The crowd flowing along the Quai Voltaire in Paris, on the shores of the Seine, changed its varied pictures so quickly that it resembled a kaleidoscope.
One bright morning about ten o'clock, a man was to be seen pursuing his way with hasty steps from the Rue Bonaparte across the bridge towards the Tuileries.
Although he was scarcely of the middle height, and rather shabby in dress, yet he caused many passengers to look at him for a moment--certainly only for a moment, but a Parisian seldom looks at anything much longer--from the unusual swiftness of his step, and the thoughtfulness with which he hastened on without looking to right or left, pursuing his way in a manner which proved him to be usually a dweller in large capitals.
The man thus hurrying to the royal and imperial palace was even meanly clad; from his dress, and his bent form, he might have been supposed a master in some elementary school, or a lawyer's clerk; but the changing expression of his sharply-cut features, his red and white northern complexion, and the penetrating glances of his light grey eyes, gave to his appearance a character which belied the impression first formed.
The man gained the other side of the Seine and entered the courtyard leading to the portal of the Tuileries.
He showed the sentry a paper, and on glancing at it the voltigeur de la garde stepped back, and with a short "Bien, Monsieur," admitted him into that inner court of the imperial residence, where no profane foot was permitted to enter, and into which only the court equipages and the carriages of the grandees of the empire were allowed to drive.
Without slackening his pace the little man hastened on. He passed by the great imperial entrance--before which, under a wide canopy, supported by golden lances, stood a group of officers of the household, and laquais de palais, conversing in whispers--to a smaller one, where he entered with the assurance of one who well knows the locality. He went up a step and into an anteroom, where in a large arm-chair sat a huissier de palais, performing his duty with quiet dignity.
"M. Piétri?" said the visitor.
"M. Piétri is in his cabinet," replied the huissier, half raising himself from his chair.
"Ask if he will receive M. Hansen, he has an appointment with me."
The huissier rose at once and entered the cabinet of the emperor's private secretary; after a moment he opened the door, saying, in a low tone, "Enter, sir!"
The former Danish advocate, that unwearied agitator on behalf of the rights of Denmark, entered the cabinet of Napoleon III.'s private secretary.
This cabinet was a large, light room, full of tables and repositories for papers, deeds, and maps. At the farther end was a spiral staircase which led into the apartment above, the entrance to which was closed by the silken folds of a dark portière.
Piétri sat before a large writing-table. He was still a young man, and slightly made. His rather long face had a bright, peaceful, spiritual expression, which gave a charm to any ordinary employment undertaken by him.
He bowed as Hansen entered, pushed back a packet of letters with which he was occupied, and politely pointed to an arm-chair which stood at a little distance from the writing-table.
"Well," said Piétri, commencing the conversation, as he fixed his bright eyes in expectation upon his visitor, "you have come from Germany, what have you seen and heard? Are matters ripe? In what mind are the people? Tell me everything--we must know every detail of what is occurring there, in order to take up our own position."
"Let me begin with the central point of the position," replied Hansen. "I was lately in Berlin, and I discovered nothing there, with regard to the views of statesmen or the national feeling, to make me doubt the correctness of my impressions."
At this moment a noise was heard at the top of the stairs at the further end of the cabinet, the heavy folds of the portière slowly opened, and a man appeared standing on the top step.
It was Napoleon III. who thus descended into his private secretary's cabinet.
Piétri rose as soon as he heard the portière withdrawn and the foot on the stairs, and remained standing before the writing-table.
Hansen followed his example.
The emperor slowly descended the steps. It was not the form represented in the life-size portrait; the hand placed commandingly upon the crown and sceptre of France, proudly draped in the imperial mantle, which well became the graceful, slender figure.
It was an old man who descended the stairs; embonpoint had destroyed the elegance of his figure, illness and pain made his carriage feeble and uncertain, his grey hair no longer thickly surrounded his brow, but fell in thin locks over his temples, and his eyes, in former times often veiled though capable of stormy flashes, now looked dull and wearied.
The emperor, dressed in a plain black morning coat, and smoking a cigarette, the strong and excellent aroma of which preceded him in a light blue cloud, carefully descended the stairs, and entered the cabinet.
He walked slowly, with the heaviness of later years.
He stopped before his secretary, gave him a peculiar look from the veiled shadows of his eyes, and bowed low to Hansen. He seemed to scan him completely in a quick momentary examination, and he then turned his head to Piétri, with a slight expression of inquiry.
"Sire," said Piétri, "Monsieur Hansen, a Dane who is completely devoted to his country, and who has also done us good service, for as a Dane he loves France; he has travelled through Germany, seen many personages, and was about to tell me the result of his observations."
The emperor again bowed to Hansen; the amiable and charming kindness with which he could at will exercise a magic influence, shed a glow like sunshine over the weary indifference of his face.
"I know," he said, in his low but clear and penetrating voice, which expressed in a masterly way the finest shades of feeling, "I know that all Danes love their country, and for that reason they have warm hearts for France, their country's friend. Your name is known to me, sir, as that of a man distinguished for his burning and active patriotism, even in so patriotic a country as Denmark."
Hansen bowed low, whilst the pleasurable emotion he felt at the emperor's words caused him to blush.
"Sire," he said, "so gracious a recognition from your majesty's lips almost makes me forget that my zealous efforts in my country's behalf have been fruitless. If my humble name is known to your majesty, you must know, too, how much I love France and revere her emperor, upon whose mighty will it depends whether Denmark shall win back and maintain her rightful position amongst the nations of Europe."
The emperor bowed his head slightly. A sudden deeply penetrating glance shot from his half closed eyes towards the Danish agitator, whose upturned face expressed only deep veneration.
"My dear Piétri," said Napoleon III., turning to his secretary, "I came down to look through the morning's correspondence. Is it ready for me?"
"Here it is, sire," said Piétri, taking some papers from the table and handing them to the emperor.
Napoleon took them, and with a movement recalling his youthful agility, he rolled a chair close to the window, seated himself, and took from his étui another cigarette, which he lighted at the end of the one he had just smoked.
"I will not disturb your conversation," he said with an engaging smile. "Go on as if no one were here, I will quietly read my letters."
Piétri again seated himself before the writing-table, and signed to Hansen to do the same.
The emperor looked at the first of the papers he held in his hand very attentively; it was marked with a blue pencil at the most important passages.
"So you were lately in Berlin?" asked Piétri, again looking at Hansen expectantly.
