulse of my inclinations, and therefore I wait your majesty's commands, feeling assured you would not wish to blast the happiness of your favourite prince." The queen presumed it would prove her best policy to signify her acquiescence to the prince's wishes, and the interview terminated without any further explanation or remonstrance; nevertheless, the substance of the interview was immediately communicated to Mr. Pitt. The extravagant expenditure of the prince, at this period, was so increased, that he frequently promised cent. per cent. for advances of cash!
The Duke of Richmond, this year, proposed to erect fortifications all over England! Monstrous as this attempt to enslave the country must appear, the power of Pitt brought the division of the House of [85]Commons on the bill exactly even, so that the speaker was obliged, by his conscience, to give his casting vote against so traitorous an affair! The establishment of a sinking fund was next brought forward; and, on a surplus of taxes appearing, amounting to NINE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS, new taxes were levied on the plea of making up this sum ONE MILLION, which, with compound interest, was to be invariably applied to the reduction of the national debt.
In the year
the queen received the wife of the prince (Mrs. Fitzherbert) in the most courteous manner in public! The mental illness of the king became now apparent to those around him, but it was not spoken of publicly.
In April, Mr. Newnham, member for the city of London, gave notice that he should bring forward a motion, the intent of which was, "To address the king, in order to procure his approbation to relieve the Prince of Wales from all embarrassments of a pecuniary nature," to which he hoped the House would cordially agree. This announcement created much conversation, as well it might; and Mr. Newnham was earnestly solicited to withdraw his motion, lest its results should do injury to the state, and be productive of other inconvenience and mischief. The minister (Pitt) said, "that if Mr. Newnham persevered [86]in pressing his motion upon the notice of the House, he should be driven to make disclosures of circumstances, which otherwise he believed it to be his imperative duty to conceal." Mr. Rolle (member for Devonshire) considered that an investigation of this matter involved many questions of consequence, which would affect both church and state. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, with some other private acquaintances of the prince, were bold in their language, and replied, that "the prince did not fear any investigation of his conduct; and that respect or indulgence, by an affected tenderness or studied ambiguity, would be disagreeable to the wishes and feelings of his royal highness!"
A few days after this debate, Mr. Fox called the attention of the House to the strange and extraordinary language used by Mr. Rolle, saying, "that he presumed those remarks were made in reference to the base and malicious calumny which had been propagated out of doors by the enemies of the prince, in order to depreciate his character, and injure him in the opinion of the country!" Mr. Rolle replied to this by saying that, "though the marriage could not have been accomplished under the formal sanction of the law, yet if it existed as a fact, it ought to be satisfactorily cleared up, lest the most alarming consequences should be the result." Mr. Fox, in reply, said, "that he not only denied the calumny in question, with respect to the effect of certain existing laws, but he also denied the marriage in toto," adding, "though he well knew the matter was illegal [87]under every form of statute provided, yet he took that opportunity to assert, it never did happen." Mr. Rolle again asked, "Do you, Sir, speak from DIRECT OR INDIRECT AUTHORITY?" Mr. Fox replied, "FROM DIRECT AUTHORITY." The House was now anxious that Mr. Rolle should express his satisfaction; but he positively and determinately refused, "as he wished every member of the House to JUDGE for himself!" Now mark the result. Mr. Sheridan (the bottle-companion of the prince) rose and declared warmly, "that if Mr. Rolle would not be satisfied, or put the matter into some train for his further satisfaction, his opinion was, the House ought to resolve, that it was seditious and disloyal to propagate reports injurious to the prince." But notice Mr. Pitt's reply, who rose, and protested against an attack upon the freedom of speech in that House. Mr. Pitt, indeed, could do no less than stop the inquiry; for if it had proceeded to any greater length, the LEGITIMACY of the prince might have been doubted!!!
The prince again sought advice to shield himself from his various opponents, whose impertinent, yet honest expressions, might prove an alloy to his character, and render void all his pretensions to even common honesty! His royal highness deigned to consult some persons of consequence, but he could not receive any advice equal to his wishes. At length, he saw the queen, and partly explained his difficulties and debts, concluding his remarks by these threatening words: "Unless the king suggests [88]HIS DESIRE for the payment of these debts, I will EXPLAIN all this STATE MYSTERY; and I would receive a shot from a musket, in preference to the galling insults which I well know the kingdoms infer from these shameful arrears." Again the state secrets operated! Again was TRUTH to be hidden in a napkin! The prince retired from the audience; but the queen was no sooner disengaged than Mr. Pitt was announced and introduced. The interview was short, but decisive, and the minister departed on a mission to the prince at Carlton House. There he promised that his royal highness should immediately receive means to discharge his debts, and accordingly, on the very next day, a message was laid before the House, and an address voted to the king, to request him to grant out of the "civil list" the sum of one hundred and sixty-one thousand pounds, to discharge the debts of George, called Prince of Wales, with an additional sum of twenty thousand pounds to finish the repairs of Carlton Palace. When this infamous proposition was made, distress and wretchedness were at an alarming height! But the king was more an object of pity than of blame. Royalty, to him, was a deceitful bauble. Those who beheld it at a distance saw nothing but greatness, splendour, and delight; but, could they have examined it closely, they would have found toil, perplexity, and care, its constant companions.
