Sergeant-at-arms.—To execute the orders of the house in preserving good order and enforcing the rules, there is an officer called a sergeant-at-arms. He usually has custody of the hall in which the meetings are held, makes arrests when the house orders an outsider to be taken into custody for contempt, compels absent members to attend when ordered by the house to do so, and sometimes keeps the accounts of the pay and mileage of members.
Other Officers and Employees.—Usually, also, there is a chaplain who opens the session with prayer, though he is not always a paid employee; a postmaster; and a number of miscellaneous employees such as doorkeepers, janitors, copying clerks, stenographers, pages, etc.[11]
Committees.—For convenience in legislation the members of each house are grouped into committees, the more important of which are those on agriculture, corporations, finance or appropriations, ways and means, judiciary, railroads, labor, education, manufactures, engrossment and enrollment, and insurance. In the Western states there are usually committees on immigration, mining, dairies, forestry, fish and game, drainage, swamp lands, irrigation, levees and river improvements, etc. The number and size of the committees vary in different states. In some of the states there are as many as fifty or sixty committees, and occasionally as many as forty members are placed on a single committee. In addition to the standing committees of each house there are frequently select committees appointed for special purposes, and there are usually a number of joint committees made up of members of both houses. In the New England states most of the committee work is done by joint committees, there being usually only four or five standing committees in each house.
How Bills are Passed.—Each house is empowered to frame its own rules of procedure, but in order to insure publicity and careful consideration of bills the state constitutions have placed restrictions upon the legislature in the consideration and passage of bills. Thus in all the states each house is required to keep a journal of its daily proceedings; in most states it is provided that no law shall be passed except by bill, that no bill shall embrace more than one subject, which shall be clearly expressed in the title of the bill, that no money shall be appropriated except by law, that every bill shall be read at least three times before being passed, that no existing law shall be amended by mere reference to its title but the amended portion must be set out in full, and that the yeas and nays shall be recorded upon demand of a certain number of members. Some states require that every bill shall be referred to a committee, that every bill shall be printed and placed on the desk of each member, that no bill shall be introduced after the legislature has been in session a certain number of days, and that bills of a local or private character shall be introduced only after public notice has been given in the locality affected and to be valid must be passed by a two-thirds majority of each house; and so on.
In general these constitutional restrictions represent an attempt to eliminate the evils of undue haste, lack of consideration, extravagance, and objectionable local and private bills, and to compel the legislature to do its work openly, carefully, and in the interest of the public good.
Order of Procedure.—A common order of the procedure in passing bills is the following: 1. Introduction and first reading. 2. Reference to a committee. 3. Report of the committee. 4. Second reading. 5. Third reading. 6. Vote on passage. 7. Enrollment. 8. Approval by the Governor. This order of procedure, however, is often departed from under a suspension of the rules or by unanimous consent.
Usually any member can introduce a bill on any subject and at any time[12] except where the constitution forbids the introduction of bills after a certain date, and some legislatures have even found a means of evading this restriction. In most states a bill can be introduced by filing it with the clerk. It is then usually read the first time, though only by title, and referred to the appropriate committee for consideration and report. The committee may "pigeonhole" it and never report, or it may make a report so late in the session that consideration of the bill is impossible. If the bill seems worthy of being reported, the committee reports it to the house with a recommendation that it be passed either with or without amendments, or that it be rejected. If reported favorably it is placed on the calendar for consideration in its turn. At this stage it is open for general discussion and for amendment by the house. If the bill meets the approval of the house, it is finally ordered to be engrossed and read a third time. It is then put in shape by the committee on engrossment, after which it is read a third time and finally passed. It then goes to the other house, where the procedure is substantially the same. If passed by the second house, it is ready for the signature of the governor. If amended by the second house, it comes back to the first house for concurrence in the amendments. If the first house refuses its concurrence, a conference committee is usually appointed by the two houses to consider and recommend a compromise. The bill is not ready to send to the governor until it has been passed by both houses in exactly the same form.
Lobbying and Bribery.—In all our states a large proportion of the legislation enacted affects directly or indirectly the interests of particular persons, classes, or localities. As a result, interested parties bring great pressure to bear upon the members to pass certain bills or to reject certain others.