"I was there," he replied, "and I brought away with me the conviction that a great German conflict is unavoidable."
"Do they desire it?"
"They do not desire the conflict; but they desire what cannot be obtained without a conflict."
"And that is----?"
"The perfect reform of the German Confederation, the military ascendency of Prussia to the Main; the complete setting aside of the traditions of Metternich's Germany. Count Bismarck is recklessly determined to reach his aim, and I believe he, too is convinced that this aim cannot be reached without war."
Piétri was silent for a few moments, and his eyes glanced at the emperor still immersed in his papers, then he looked full at Hansen and said:
"And would they not be pacified by the sole possession of Holstein and Schleswig? Provided Austria cedes her conjoint authority in the Duchies, I thought they intended to settle the boundaries of Silesia to your advantage."
A slight glow passed over Hansen's face, but he replied with unmoved voice:--
"No, the conflict cannot thus be avoided. I believe they were inclined to make great concessions in exchange for the entire possession of the Duchies; and if France heartily demanded it, Danish North Schleswig might be restored; but no palliative will prevent the conflict.
"Believe me, sir!" he continued, with animation, "this conflict is no quarrel about the German Grand Duchies; they know well enough in Berlin that they must in time fall to Prussia, and they do not fear the resolutions of the Grand Duke of Augustenburg. The strife arises from the historical development of Prussia and Germany. Prussia is really not the second German state, but the first, and the German Confederation grants her only the second place, and represses her natural powers of development by a machinery the springs of which are set in motion in Vienna.
"This is the true cause of the quarrel: Prussia desires the place which naturally belongs to her, and which Austria held formerly. The quarrel has lasted years and years, and would perhaps have continued many years longer in its latent form--for the exercise of the wits of European diplomatists--if Bismarck had not been at the head of the marvellously expansive Prussian state. This statesman is an incarnation of the Prussian spirit, strengthened by an extraordinary and genial originality. He knows how to develop in the highest degree the rich and well-knit strength of the country, and he has determined to put an end to Prussia's present position. He can be led to no second Olmütz; he will gain for Prussia her place in Germany, or perish."
The emperor's hand with the papers it held slowly sank into his lap, and his eyes, suddenly opened widely, and burning with excitement, were fixed on Hansen's face. His master's attention did not escape Piétri; he said, with a slight smile:--
"It is indeed wonderful to hear a Dane speak so enthusiastically of the Prussian minister, here in Paris."
"Why not?" asked Hansen, quietly. "This man who knows what he wants, and exerts all his powers to gain what he wills, who loves his country and determines to increase its greatness and power, compels my respect,--he deserves esteem for his efforts--admiration if he succeeds. Between Bismarck and myself stands my country, Denmark. The German part of the Duchies we do not desire and could not make use of,--but we want what is Danish, and what is necessary to protect the Danish frontier. If this is yielded we shall have no cause to be the foe of Prussia or Germany. If this is withheld Prussia may for ever reckon little Denmark amongst her enemies, for exactly the same reasons which influence Herr von Bismarck's policy."
Napoleon III. listened attentively.
Piétri said:--
"Have you gained the impression that there is an inclination on the part of Prussia to meet the wishes of Denmark?"
"I do not think this impossible," replied Hansen, firmly, "especially," he continued with great distinctness, "if Prussia, in her difficult position, might by such an arrangement, gain the support of one of the great powers. It would then only be necessary to arrange the frontier line, so as to maintain the interests of both Denmark and Germany."
As he slowly uttered these words he looked at the emperor. Napoleon had raised the letter in his hand near to his eyes, which were fixed without any especial expression upon the paper.
Piétri enquired further:--
"Supposing that Bismarck desires war, or more properly, desires objects only to be obtained by war, will the king proceed to extremities, rather than dismiss his minister? I speak to you without reserve," he added, apparently with reckless candour; "you live in the political world, and know as well as I do what is said in the circles surrounding the Prussian ambassador. Did you receive the impression in Berlin that Count Goltz might possibly succeed Bismarck?"
"No," replied Hanson, decidedly. "The King of Prussia shrinks excessively from war,--that is to say, not from war itself, but from a war with Austria--a German war. The king dreads such a war and earnestly wishes to avoid it. If Vienna would meet him in the principal points, he would probably make many more concessions than Bismarck would approve. But when once the question is asked the king will not yield the principle. He has created a new army organization. According to all judges it is exemplary, and he carried it out in spite of the opposition of parliament; he will not draw back when the first opportunity comes of vindicating and enlarging Prussia's powerful position in Germany. The king will strike with a heavy heart, but he will strike, and after the first cannon has fired he will be only a general. I have not conversed with King William myself," continued Hansen, "but what I have said is the résumé of conversations I have had with those who know intimately both the situation and the personages concerned. As to Herr von Bismarck's position," he continued, "it is perfectly firm. Bismarck will never forfeit the king's confidence."
"Why not?" asked Piétri, with animation.
"Because he is a soldier."
"That is to say, he wears the Landwehr uniform."
"That is only the exterior, but in this case it is not an idle appearance. Bismarck is a soldier: he is a man of action, of quick and clear decision; his diplomatic pen does not tremble at the roar of cannon or the clash of arms; he would be as calm riding over a battle-field as sitting by a green table. The king feels this; he is himself a soldier, and he trusts him. I know Count Goltz has many friends, but these friends deceive themselves, and I can assure them, that if they have chosen him in Paris, they have not in Berlin."
There was a short silence.
After Piétri had glanced at the emperor, he further enquired:--
"But what is the national feeling? Judging from the press, war is not popular?"
"Indeed it is not," replied Hansen; "the people dread a defeat, and the parliamentary opposition believe in their short-sightedness that Bismarck is commencing a war to get himself out of the blind alley into which they think they have forced him. They little know the man with whom they have to do!"
"But," objected Piétri, "will not the Prussian government place itself in a very dangerous position if it begins a war against Austria and Germany, whilst its own subjects oppose this war and regard it unfavourably?"
"I think this danger is apparent, but not real," replied Hansen. "The army--and this is the main point--will do its duty, and in spite of all opposition will be ready in full strength; and all who speak and write against Bismarck now, will fall at his feet after the first victory. Interior strife will be extinguished when the first battle is won: each addition to Prussia, each step towards the unity of Germany, will tend to make the war which procured them more popular."
"Victory!" exclaimed Piétri; "but will Prussia be victorious?"