The king was now fast exchanging the bloom of youth for the languor of age. He knew his duty was to repress calumny and falsehood, and to support [89]innocence and truth; and not only to abstain from doing evil, but to exert himself in every way to do good, by preventing the mischiefs evil counsellors might devise. Yet the state secrets kept him from acting as his heart dictated, and his mind soon lost all its vigour!
The prince, from this time, was sure of the attainment of his wishes, if within the power of the queen to bestow; and, from this conquest, he gave loose rein to the impetuous desires of his wayward inclinations. Splendid fêtes were given, money was lavished upon the most insignificant and indecorous occasions; virtue openly insulted, in every possible shape; and the man, who was expected shortly to reign over the destiny of millions, was frequently exhibited to his friends as an UNPRINCIPLED LIBERTINE, a NOTORIOUS GAMESTER, and an UNGRATEFUL SON! But the rank of royal distinction, and the means he possessed to gratify his lusts (being devoid of all positive integrity upon many points) were sufficient causes of excuse in the estimation of himself and his minions! His graceful bow and ensnaring address led many good-natured people into a belief that he was really an honest man and a gentleman!
From the commencement of the year
the king's health again declined. His mind appeared full of gloomy apprehensions and forebodings; [90]sometimes he uttered the most incoherent language; then, dissolving in tears, would ask after the health of the several members of his family, and especially of his youngest daughter, to whom he was more particularly attached. This state of aberration was, however, strictly concealed from the public as long as possible by the queen. Here, again, mark her German policy! Fearing she could not much longer conceal the king's indisposition, she determined to consult her favourite minister, and they resolved upon a proposition to give to the queen's care the charge of his majesty's person, presuming that step was finally needful, as by its adoption only could she retain an opportunity of exercising complete controul over her afflicted husband! On the reassembling of parliament, therefore, the project of the queen was brought forward by Pitt, who, possessing a decided majority, passed what resolutions he pleased. He contended, in opposition to Fox, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to the regency than he had! The debates upon this subject were long and warm; but Pitt and the queen finally triumphed. The care of the king's person and the disposition of the royal household was to be committed to her majesty, who would, by this means, be vested with the patronage of four hundred places, amongst which were the great offices of lord-stewart, lord-chamberlain, and master of the horse! These "loaves and fishes" offered the queen a fine opportunity of exercising her tyranny, and further increasing her power!
[91]Let us here digress a little, to reflect upon the enviable state in which her majesty was placed at this period.
Behold, then, the Queen of England, in the enjoyment of health, surrounded with all the luxuries of life, knowing the intricacies of STATE INFAMY, and anxious to hold the reins of government in her own hands, constantly closeted with the minister—ALONE! his years not half so many as those of his royal mistress! See her confiding in his secrecy, submitting her opinions for his decision, and knowing that herself and her family are in his power! The man, who, after this retrospect, pronounces there never was a false step, or a deviation from rectitude, we venture to say is but very little acquainted with humanity! It is also well known to more than one or two individuals, that the Prince of Wales dared to jest with her majesty upon the occasional private interviews she held with this minister; and his royal highness was once seriously sent from her presence, in consequence of a TRIFLING DISCOVERY he made. It therefore seemed the more requisite that the appearance of a rigid decorum must exist at court; consequently, if any lady had been known to violate those bounds, she must be excluded from royal favour, and never again enter the precincts of the palace! Her majesty, it will be perceived from this, knew how to put on the garb of virtue, if she possessed it not! Our love of impartiality, however, obliges us to give an instance contrary to the general edict of the queen. Her majesty was made fully [92]acquainted with Mrs. Fitzherbert's history, and therefore knew that this lady had been left a widow—twice; and that she afterwards accepted the protection of the Marquis Bellois, which intimacy was of considerable duration. Yet, as soon as the prince married her, she was a general visitant at court, and received the most especial and unlimited polite attentions from the queen. Let this example suffice to shew her majesty's scrupulous delicacy!
In March,
the king was declared convalescent, so as to be able to resume his duties, and defeat those air-drawn schemes of power, which his queen was about to assume.
The insulted sovereign thus freed the people, for a time, from the artful stratagems and devices arising from the charnel house of oppression.
It is certain, that his majesty was free from all violent paroxysms, and generally manifested a quiet and unobtrusive disposition in all things. But then this was the utmost of his improvement. Reason's empire was fatally shook, and the recollection of the past incapacitated him for forming an opinion either upon the present or the future.
The queen, in the mean time, resolved not to be entirely debarred of her prospects of patronage; for, under the specious disguise of kingly authority, her [93]majesty gave appointments and honours to the hirelings around her, and carried "majorities" whenever she pleased.
It was not deemed prudent that the king should open the House in person; therefore, the chancellor delivered the speech in the name of his majesty.
During this session, Mr. Wilberforce pleaded ably for the abolition of West Indian slavery, though to very little advantage.
Some excesses of an unhappy description were practised by the Duke of York; but they were passed over without any public punishment or parental rebuke, although a family of high respectability suffered the loss of their only daughter, a most beautiful and accomplished girl, nearly twenty years of age! She was a victim of the duke's sensuality, and destroyed herself by poison soon afterwards,—such were the extreme sentiments of honor and virtue entertained by her. Some of her family yet live to mourn her loss and regret the privileges of royalty!
In this year a revolution broke out in France, and innumerable lives were lost. The opposite views which Burke and Fox took of this event dissolved the friendship that had so long existed between them.
In February,