Methods of the Lobbyist.—Usually when the legislature meets, the paid representatives of interested individuals, corporations, or local governments appear on the scene to urge legislation in their interests or to defeat bills introduced that are unfavorable to them. These persons are known as "lobbyists," and the means they employ to secure or prevent legislation are often improper and sometimes venal. Sometimes money is used to bribe members to vote for or against pending measures, and there are few states indeed where charges of this kind have not been made. In one state recently, money was contributed in large quantities by persons interested in preventing certain legislation, and the sum thus contributed was known as the "jack pot" fund, out of which members were handsomely paid for their votes. In a special message to the legislature of New York state, Governor Hughes declared that certain disclosures had "caused honest citizens to tingle with shame and indignation and made irresistible the demand that every proper means should be employed to purge and purify the legislature." The situation described by the governor as existing in New York, unfortunately exists in other states as well.
"Strike" Bills.—Some of the great corporations maintain regularly paid lobbyists at the state capitals when the legislature is in session, not so much for the purpose of securing legislation in their interests as to prevent the enactment of laws to which they are opposed. Sometimes they are practically forced to have lobbyists on the ground to prevent the enactment of what are called "strike" bills, that is, bills introduced by unscrupulous members for the purpose of extorting money from the corporations to pay for defeating them.
Anti-lobbying Legislation.—The evils growing out of the practice of the special interests in maintaining paid lobbyists near the legislature have led to attempts in a number of states to restrict such abuses by legislation. This legislation, in general, makes it unlawful to attempt to influence improperly any legislator. In several states lobbyists are required to make known the purpose of their business and to register their names with the secretary of state, and after the adjournment of the legislature to file a sworn statement of their expenses.
Direct Legislation: the Initiative and the Referendum.—The legislature is not the only agency for enacting law and determining the public policies of the state. Laws on certain subjects may be made by the people themselves acting directly in their primary capacity as well as through the agency of representatives. This is done through what are called the initiative and the referendum. The initiative is a device by which the people themselves may propose laws and have them submitted to the voters for their approval or rejection. Through the referendum the people reserve the power to approve or reject by popular vote certain laws enacted by the legislature.
Varieties of Referendum.—The referendum may be obligatory or optional in character, that is, the approval of the electorate may be required by the constitution before certain laws shall go into effect, or the legislature in its discretion may refer a law to the people for their opinion. Thus the constitutions of many states declare that no law for increasing the debt of the state beyond a certain amount shall be valid until it has been submitted to the voters and approved by them. Again, the referendum may be mandatory or advisory in character. Under the mandatory form, the legislature is required to carry out the will of the electorate as pronounced on any subject referred to the voters, while the advisory referendum is nothing more than an expression of opinion which may or may not be followed by legislative action.
Again, the referendum may be state-wide in its scope, as where a general law or question of public policy is submitted to the voters of the whole state, or it may be of a local character, as where a law affecting a particular community is referred to the voters thereof.
The referendum as a device for adopting constitutions and constitutional amendments is as old as the republic itself, and is now the general practice (pp. 65, 70). In all the states except Delaware proposed amendments must be submitted to the voters at a general or special election, and must be adopted by them before going into effect. The use of the referendum for ordinary lawmaking is also an old practice, though it is much more generally resorted to now than formerly. Thus very early in our history it was employed for such purposes as the incorporation of towns, borrowing money, the location of county sites, division of counties, subscription to stock in railroads and other enterprises by states, counties, or towns, and the levying of special taxes for the support of schools. One of the important uses to which it was put was the determination of the question whether intoxicating liquor should be sold in a particular locality. In time what were called local option laws were passed in many states, giving the people of towns, cities, or other local divisions of the state the privilege of determining by popular vote whether liquor should be sold within their limits. Other matters that have frequently been made the subject of a referendum are: the granting of the suffrage to negroes, and sometimes the enfranchisement of women; the location of state capitals; the sale of school lands; the incorporation of state banks of issue; the granting of aid to railroads; the adoption of the township form of local government; the construction of canals; the erection of public libraries; and many other matters too numerous to mention. There is no state in which the referendum is not provided by the constitution for certain kinds of legislation, and there is hardly a general election held nowadays in which the voters are not called upon to pass judgment upon some proposed act of the legislature or some question of public policy.