"It must be so," said Hansen, calmly. "Austria deceives herself both as to the forces she can, with the help of Germany, place in the field, and those at the command of Prussia. The strength of the Prussian army is immense; it is quickly concentrated and homogeneous. The Austrian army is weak, and cannot be properly bound together, or placed under a united command. The South German soldiers with whom I have spoken, and who know the condition of Austria, have no doubt of the success of Prussia. The conduct of the war on the South German side must be a very lame affair, for they have not yet even begun their military preparations. Hanover and Hesse desire to remain neutral, but they have concluded no treaty, and after all their hesitation they will be surprised. Austria will find her only energetic support in Saxony, where Beust, the life and soul of the anti-Prussian movement, has succeeded in getting the army ready to take the field."
"You believe entirely in victory for Prussia?" asked Piétri, in a tone that showed he was not inclined to share the belief without demur.
"I do," replied Hansen, "and I think all prudent policy must reckon on it almost as a certainty."
"You spoke just now," said Piétri, after a short pause, "of additions to Prussia. What do you think she will demand, or take, if victory is on her side?"
"All that she needs, and can keep."
"That is, expressed in names and numbers?"
"The whole of North Germany unconditionally."
Piétri made a movement of incredulity.
"Be assured I am not deceived," said Hansen; "the people themselves will desire conquests when Prussian blood has once flowed: what is to be gained from Prussia must be gained before the war; after one victory they will not listen to argument in Berlin."
The emperor stood up.
Piétri and Hansen also rose.
Napoleon placed the packet of papers which his secretary had given him again on the table.
He bowed his head slightly to Hansen, and said--
"I am very glad, sir, to have made your acquaintance, and I shall always be happy to be useful to a nation whose every member is so inspired with patriotism."
Hansen bowed low, and left the room.
As the door closed behind him the emperor rose quickly, his eyes shone, and he said, as he stepped hastily towards Piétri:--
"Piétri, do you believe that man observes sharply, and is well informed?"
"I know him to be a sharp observer. As to his information, I know that Bismarck has received him; that he has had intercourse with various political personages in Germany, and that he has a talent for discovering the direction of popular opinion. Nevertheless I think he over-estimates the power of Prussia. Bismarck impressed him greatly, and the impression made is mirrored in his report. We have seen the same before; this Prussian minister well knows how to gain those whom he wishes to win."
The emperor gazed thoughtfully before him. "I fear," he said, in a low voice, "that the man is right, and that we have a great and difficult historical problem before us. Can we support Austria without wounding Italy, already too strong to be ignored? Can Prussia prevail, and Germany be reconstituted, without danger to the prestige of France--yes, even to our frontier! Alsace and Lorraine once were German."
Piétri smiled.
"Your majesty loves to jest!"
"Ah! Piétri," said the emperor, placing his hand on his secretary's shoulder, partly to impress his words, partly as if seeking a support, "you do not know the Germans; I know and understand them, for I have lived amongst them. The German nation is a lion, which knows not his own power; a child might lead him with a chain of flowers,--yet in his claws there is strength to destroy the whole European world, when he knows his own nature and when he once tastes blood. And in this war he will taste blood--the old jest, 'l'appetit vient en mangeant' will turn to frightful earnest; let this Prussian lion once break his chain, and he will be a frightfully dangerous neighbour."
The emperor said this half aloud in short broken sentences, while his eyes, as if following a vision, stared into space.
A quiet smile played round Piétri's lips.
"Your majesty has a dark hour," said he, in the calm encouraging tone used to one ill and excited; "I believe the strongest element in the German lion is sleep--should he awake and play the dangerous pranks your majesty describes, he will find on our frontier our large armies and the imperial eagle. The impertinent lion will soon be taught his place."
The emperor let his head sink down on the arm still resting on Piétri's shoulder; his whole figure seemed to collapse, his eyes glowed wildly beneath their veil of eyelashes, his breath came with difficulty through his parted lips, as if it struggled to form words which might express his gloomy thoughts. The mighty emperor seemed oppressed by the darkest forebodings; at last, without the least movement in his lips, he said, in a low tone which filled the quiet room with a trembling shudder,
"I am not the Great Napoleon!"
The voice was so sad, so chilling, so deeply melancholy that Piétri's face, before calm and smiling, turned pale as if touched by deadly cold.
He sought for a reply; but a noise was heard, the portière was withdrawn, and on the upper step of the staircase appeared the emperor's groom of the chambers, who announced:
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys requests an audience."
At the first sound the emperor had withdrawn his arm from Piétri's shoulder, and his countenance had regained its usual calm, cold expression. He received the announcement with his ordinary manner, and replied:
"I will come."
The groom of the chambers withdrew.
"I know what he wants," said Napoleon, "he wishes me to put a spoke in the rolling wheel, to prevent hostilities. I often wish to do so--but is it possible? Shall I risk at this moment the great question? for if I speak and my word is not obeyed, the firebrand is kindled which will endanger the existence of France and of myself. If I permit things to go on, time at any rate is gained, and time brings favourable chances, and the possibility of strengthening the power and influence of France without a war. Well, let us hear what he wishes."
And he walked slowly towards the stairs. At the first step he paused, and returned several paces into the cabinet.
"Piétri," said he in a low tone, "what do you think of Drouyn de Lhuys?"
"Sire," he replied, "I admire his deep and extended information, and I have a great respect for his character."
The emperor was silent for a moment.
"He is very near the House of Orleans," he said with some hesitation.
"Sire," replied Piétri firmly, "he has given your majesty his oath, and I know M. Drouyn de Lhuys too well to doubt that his oath is sacred."
The emperor was again silent for a moment, then he made a slight sign of adieu to Piétri with his hand, and mounted the stairs to the apartment above.
Piétri returned to his writing-table, and looked through the remainder of the correspondence.
Napoleon III. entered his plainly furnished cabinet, walked up to the writing-table and touched a bell. The groom of the chambers appeared.
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys!" said the emperor.
A few moments afterwards the Minister for Foreign Affairs entered his sovereign's cabinet.
Drouyn de Lhuys at this time was about sixty years of age, tall and strongly made. His thin grey hair and equally grey whiskers, arranged in the English fashion, surrounded a healthy looking, fresh-coloured face, lighted up by an expression of kindliness and affability.
The appearance of this well-known man resembled a well-to-do English landlord, rather than an experienced statesman who had thrice already, under circumstances of great difficulty, filled the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The eyes alone, sharp, clear, and observing, beneath the broad brow, gave an idea of the talent of this strong, excellent, and distinguished man, accustomed to unravel and knit together the tangled threads of European policy.
The minister wore a black morning coat, with the large rosette of the Legion of Honour in the button-hole.
The emperor advanced to meet him and held out his hand.
"I am delighted to see you, my dear minister," he said, with an engaging smile, "what have you to tell me? how does Europe get on?"
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys with his peculiarly slow, and pedantic-sounding sharpness of pronunciation, "Europe is sick, and will soon have a dangerous paroxysm if your Majesty does not employ soothing measures."
"Do you not over-estimate my power," said the emperor, smiling, "by thinking that I can? But," he added seriously, "speaking without metaphor, you wish to tell me that hostilities in Germany are about to break out--is it not so?" and sinking into an easy chair, he signed to his minister also to seat himself.
"It is true, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys, as he seated himself, opened his portfolio and drew from it some papers, "that this is what I wished to say to your Majesty. Here is a despatch from Vienna stating, that--in incredible blindness--they have determined to commence hostilities and to urge matters to an immediate rupture. They are about to summon the States in the duchies without the consent of Prussia, and Count Mensdorff has forwarded a despatch to Berlin, which is really an ultimatum, as it requires in a high tone the immediate suspension of all military preparations."
The minister handed the emperor the despatch; he looked through it hastily, and placed it on the table.
"Here," added Drouyn de Lhuys, "is a despatch from Benedetti, stating most positively that Herr von Bismarck is determined to take the most decided measures to obtain for Prussia her proper position in Germany. The project of reform which he brought before the assembly of the German Confederacy in Frankfort, was a moral declaration of war against the preponderance of Austria, and the position bestowed on her by the treaty of Vienna. Count Mensdorff's despatch, which I have had the honour of naming to your Majesty, has already arrived in Berlin, and been presented by Count Karolyi. It has given great offence. Benedetti describes it as one of those compositions which in former times the German Emperor addressed to the Margrave of Brandenburg, and it has served greatly to diminish the King of Prussia's repugnance to war. Thus on both sides matters are hastening towards war, and, in a few weeks perhaps, the armies will be opposed to each other, and the whole of Europe will take part in the quarrel, if your Majesty does not command a halt."
The minister stopped, and looked at the emperor inquiringly. Napoleon leant dreamily on the arm of his chair.
"And what do you advise me to do, my dear minister?" he asked after a short pause, as he raised himself a little and looked anxiously at Drouyn de Lhuys' calm and open countenance.
"Your Majesty knows my opinion on this subject," he replied, "though I fear you do not share it. A German war must be prevented for the sake of France, for the sake of the peace of Europe. I think I do not deceive myself," he continued, "when I express my conviction that Prussia will emerge from such a war more powerful and more to be dreaded, for I cannot believe in the military success of weak and decaying Austria; and as to the remainder of Germany, it is not worth speaking of, with its isolated little armies without military or political connexion. To permit Prussia to become more powerful--to become the supreme leader in Germany--is completely against the interest of France. Your Majesty must allow me to say that the France of to-day--the France of Napoleon," he added, slightly bowing,--"should, according to my views, pursue the same course of policy towards Prussia and the House of Hohenzollern as Bourbon France formerly pursued towards Austria and the House of Hapsburg. Then Austria's endeavour was the union of the military and political strength of the German nation, and France, wherever she turned, found herself opposed by the House of Hapsburg. Prussia now holds the same place, and continually thwarts our lawful ambition, and if in this war she succeeds in uniting in her own hands the military power of Germany, our plans will all be crossed, and the influence which we justly exercise on the affairs of Europe greatly diminished."
"But if Prussia is beaten?" asked the emperor.
"I do not believe in such a result," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "but grant it is so, what do we gain? Austria, with unbounded power, would place herself at the head of Germany, and the old enmity of the House of Hapsburg, strengthened by the Italian war, would be exercised with new energy to our disadvantage. There is but one policy for France, that is, to uphold the present position in Germany--to nourish, to sharpen the antagonism between Prussia and Austria, but never let it come to a war, to a decision; and to make use of the fear felt for both these powerful rivals in the smaller courts of Germany to extend our own influence. Thus, in an imperceptible way, we shall easily obtain what the Emperor Napoleon I. obtained from the confederacy of the Rhine--the power of using federal Germany against the two great states. I cannot believe there is any other policy for France to pursue with regard to Germany. Prussian or even Austrian Germany must always be our foe, and a very dangerous foe: let us oppose the two great powers, and drive in between them the wedge of the German kingdoms and dukedoms jealous of their sovereignty; then, if we act prudently and carefully, and require nothing to hurt the national feeling, Germany will be completely subservient to our will."
"You think then--?" said the emperor inquiringly.
"That your Majesty must prevent the outbreak of war in Germany with all your energy, or the position of France in Europe will be much imperilled."
The emperor was silent for a time, and tapped with his fingers upon the arm of his chair, then he said:
"Do you believe that I can prevent war; do you believe I am strong enough to force back the half-drawn sword into the scabbard? Yes, if Palmerston still lived," he said, thoughtfully; "with him it would have been possible; but with the England of to-day, who has great words, but deeds no longer!----Do you believe my single voice will be heard? And if I am not heard? Must I not fear that, as in the story of Jason, the two foes about to fall on each other will quickly unite against him who would have thrust himself between them? Bismarck would soon see such a game. Oh! I have let this man become too great!"
Drouyn de Lhuys calmly replied--
"I do not share the fears and difficulties your Majesty has so graciously pointed out. A single word from you would prevent the war. I must impart to your Majesty a conversation I had with Bismarck, the last time I saw him. He explained to me with the greatest openness and freedom from all reserve, the position he desired Prussia should hold in Germany. A war with Austria he declared was an absolute necessity for the historical development of Germany, since Austria would never freely allow Prussia to take the place due to her. 'But though this war is necessary,' said the Prussian minister, 'and though I, and every Prussian government, must regard it as a certain logical event, yet the exact moment in which it must commence depends upon the will and statesmanship of the government. I should certainly not be so foolish as to undertake two great wars at once, and to strike France and Austria at the same time. If you are in earnest in desiring the delay of the outbreak required by the chronic German question, say so plainly and openly. I can wait.' So said Herr von Bismarck. I implore your Majesty," continued Drouyn de Lhuys, "to authorise me to make the declaration he thus invited, and to say plainly that France will not permit a German war, and that in case hostilities commence, her armies will at once start for the frontier."