In Illinois there has been enacted what is known as the "public opinion law," which provides that upon petition by 10 per cent of the registered voters of the state the legislature is required to submit to the voters any question of public policy for their opinion. The popular vote, however, is nothing more than an expression of opinion by the voters and is not binding upon the legislature.
The Oregon System.—The idea of the initiative and the referendum has been carried out most fully in Oregon, whose constitution provides that 8 per cent of the voters may by petition propose an amendment to the constitution, and when so proposed it must be submitted to the voters and if approved by a majority of them the amendment becomes a part of the constitution. Likewise the constitution of Oregon provides for the initiation and adoption of ordinary laws by the people. It further provides that upon the petition of 5 per cent of the voters any act of the legislature, with certain exceptions, before going into effect, must be submitted to the people for their approval, and if not approved by a majority of those voting, it shall not go into effect. From 1904 to 1914, 130 constitutional amendments and statutes were submitted to popular vote, of which 46 were adopted. For the information of the voters, "publicity pamphlets" are provided, containing an explanation of the measures upon which they are called to vote, together with arguments for and against each proposition. In 1912 these arguments (on 37 measures) made a book of 252 pages.
Initiative and Referendum in other States.—Various other states (South Dakota, Utah, Colorado, Montana, Idaho, Missouri, Maine, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Nebraska, Arizona, Nevada, California, Washington, Michigan, Ohio, North Dakota, Massachusetts, and Mississippi) have established both the initiative and the referendum in some form or other. The initiative and referendum are in use also in many cities, especially those under the commission plan of government. Usually the number who are empowered to initiate a proposed law or ordinance is 8 or 10 per cent of the registered vote. In Texas the referendum is applied to the formulation by political parties of their party policies, 10 per cent of the voters being allowed to propose policies which must be submitted to the party for their opinion.
Merits of the Referendum.—One of the chief merits of the referendum is that it serves as a check on the vices, follies, and errors of judgment of the legislature. Another merit claimed for the referendum is its educative effect upon the electorate. Where the voters are frequently called upon to pass judgment upon the acts of the legislature or upon questions of public policy, they must, if they discharge their duty properly, study the measures submitted to them and thus become trained in public affairs. The enjoyment of such a privilege also tends to stimulate their interest in political affairs and increase their feeling of responsibility for the good government of the state.
The advantage of the initiative is that it puts in the hands of the people the power to bring forward needed measures of legislation and secure a vote on them whenever the legislature refuses to act in obedience to the popular mind.
References.—Beard, American Government and Politics, ch. xxv. Bryce, The American Commonwealth (abridged edition), ch. xxxix. Dealey, Our State Constitutions, ch. vii. Hart, Actual Government, ch. vii. Reinsch, American Legislatures and Legislative Methods, chs. iv-x. Wilson, The State, secs. 1128-1142.
Documentary and Illustrative Material.—1. The legislative manual or blue book of the state. 2. A map showing the division of the state into legislative districts. 3. Rules of procedure of the two houses of the legislature. 4. Specimen copies of bills and resolutions. 5. Messages of the governor to the legislature. 6. The last volume of the session laws of the state.
1. How many members are there in the senate of your state legislature? How many in the house of representatives? What is the term of the members of each house? What are the qualifications for membership? What is the salary?
2. What is the principle of apportionment of the members of each house? Are there any inequalities of representation among the districts or counties from which the members are chosen? What county has the largest number of representatives? What county the smallest number? Have any charges been made that the state is "gerrymandered" in the interest of the dominant party?
3. How many committees are there in each house? Of what committees are your representatives and your senator members? What is the average number of members on each committee? Name some of the most important committees. What are the principal officers and employees of each house?
4. How often does the legislature of your state meet in regular session? Are there any constitutional restrictions on the length of the sessions? Have any extraordinary sessions been held in recent years? If so, for what purpose? Are there any restrictions on the power of the legislature when in extraordinary session?
5. How many acts were passed at the last regular session? How many joint resolutions were adopted? What is the difference between an act and a joint resolution?
6. What are the provisions in the constitution of your state in regard to the procedure of the legislature in passing bills? Find out from the rules of each house how a bill is introduced, considered, and passed. How are special and local acts passed?