The minister looked anxiously into the emperor's face. He still gazed thoughtfully before him.
After a few moments Napoleon spoke:
"I cannot entirely share your views, my dear minister. Like yourself I see the danger that may accrue to France from a German war; I also acknowledge the truth of your opinion that the relations of the old confederacy enabled us to exert considerable influence in Germany in a comfortable and easy manner. But," he added thoughtfully, "could such relations continue? A movement is passing through the world, urging national union, and I think it highly dangerous to endeavour to oppose the spirit of the times. I know you are dissatisfied with what I have done in Italy, with what I must perhaps still do; and yet I think I am right. The pulses in the life of the people now beat so strongly, that the balance of the world can no longer be maintained by those little weights which old politicians threw now into one, now into the other scale. National agglomerations must take place, and we must endeavour to place such a weight in the balance as shall prevent its kicking the beam. Besides, Germany will not be so dangerous as you fear. The German races have no craving for foreign conquest; they are not offensive, and only struggle for a federal formation. I regard, too, the result of the war differently. I do not think that either of the two opponents will be completely and absolutely victorious; they will weaken each other: we will, to a certain extent, harass the victor, and I believe in the end Germany will be divided into three parts: Prussia with North Germany, Austria, and South Germany. Then," he continued with a smile, "you will have an excellent opportunity, my dear minister, of proving your favourite proverb--Divide et impera, and your work will be less in detail than heretofore."
"Then your majesty will not forbid the German war?" asked Drouyn de Lhuys.
"I believe I neither can, nor ought," replied the emperor; "Italy too, presses me to fulfil my promise. Free to the Adriatic!"
"A promise your majesty ought never to have given," said the minister, firmly.
"Perhaps," said Napoleon; "but it is given, and I cannot leave every question open. Mexico weighs heavily upon me."
Napoleon sighed deeply. After a pause he added:--
"I will make an effort to reconcile your views with my own. Let us ask in Vienna if they are willing to yield me Venice to restore to Italy. It would form the basis of a possible alliance with Austria, which would enable us to interfere with real power and a prospect of success in the complicated German question. Then, even if the negotiation were successful, it would leave us free."
"I do not believe the measure would be successful," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "the House of Hapsburg prizes Venice highly, although it has always been a burden and a drawback; but I do wish to obtain this apple of discord, for without it an alliance may one day be formed against us between Austria and Italy. I doubt, too, whether a free choice will hereafter be left to us. The rôles are distributed before a performance is begun, and those who dally may be set aside. Nevertheless, I can say nothing against the principle of the step your Majesty proposes, and if you wish it, it shall be carried out immediately."
The emperor seized a letter which lay on his writing-table, and said, as he looked through it hastily, "I am urgently requested by Saxony to grant no support to the Prussian claims. I cannot give any distinct response; but will you instruct the ambassador in Dresden, confidentially, that he may discreetly insinuate, that it depends upon the cabinet in Vienna whether the wishes here expressed are fully complied with, and that they completely meet my own views."
Drouyn de Lhuys bowed.
"It will also be needful," continued the emperor, "to talk confidentially in Berlin of the guarantees which Bismarck might be inclined to give us, provided his plans in Germany succeed. You know how evasive and dilatory they are in Berlin on this point. They wish to hear my demands, and I cannot and will not express them definitely."
Drouyn de Lhuys again bowed in silence.
The emperor stood up. His minister also rose.
Napoleon stepped up to him and said with the fascinating smile which lighted up his face with an irresistible charm:
"You are not satisfied, my dear minister; but believe me this policy is the best. We shall gain time, and in political life time is a power which gives everything to those who use it aright."
"I know the value of time," replied the minister, "but perhaps in gaining time we may lose the right moment."
"True," said the emperor, drawing himself up with a movement recalling his earlier years, "yet trust in my star, and in that of France."
"These stars are too bright not to inspire confidence," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, but without any enthusiasm. He took up his portfolio, and said:
"Has your majesty any further commands?"
"I will not detain you," said Napoleon, and shaking his minister heartily by the hand, he dismissed him.
After he had left the room the emperor remained for some time lost in thought.
"I cannot directly force events," he said half to himself, "I must allow them to take their course. If my veto were not heard, I should be obliged to undertake a frightful war, and then? I must endeavour by the careful and prudent study of events to turn them to our advantage."
He placed himself before a marble bust of Cæsar which stood on a black pedestal in his cabinet, and he gazed for some time on the beautifully chiselled features of the Roman conqueror of the world.
"Thou great antetype of my house," he said, while an electric brightness beamed from his upturned eyes. "At this moment I too must say, Jacta est alea! But," he added gloomily, "thy dice were thrown by thyself, and forced by thy mighty hand to fall according to thy will. The pitiless iron hand of fate throws my dice, and I must take them as they fall!"
An attendant entered and announced:--"The emperor's breakfast is served."
Napoleon left the cabinet.
One morning, when the trees on either side of the long avenue leading from Hanover to the royal residence were still clad in their brightest, freshest green, a carriage rolled rapidly along, and approached the gilded iron gate which shuts off the outer entrance to the castle.
The carriage drew up before the entrance to the inner courtyard.
A slight man, somewhat under the middle height, alighted; he was about thirty-six years of age, very fair, with a long drooping moustache upon the upper lip, and he was dressed in black with a grey overcoat.
This man walked in at the side gateway in the corner of the principal building of the old electoral and royal palace, built by the renowned Le Nôtre, and resembling a miniature of Versailles; he passed through a long passage which led directly to King George V.'s Cabinet.
Before the door of this cabinet, which was on the ground floor, with a small entrance from the park and garden, sat the king's groom of the chambers. Close to the entrance of the royal apartments was the waiting room for the gentlemen summoned by the king, chiefly adorned by the portraits of celebrated Prussians. There were represented in life-size Blücher and Ziethen, and there was an exquisite painting of Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia, who fell at Saalfeld.
The gentleman who had left the carriage, and reached the entrance to the royal apartments, asked the groom of the chambers:
"Is his majesty alone?"
He had risen and taken the visitor's overcoat, and he replied in broken German with a strong English accent:
"Privy Councillor Lex is with his Majesty."
"Will you announce me!"
The groom of the chambers knocked loudly at the king's door, and the clear voice of George V. was heard. He cried--"Come in!" in English.
The attendant returned after a few minutes.
"The king begs M. Meding to wait a moment."
And he opened the door of the waiting-room, which Meding the councillor of state entered.
The room was empty. Meding took up a position on a large sofa.
After about five minutes the door opened, and a gentleman, somewhat bent with age, entered. His hair and moustache were as white as snow, and he wore the uniform of a Hanoverian lieutenant-general, with the golden epaulettes of an adjutant-general. His breast was decorated with the Grand Cross of the Guelphic Order, and with the medals of 1813, and Waterloo. It was General Tschirschnitz, the king's right hand in military affairs, the medium of every appointment in the army.
Meding rose with the words, "Good morning, your excellency."
"Good morning!" replied the general, in a curt military tone, whilst he laid a large closed portfolio on the table. "Are you here so early? Shall we have long to wait? I hope you have not much to do."
"The king is working with his cabinet councillor, and apparently writing letters; how long that will last, it is difficult to tell. As far as I am concerned I have only a little to do, and my audience will not take long."
The general threw himself back in his chair with a loud groan.
"Do you know, my dear Meding," he said after a pause, "how long I have waited already, during the course of my life?" and he raised himself a little and looked inquiringly at his friend.
Meding by slightly shrugging his shoulders implied that it was impossible to reply to the question.
"Eight years, seven months, three weeks, and four days!" cried the general in a loud voice, and with great disgust.
Meding could not help laughing aloud.
"Your excellency has certainly suffered to the utmost, and your patience has stood the proof!"
"I have a book," said the general dismally, with a sort of grim humour, "in which I have written down every day since I first received my commission from my late lamented master, the length of time I have passed in this waiting room. It now amounts to eight years, seven months, three weeks, and four days. What do you say to that? They say," he continued, "that I am sixty-eight years old. It is not true; I have lived but fifty-nine years, five months, one week, and three days. The rest of the time I have waited!"
And the general threw himself back in the arm-chair with a look of resignation.
"I must say, your excellency," said Meding, "it would never have occurred to me to make a statement of the hours fruitlessly passed in the ante-chamber. I should prefer for them to remain uncertain, and to allow the dark moments passed in this salle des pas perdus, to fall into oblivion."
"You are still young, and inclined to dawdle away your time," replied the general, "but I----"
"Your excellency's time is much more valuable than mine," said Meding, politely.
At this moment a bell was heard.
A few minutes afterwards the groom of the chambers appeared, and called--"M. Meding."
He bowed to the general and walked to the royal apartments. He passed through the ante-room, the doors of which were set wide open, and entered the king's cabinet.
In this cabinet, filled with many different flowering plants, and with windows wide open to the garden, sat the king at a square writing-table. George V. was at this time forty-six years of age, a handsome man in perfect health. The regular and classic features of his race were seen in their purest lines in a face beaming with cheerfulness and amiability; but which also expressed much royal dignity. A slightly upturned fair moustache covered the upper lip, and few of those who for the first time saw the king's free movements, and the rapid changes of his expressive face, discovered the fact that he was totally blind. The king wore the uniform of the Jäger guard regiment, comfortably unbuttoned. Across his breast, beneath his uniform, ran the dark blue ribbon of the Order of the Garter. He also wore the small crosses of the Orders of Guelph and Ernest Augustus. Near the king, stood the privy councillor, Dr. Lex, a small, dried-up looking man with thick grey hair, sharp, intelligent features, and a modest, almost bashful manner. He was in the act of arranging his papers.
A small King Charles spaniel lay at the king's feet.
"Good morning! my dear Meding!" cried the king in his clear voice, "I am delighted to see you. Seat yourself and tell me the news. What says public opinion in my kingdom?"
"Good morning, your majesty," replied Meding with a low bow, as he took a chair opposite the king.
The privy councillor had arranged his papers and slowly withdrew.
"I must impart to your majesty," said Meding, "that public opinion is much excited, and is making every effort to urge on a war; it desires your majesty to unite with Austria, and at once take a decided step against Prussia."
"Why so?" asked the king, "the amiable newspapers of the opposition often sigh for a Prussian head."
"Why, your majesty," replied Meding, "it is difficult to say why--so many and such different influences are at work; but the fact remains--all public opinion in the kingdom of Hanover craves to unite in common cause with Austria."
"Extraordinary," said George V.; "Count Decken spoke just in the same tone when he was here yesterday; he was furiously Austrian!"
"Count Decken, your majesty, speaks from the heart of the German union he created. He is also a violent admirer of Herr von Beust----"
"I know! I know!" exclaimed the king, "but is he quite right in saying that the whole world--the army, especially the younger officers,--predict a war with Prussia?"
"He is right, your majesty," replied Meding.
The king thought for a moment.
"And what do you do to stem this flood?" he then asked.
"I seek to calm, to guide, and to enlighten as far as my influence extends by means of the press, for I consider this flood pernicious; it tends to war, the greatest misfortune which could fall upon Germany, and such a war would place Hanover in a most dangerous position."
"Right! quite right!" cried the king, with animation, "every thing must be done to allay this warlike and anti-Prussian excitement. You know how strong is my conviction that a good understanding between the two first powers of the confederacy is the only sure foundation for the welfare of Germany, and what efforts I have made to maintain this. You know, too, how highly I prize the friendship of Prussia. They call me," added the king, "the enemy of Prussia, but indeed I am not. I defend my right of perfect independence and sovereignty, but I most ardently desire to live in peace and unity with Prussia. Those who would interrupt this peace are ignorant of the true interests of both states. They talk in Berlin of the policy of Frederick the Great; how little they understand his policy! How highly did Frederick II. esteem the alliance of Hanover, from whence he obtained the Duke of Brunswick, his best general! And how great and beneficial were the results of this alliance, though it was directed against Austria. Oh! that it were possible to unite the two powers in a real and lasting friendship, and that it might be granted me to be the dot over the i in this alliance! But should a rupture--which God forbid!--actually occur, I will take no part in so deplorable a war on either side."
The king said all this with the clearness and decision with which he always spoke to those completely in his confidence, for he loved to express his views to them on every question with great distinctness, that they might be able fully to carry out his plans and wishes.
"You are very right," he added, "in doing all you can to oppose this warlike and anti-Prussian propaganda."
"I am rejoiced," exclaimed Meding, "to hear your Majesty's views so plainly stated. My position, from being by birth a Prussian, is in this crisis extremely painful. What I regard as most desirable for the interest of Hanover and your majesty, purely from my own conviction, may easily be imputed to other motives, and will by some be so imputed. It is therefore doubly necessary that I should always be completely informed what your majesty's views really are, that I may act accordingly."