7. Is there a law in your state to regulate lobbying? What is the penalty for accepting a bribe?
8. Is there a legislative reference bureau or other agency in your state for collecting information for the benefit of members or for assisting them in the preparation of bills?
9. Are there any provisions in the constitution of your state in regard to the initiative or referendum? Do you know of any instance in recent years in which the people of the state were called upon to vote on a proposed legislative act or a question of public policy? Is there a local option liquor law in your state? If so, have the people of your county or city taken advantage of it?
10. Do you think members of the legislature when instructed by their constituents to vote for or against a certain measure, should obey the instructions, or vote according to their own judgment of what is best without regard to the expressed will of the people?
11. Is there any organization in your state for studying the records of members and for securing the election of honest and efficient legislators?
The Governor; Election and Qualifications.—Each state has a chief executive styled a governor, who is charged with the execution of the laws. In all he is elected by the people. In nearly all, a plurality of the popular vote is sufficient to elect, but in a few states a majority is required and if no candidate receives a majority of the popular vote, either the legislature makes the choice, or a second popular election is held.
To be eligible to the office of governor, a man must have attained a certain age, usually thirty years, and generally he must be a citizen of the United States; in many states he must have been a citizen for a period ranging from five to twenty years. He is also usually required to have been a resident of the state for a period ranging from one to ten years.
Term.—The term of the governor in twenty-five states is two years; in the others it is four years except in New Jersey, where it is three years. Formerly the term was one year in several states, but by 1920 all of them had changed it to two years. A one-year term seems to have little to recommend it, for experience is as necessary for the successful administration of public affairs as for the conduct of private business, and familiarity with the duties of an office of such importance cannot be acquired in so short a time. However, where the one-year term prevailed, it was customary to reëlect the governor to a second term. In a number of states, the governor is ineligible to two successive terms, the idea being that if reëligible he would make use of his official power to secure his reëlection. A few state constitutions wisely provide that he may hold office until his successor has qualified, and thus the danger of a vacancy is obviated.
Salary.—The salary of the governor is everywhere comparatively small, though in recent years the tendency has been to increase it. In three fourths of the states now the salary is $5,000 per year or more. In California, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, it is $10,000 per year, and in Illinois it is $12,000. The smallest salary is $2,500 per year, which is the amount allowed in Nebraska. Frequently the state provides the governor with a residence styled the "executive mansion." A contingent fund out of which to meet the expense of emergencies in the execution of laws is usually placed at his disposal, but this fund cannot be used for private purposes. Some governors, however, have not been very careful to distinguish between private and official purposes, and not infrequently the use made of this fund has been the subject of legislative investigation and of popular criticism.
Organization of the Executive Department.—The organization of the executive department of the state government is different in one important respect from that of the executive department of the United States. In the national government the responsibility for the administration of executive affairs is concentrated in the hands of the President, and the heads of the various departments are all his appointees; they are responsible directly to him for the discharge of their duties, are, within the limits of the law, subject to his direction, and may be removed by him for any reason which to him may seem expedient. The executive power of the state, on the contrary, instead of being concentrated in the hands of the governor, is really divided between him and a number of other state officers, who are generally elected by the people and over whom he has little or no control. They are, in short, his colleagues rather than his subordinates. This method of organizing the executive power has justly been criticized on the ground that it introduces a division of responsibility and lack of co-ordination in the state administration. Thus, although the governor is charged with the execution of the laws, he usually has no power to direct the attorney-general to institute proceedings against a person or corporation for violating the law, as the President of the United States might do in a similar case. Again, he may have reason to believe that the state treasurer is a defaulter, but in most of the states he has no power to examine into the affairs of the treasurer's office, or to remove him from office. And so with the other principal officers that collectively make up the executive department. The responsibility of these officials is usually to the people alone, and responsibility in such cases cannot always be enforced, for they are elected for specific terms and cannot be removed before the expiration of their terms, except by the cumbersome method of impeachment.
The Lieutenant Governor.—In about two thirds of the states there are lieutenant governors chosen for the same time and in the same manner as the governor. About the only duty of this official is to preside over the deliberations of the senate. In case of a vacancy in the office of governor on account of death, resignation, or removal, or in case of his absence from the state, the lieutenant governor performs the duties of the office for the time being.