"Do not trouble yourself to fight against foolish notions," said the king, with his peculiarly engaging and gracious smile. "I am sure, my dear Meding, you will always have my interests and the interests of Hanover at heart. You know I regard public opinion as the sixth great power of Europe--perhaps as the first--and the press, the organ of this great power, I wish to use as a mainspring of royalty. I desire to hear what the people say and think, and, in the organs of the government alone, to see my wishes and intentions expressed. I wish to know the real thoughts and opinions of the people, whether they are right or wrong, and I wish the people to know my views and desires. Thus perfect openness exists between my subjects and myself, and the interests of the crown are furthered. You know so well how to express my thoughts, and have created for me what I long ardently desired and held to be necessary--do not fear any mistrust or misconception."
And the king offered his hand to Meding. He rose and pressed his lips on the royal hand.
"Your majesty has always permitted me," he then said, "to express my views and opinions freely and without reserve on all questions of state, whether foreign or domestic, and this right is an unspeakable assistance in the fulfilment of the difficult task which your majesty has given me. I humbly beg your permission in this grave moment freely to express my opinion."
"Speak, speak, my dear Meding, I listen anxiously," said the king, as he leant back in his arm-chair, and supported his head with his hand.
"Your majesty knows that it is a kind of mot d'ordre of German, yes, even of European diplomacy, not to believe in a war between Prussia and Austria. This seems to me like the conduct of the ostrich, who hid his head, hoping to escape danger by not seeing it."
"You believe in war, then?" asked the king, without changing his place.
"I believe in it, your majesty, from the present state of affairs. The disputed questions are on a steep incline, and have rolled down too far to return. The despatches from Berlin and Vienna confirm my views that war is inevitable, as well as the Austrian and Prussian official and unofficial press."
"They speak most peaceably, you told me so yesterday," interrupted the king.
"Exactly for that reason I believe both sides are determined on hostilities. If they only wished to threaten, and to use their armaments as a weight in the balance, by which they might obtain a diplomatic compromise, all the government newspapers would be clattering the sword. These assurances of peace disquiet me. Each side seeks the best casus belli, and desires to throw the blame of a rupture on the opponent. I am convinced we shall soon be in the midst of war unless a miracle occurs. Count Platen will not believe it."
"The ostrich," said the king.
Meding smiled, and proceeded:--
"This situation is more dangerous for your majesty and for Hanover than for any other state. In the moment of action Prussia will respect nothing."
"I have already declared that under any circumstance I shall remain neutral," said the king.
"Certainly, your majesty; but no treaty is concluded. Count Platen has only expressed your majesty's intention to remain neutral generally to Count Ysenberg; but, from fear of giving offence in Frankfort and Vienna, no negotiations are proceeding and no treaty is concluded."
"Do you regard a formal treaty as needful?" asked the king.
"I regard it as indispensable. Prussia will willingly conclude such a treaty now, and once concluded she will respect it. In the moment of action she will ask more, and after victory, I think a treaty of neutrality will be the guarantee of the independence--yes, even of the existence--of Hanover."
The king sat upright.
"Do you hold it possible that Prussia could think of attacking the existence of Hanover?"
"I would neglect no guarantee to the contrary," replied Meding; "the war about to break out is a war for existence: old Germany will fall in ruins; under such circumstances we must not expect to be particularly respected. A veritable treaty of neutrality, concluded now, not only secures our existence, but perhaps our full independence in a new Germany, for, I must repeat it, I believe if Prussia once signed such a treaty it would under any circumstances be respected."
"But," objected the king, "they are daily telling me how prejudicial a treaty with Prussia will be, supposing Austria is victorious." "I have heard this remarkable logic," replied Meding, "and I cannot understand it. If Austria is the conqueror, will she give Hanover to Prussia? Besides, your Majesty knows I do not believe in Austria's success."
The king was silent.
"It is a difficult position," he said, at last. "Sir Charles Wyke was here yesterday, conjuring me to be firm to Austria and the confederacy. He brought me a letter from Lord Clarendon to the same purport."
The king took a small key and opened a sliding panel in his writing table, and, after feeling in the recess for a minute, he handed Meding a letter across the table.
"Read this."
Meding looked through the paper.
"I quite understand the policy of England, your majesty," he then said: "in London they wish to maintain peace at any price, yet they desire to lecture Prussia on the Danish question. They hope, if your majesty places yourself decidedly and without reserve on the side of Austria and the Saxon party in Frankfort, Prussia will withdraw from the struggle in alarm, and make concessions, perhaps call on England to mediate; by which means the English cabinet might find an opportunity of effecting something in favour of Denmark. I think they are quite out in their reckoning. But be it as it may, your majesty has to guide the policy of Hanover, and not of England. Lord Clarendon's letter is useless, unless he promises the English fleet to back it up. If your majesty should get into danger and difficulty from following the advice here given, not a single English man-of-war would come to your assistance. England undertakes the part of that evil demon, who appeared to Hector under the form of his brother Deiphobus, and who urged him to the combat with Achilles, but who had vanished when the Trojan hero looked round for a fresh spear. I wish," continued Meding, after a short pause, "to tell you of an idea, which if carried out would greatly remove the objections made to the conclusion of a treaty of neutrality."
The king raised himself in his chair, and fixed his eyes with a look of such interest on the speaker it was almost impossible to believe them sightless.
"Your majesty doubtless remembers," said Meding, "the immense advantage derived from your close alliance with Hesse Cassel during the last political crisis, and the strong and beneficial influence it had on the course of events; this alliance alone prevented Herr von Beust's unheard-of Augustenburg policy from being carried out, and the whole confederacy broken up. According to my convictions, your majesty in this dangerous crisis should act entirely in concert with Hesse Cassel, and gain the Grand Duke of Oldenburg to take part in an alliance of neutrality. Your majesty would thus be at the head of a group willing to have you for a leader; you would secure the future safety of Hanover, do Prussia a service, and divide the displeasure of Austria amongst several pairs of shoulders. It is my firm conviction that in concert with Hesse Cassel you should conclude a treaty of neutrality with Prussia. Should this treaty not be respected hereafter--which I own I consider impossible--at least a compact body will be ready to defend it. I believe a firm and energetic step in this direction will do more to prevent war than Lord Clarendon's advice of entire devotion to Austria."