Executive Councils.—Three of the New England states (Massachusetts, Maine, and New Hampshire) have executive councils—survivals of colonial days—which share the executive power with the governor to a considerable extent. Their consent is necessary to the validity of many of his acts, such as the making of appointments, the granting of pardons, and the like. A modified form of the executive council is found in a few other states.
Other Executive Officers.—Besides the governor, who is the chief executive, there are in every state a number of state officers each in charge of a particular branch of the administrative service.
Secretary of State.—The first of these in rank is the secretary of state, who is the custodian of the state archives and of the great seal of the state; has charge of the publication and preservation of the laws; countersigns the proclamations and commissions issued by the governor and keeps a record of them; issues certificates of incorporation to companies incorporated under the laws of the state; and discharges other miscellaneous duties which vary in the different states. He is elected by the people in all the states except a very few where he is either appointed by the governor or chosen by the legislature.
The Treasurer of the state, as the name indicates, is the keeper of the public moneys, such as taxes, trust funds, and the like, and upon warrants issued by the auditor or other proper authority, he pays out money appropriated by the legislature. Everywhere he is elected by the people, usually for a short term, and is required to give a heavy bond so as to insure the state against loss in case of his carelessness or dishonesty. He is generally paid a salary, which is increased in some cases by the practice of treasurers depositing the state's money in banks from which they receive interest. The treasurer of a certain Western state received thousands of dollars a year in this way, until the legislature passed a law requiring him to turn into the state treasury all moneys received in the form of interest on state deposits.
Auditor.—Another financial officer found in all the states is the auditor or comptroller, whose duties, in general, are to audit the accounts of the state and issue warrants upon the treasurer for the payment of moneys which have been appropriated by the legislature. A warrant issued by the auditor is the treasurer's authority for paying money out of the treasury, and without such an order he has no lawful right to make a disbursement. Other duties of a miscellaneous character are imposed upon auditors in the different states.
Superintendent of Education.—Another important official is the superintendent or commissioner of public education, who has charge of the larger educational interests of the state. He supervises the administration of the school laws, distributes the school fund among the local districts, makes rules and regulations in regard to the holding of teachers' institutes, makes reports to the legislature concerning the educational conditions and needs of the state, and is frequently a member of the state board of education and of the boards of trustees of the state educational institutions.
Other Officers.—Besides the officials mentioned above, there are a multitude of other officers and employees in the larger states, such as the commissioner of agriculture, the commissioner of immigration, the commissioner of labor, state engineer, railroad commissioners, superintendent of public works, state printer, factory inspectors, pure food and dairy commissioners, state architect, land commissioner, mine inspectors, superintendents of insurance, and many others too numerous to mention. Of course, not every state has all these, but some of the more populous ones such as New York and Massachusetts have most of them and others in addition.
The Governor's Powers.—The powers and duties of governor may be roughly grouped into four classes: (1) his share in the making of the laws; (2) his power to execute the laws and administer the affairs of government; (3) his military power; and (4) his power to grant pardons for violations of the laws.
Legislative Powers.—Power to Call Extra Sessions.—Everywhere he is empowered to call the legislature together in extraordinary session. He uses this power in case of emergencies, and also to secure the enactment of needed legislation which has been overlooked or neglected by the legislature at the regular session. In New York recently, when the legislature adjourned without enacting a promised law against race track gambling, the legislature was summoned in extraordinary session and executive pressure and public opinion were brought to bear upon it to compel the enactment of the law. Sometimes a great catastrophe occurs when the legislature is not in session; for example, the California earthquake, the Cherry mine disaster in Illinois, and the Galveston storm, each of which required the immediate attention of the legislature. In order to prevent the legislature when in extraordinary session from taking action for which there is really no need, the constitutions of most states forbid it to consider any subjects not submitted to it by the governor; and in some states the length of an extra session is limited to thirty or sixty days.
The Executive Message.—The governor is generally required to give the legislature information concerning the affairs of the state and to recommend the enactment of such laws as in his judgment the public good requires, the idea being that he is more familiar than any one else with the defects of the existing laws and with the legislative needs of the state. This information, with the accompanying recommendations, is communicated to the legislature in a message at the beginning of the session,[13] and is often followed by special messages from time to time recommending consideration of particular matters that may arise in the course of the session. The weight which the recommendations of the governor have with the legislature depends, of course, upon his influence with the members and his standing with the people. If he belongs to the same political party which is in control of the legislature, and the party is not divided, or if he is especially aggressive and is backed by a strong public opinion throughout the state, his recommendations carry more weight than they would under opposite conditions.
The Veto Power.—Finally, in every state except North Carolina the governor has the power to veto bills passed by the legislature. Owing to fear of executive tyranny, the veto power was generally withheld from governors for a considerable time after the Revolution; in fact, in only two states (Massachusetts and New Hampshire) was this power granted to the governor before the close of the eighteenth century. The worst fears of executive tyranny, however, proved to be without foundation, and the advantage of vesting in the hands of the governor the power to correct the mistakes of the legislature by refusing to approve objectionable laws soon came to be generally appreciated. Under the interpretation of the veto power the governor may refuse to sign a bill either because, in his judgment, it is inconsistent with the constitution which he has sworn to support, or because he thinks it unwise or inexpedient, in either case his judgment being conclusive. But manifestly, an absolute veto is too great a power to intrust to a single person, however wise he may be. The constitutions of all the states, accordingly, empower the legislature to override the veto of the governor by repassing the vetoed bill, in which case it goes into effect notwithstanding the executive objection. To do this, however, a majority of two thirds or three fifths of the members of the legislature is usually necessary, the idea being that the judgment of so large a proportion of the legislature ought to be allowed to prevail over that of the governor in case of a difference of opinion. In the few remaining states a bare majority of the members of the legislature may override the executive veto, though not infrequently the statement of objections by the governor in his veto message serves to convince some of those who voted for the vetoed bill that it is unwise, and thus the veto will be sustained. When a bill is presented to the governor for his signature he is allowed a period ranging from three to ten days in which to consider it before taking action. A subject of criticism in some states is the practice of the legislature of delaying final action on many bills until the last days of the session and then sending them all at once to the governor so that the time allowed him for considering their merits is necessarily too short.
A wise provision found in the constitutions of about thirty states is one which allows the governor to veto particular items in appropriation bills. Thus if the legislature passes a bill carrying appropriations for a variety of objects, some worthy and others objectionable, the governor is not under the necessity of approving or rejecting the bill as a whole, but may approve the desirable portions and veto the others. In this way wasteful and objectionable appropriations of the public funds may be prevented without inconvenience. In a few states the governor may also veto particular sections of other bills.
Executive and Administrative Powers of the Governor.—The governor is generally charged by the constitution with taking care that the laws are faithfully executed, though, as already stated, the executive power is really divided between him and a number of colleagues.
Power over State Officers.—He generally has a certain power of oversight over the other principal state officers, but little power of control over them. There is a tendency, however, to enlarge his power in this respect.[14] Several constitutions, for example, empower him to require reports from the principal officers, and in some states he is given the right to examine into the condition of the treasurer's and comptroller's offices and under certain conditions to remove the incumbent from office. In a very few states, also, the governor may remove sheriffs or mayors for negligence or abuse of power in the enforcement of the state laws.
Power of Appointment.—The governor's principal executive power consists of the right to appoint certain officers and boards, and sometimes to remove them, subject to certain restrictions. In the early days of our history, many of the state officers were chosen by the legislature, but with the growth of the democratic spirit the selection of these officials was taken from the legislature and they were made elective by the people. In a very few states the legislature still retains a considerable power of appointment. In most states, however, the governor appoints all officers not elected by the people. In a few states he appoints the judges; in half a dozen or more he appoints several of the principal state officers, such as the secretary of state and the attorney-general, and in most of them he appoints some of the important administrative officers and the members of various boards and commissions. In New York, for example, he appoints the superintendent of insurance and banking, the members of the two public service commissions, the superintendent of public works, the commissioner of agriculture, the commissioner of health, and other important officials. In some states he appoints the railroad commissioners, the trustees of public institutions, members of the state board of health, the members of various examining boards, pure food commissioners, factory inspectors, game commissioners, mining inspectors, and so on. As compared with the President of the United States, his power of appointment, however, is very small. Moreover, his power to appoint is usually limited by the condition that his nominations must be approved by the senate or the executive council where there is such a body.