"When Medingceased speaking, the king, who had listened to him with the greatest interest, struck the table with two of the fingers of his right hand.
"You are right," he cried aloud; "you are perfectly right."
He pressed with his left hand upon a knob attached to his writing table. The groom of the chambers entered.
"The privy councillor immediately!" exclaimed the king.
As the attendant withdrew, the king said:--
"Do you think the Prince of Hesse will be inclined to take this step with me?"
"I know that the Minister Abée is quite of my mind," replied Meding; "and I know his Royal Highness the Prince of Hesse has the greatest satisfaction in acting in concert with your majesty."
"I must beg you, my dear Meding," said the king, "to go yourself to Hesse Cassel, and propose this to the prince."
A knock was heard at the outer door. The groom of the chambers opened it, announcing--"The Privy Councillor."
"My dear Lex," said the king, "Meding has given me an idea which I wish to carry out immediately. He thinks that I ought at once, in common with the Prince of Hesse, to conclude a solid treaty of neutrality with Prussia. I will send Meding to Cassel without delay, as I am sure he is the best ambassador for bringing the matter to a happy conclusion."
Meding bowed to the king, and said:
"I must tell your majesty that Count Platen quite approves of this step, and has authorized me to tell your majesty so."
"Tant mieux, tant mieux," said the king; "what do you think of it, my dear Lex?"
"I perfectly approve," he replied, in a clear, somewhat sharp voice; "if your Majesty had concluded a treaty of neutrality at all with Prussia, I should be much happier, but if it is done in common with Hesse Cassel, the guarantees are stronger."
"Will you kindly draw me up a proposal," said the king to Lex, "with Meding's assistance, for him to take with him to the Prince of Hesse, and bring it to me to sign immediately."
"At your command, your majesty," replied Lex.
"How does the affair of the trades-law go on?" asked the king.
"Your majesty," replied Meding, "the guilds are all much excited, and think the removal of all protection will cause their destruction. I do all I can to enlighten them, and by means of the press, I point to England as an example, where the various guilds, without the intervention of government, exercise so great a municipal influence. I hope the horror of innovation may give way here before clearer knowledge; the minister Bacmeister grasps the whole question with so soothing, so prudent, and so skilful a hand, that I have no fear of its success."
"I am sorry," said the king, "that the good people of the guilds should feel injured; but they will soon find out that the removal of all constraint benefits them, and the guilds, from hated and stagnant institutions, will become powerful living organs. Even if otherwise, the greatest freedom of action is needful, in the sphere of national economy. How much I rejoice to find in my minister Bacmeister, a mind so swift and capable in receiving my ideas, and a hand so skilful in executing them."
"Indeed, your majesty," replied Meding, "Bacmeister is the most able and talented man I have ever known; personally, he has great influence with the opposition, and almost every evening he is at a kind of parliamentary club, formed by himself, with the assistance of Miguel and Albrecht. Many things have been discussed there in a friendly spirit, which would otherwise have caused the greatest bitterness and strife in the chambers."
"That is exactly what I have always felt!" exclaimed the king; "they talk so much in Germany of public life, and yet they understand nothing of it, since they are not capable of meeting a political foe on neutral ground, as a gentleman.--Were you at the opera yesterday?" he asked, changing the subject.
"No," replied Meding; "but Schladebach told me he was much dissatisfied, and that he should write a severe criticism."
"He is right," said the king. "I shall be anxious to read his critique; Doctor Schladebach has a fine appreciation of art, and much tact in expressing his opinion. If we could but find an equally good critic for the theatre!"
"I am exerting myself to find such a critic," said Meding; "but I must still beg your Majesty's patience. Talent is not easily found, nor quickly formed."
"True, true," said the king, "chi va piano va sano; but I hope we may find a critic of real talent. It is indispensable for any form of art, if it is really to flourish, and to fulfil its grand mission. And now adieu, my dear Meding, go with God's help, and with much friendship on my part, to the Prince of Hesse. Come back soon!"
"God bless you!"
Meding and Lex left the cabinet.
George V. remained alone.
For a time he sat quietly in his chair, his eyes fixed on the table.
"It is too true--it is too true," he said at last in a low tone; "the great conflict draws near. The German confederacy, which has been so beneficial, and which for fifty years has maintained peace in Germany and in Europe, cracks in all its parts, and will break up in the mighty struggle. The only hand that could have calmed this mighty uproar with a sign rests in the grave. The emperor Nicholas is no longer here to grasp the rolling wheel of fate with his strong hand. And weight on weight is heaped upon me, now by one, then by the other side; where shall I turn? how shall I save the fair, rich, and faithful land which God has entrusted to me, and which has been bound to my ancestors for a thousand years in joy and woe?"
The king remained silent for some time; then he rose, and, supporting his hand on the back of his chair, he turned to the side of the room where the portraits were hung of King Ernest Augustus and Queen Frederica, and he sank slowly on his knees.
"Oh! Thou almighty, triune God!" he said, in a voice low indeed, but so fervent that it filled the room; "Thou seest my heart, Thou knowest how I have wrestled in prayer to Thee in the dark hours of my life; Thou gavest strength to my soul, to bear my heavy fate, never to look upon the face of wife or child; Thou gavest me light and strength in those troublous times when I first governed this land: bless me now, grant me wisdom, enlighten my understanding, that I may know how to save my country, and lead me graciously through the storms of this day! Yet not my will, but Thine be done; and if it is decreed that care and sorrow must be my lot, give me strength to bear, courage to endure!"
The king's prayer ceased, and deep silence prevailed. Suddenly a gust of wind slammed-to the open window, something heavy fell to the ground, and the sound of shattered glass was heard.
The small King Charles spaniel barked.
The king started, rose quickly, and returned to his chair. Then he pressed the knob of his electric bell.
The groom of the chambers entered.
"What fell on the ground near the window?" asked the king quickly.
The attendant hastened to look.
"It is the rose, that her majesty the queen had had forced, and that she placed here."
"Is the flower hurt?"
"The flowers are all broken," replied the groom of the chambers, as he picked up the pieces of the pot, and pushed the scattered earth aside.
The king shuddered slightly.
"The flowers are all broken," he repeated half to himself, lifting his head and raising his enquiring eyes to heaven.
"Who is in the ante-room?" he asked.
"General von Tschirschnitz, Count Platen, General von Brandis, and the minister Bacmeister."
"Call all these gentlemen," commanded the king.