Power of Removal.—The governor can usually remove the officials whom he appoints, but rarely any others. But the power of removal must exist somewhere, because it would be intolerable to have to retain in the public service men who are dishonest, incapable, or otherwise unfit. The other methods of removal provided are impeachment, removal by resolution of the legislature, and occasionally removal by the courts. Removal by impeachment takes place by the preferment of a charge by the lower house of the legislature and trial by the upper house. This method, however, is cumbersome and is rarely resorted to—never in the case of minor officials. Removal by resolution of the legislature is sometimes employed for getting rid of unfit or corrupt judges. In several states, the method of recall has been instituted, by which, on petition of 25 per cent of the voters, the officer must submit his case to the voters, and if a majority of them pronounce in favor of his recall, he must retire.
The Military Powers of the Governor.—In every state the governor is commander in chief of the military forces of the state and also of the naval forces where there are any—a power which means little in times of peace. Whenever there are riots or serious disturbances, however, this power becomes important. When the disturbance is too great to be suppressed by the local authorities, the governor may order out a portion of the militia and may, if he elects, take charge of it himself. There are few states where the governor has not at some time or another been compelled to make use of this power. Mobs sometimes break into jails and take out prisoners and lynch them; and sometimes strike riots occur in mining or manufacturing communities, in which cases the governor may be called upon to send troops to the scene of the disturbance and keep them there until quiet and order have been restored.
Power to Suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus.—A usual part of the governor's military power is the right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in communities where great disorders prevail, that is, to suspend the power of the courts to release prisoners charged with violations of the law, thus leaving unhampered the power of the military authorities to restrain persons they may imprison. This power, however, is one which might be grossly abused; therefore many state constitutions forbid the suspension of the writ except under extraordinary conditions, and a few, indeed, permit it to be suspended only by the legislature.
The Military Forces of the State consist usually of a number of regiments of citizen soldiers, who are organized, uniformed, and officered after the manner of the regular army of the United States, who attend an annual encampment for purposes of drill and practice, and who must always be ready to respond to the call of the governor. At the head of the state militia is an officer called the adjutant general, through whom the military orders of the government are issued and carried out. The governor also has a military staff which accompanies him on occasions of ceremony such as the inauguration of the President of the United States, grand army reviews, and the like.
The Pardoning Power.—In every state the governor is vested with the power of pardoning offenders against the laws of the state, but in most states the exercise of the power is subject to restrictions. The purpose of vesting this power in the governor is to make it possible to correct the errors of courts and juries, as where subsequent to the conviction evidence is brought to light showing that the person convicted is innocent, and has been wrongfully convicted, or where it becomes evident before the full penalty has been paid that the offender has been sufficiently punished and should be released.
In many states boards of pardon have been provided for sharing with the governor the responsibility for the exercise of this important prerogative.[15] These boards are of two kinds: first, those whose powers are limited to the hearing of applications for pardons and the making of recommendations to the governor, who is not bound by their advice; and second, those whose approval is necessary for the validity of any pardon granted by him. Convictions for treason and in impeachment cases are frequently excepted from the list of cases in which the governor may grant pardons, though in the case of treason he is sometimes given the power to suspend the execution of the sentence to await the action of the legislature. In a number of states notice of an application for a pardon must be published in the community where the applicant was convicted, in order that the people of the community who have been injured by his crime may have an opportunity to protest against the granting of a pardon to him. Sometimes also the approval of the presiding judge of the court in which the criminal was convicted is necessary before a pardon may be granted. It is usual to require the governor to make a report to the legislature at each session of all pardons granted, and at the same time give the reason in each case why a pardon was issued.
Generally with the right of pardon is included the power to grant reprieves, that is, stays of execution; commutations, that is, the substitution of a lesser punishment in the place of the one imposed; and remission of fines and forfeitures. The right also usually includes the power of amnesty or the power of granting by proclamation pardons to large numbers of persons, as in the case of uprisings or insurrections against the laws and authority of the state. A pardon may be absolute or conditional; in the first case, it is granted without restriction; in the second case, it is valid only on certain conditions, as where the offender is required to lead an upright life or where he is required to leave the state. Generally the governor of the state, unlike the President of the United States, has no power to grant a pardon to an individual offender before he has been convicted.
State Boards and Commissions.—One of the remarkable political tendencies of recent years has been the multiplication of boards and commissions to aid in the government of the states. Every state now has a number of such boards, and in some of the populous commonwealths such as New York and Massachusetts there are upwards of a hundred of them. Hardly a legislative session passes that does not create one or two commissions for some purpose or other. These boards or commissions fall roughly into five classes, as follows:
First, many of these boards are of an industrial character, such as boards of agriculture, food and dairy commissions, live stock, fish, and mining commissions, and the like. In general their purpose is to promote the agricultural, mining, and industrial interests, generally, of the state, through the collection and dissemination of information concerning the best method of conducting those industries.
A second class of boards are of a more distinctly scientific and research character, such as boards of health, bureaus of labor and statistics, geological commissions, forestry boards, and the like. Although some of these, like the board of health, are charged with the execution of certain laws, the general purpose of all of them is scientific research and the collection of data.
A third class of boards are those charged primarily with the supervision of certain businesses or industries affecting the public interest, and with the enforcement of the laws relating to such businesses. Such are the railroad commissions, commissions of insurance, public utility commissions, commissions of inland fisheries, and the like. In some instances these commissions not only have power to prescribe rules for businesses affected with a public interest, but also to fix the rates which they may charge.
A fourth group of commissions or boards are those charged with examining applicants for admission to practice certain professions or trades such as medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, architecture, and plumbing. The purpose of requiring such examinations is to secure a standard of efficiency, and to protect society against quacks.
A fifth class includes those which have supervision over the public institutions of the state, educational, penal, reformatory, charitable, etc. In recent years there has been a marked tendency to consolidate boards of this class, by putting all the charitable and penal institutions under the control of a single board, or under two boards, one for charitable and the other for penal institutions. In a few states all the higher educational institutions are under one board.
Members of all these classes of boards are usually appointed by the governor, though occasionally a board is made up of members chosen by popular election.
State Administrative Reorganization.—In 1917 a more systematic organization of state administration was established in Illinois. Nine main departments were established, each under a director, in place of a large number of former offices, boards, and commissions. Similar reorganizations have since taken place in a number of other states.
The State Civil Service System.—The number of persons necessary to carry on the state government in its various branches is very large. In order to provide a method by which subordinate employees can be selected with regard to their fitness rather than with reference to their party services, New York, Massachusetts, Illinois, Wisconsin, and other states have enacted civil service laws establishing the merit system of appointment.
The recent civil service laws provide, in general, for the classification of all positions other than those filled by popular election, by executive appointment, or by legislative choice, and for appointment to these positions only after an examination of the candidates. Generally, those who pass the examination successfully are placed on an eligible list in the order of the grades which they receive, and when an office is to be filled, the appointing officer is required to make his choice from the three candidates highest on the list. For the filling of certain positions requiring technical skill, special non-competitive examinations are given and less consideration is given to academic qualifications. Certain positions are not placed under the civil service rules, and the appointing authority is allowed to make his choice without the necessity of examinations. Such are the positions of private secretary, chief clerk, and other employees who occupy a confidential relation to the heads of departments.
The chief advantage of the examination system of filling civil service positions is that it eliminates the evils of the spoils system and places the public service on a merit basis. It must be admitted, however, that the system is not perfect, because fitness for the performance of administrative duties cannot always be determined by examinations. Nevertheless, it is much better than the old method known as the "spoils system," under which appointments were made for party services; and it will in time, no doubt, be adopted in all the states.
References.—Beard, American Government and Politics, ch. xxiv. Bradford, Lessons of Popular Government, vol. ii, ch. 32. Bryce, The American Commonwealth (abridged edition), ch. xl. Dealey, Our State Constitutions, ch. v. Finley and Sanderson, The American Executive and Executive Methods, chs. iii, vi, vii, viii, ix. Hart, Actual Government, ch. viii.
Documentary and Illustrative Material.—1. The legislative manual of the state. 2. Copies of the governor's inaugural address, messages to the legislature, veto messages, public proclamations, etc. 3. Copy of the revised statutes (chapter on the executive department). 4. Reports of the state officers to the governor.