with one of the members, George Johnson, acting as clerk.

When war began, the gentlemen justices of the county's court recommended certain of her men to the governor from time to time as worthy of commissions in the military forces being raised by the Colony. Many an old and familiar Loudoun name appears on the list and for the interest of their descendants and relatives it is here appended as abstracted from the county records by James W. Head in his very useful History of Loudoun:[101]

"March 1778: James Whaley Jr., second lieutenant; William Carnan, ensign; Daniel Lewis, second lieutenant; Josiah Miles and Thomas King, lieutenants; Hugh Douglass, ensign; Isaac Vandevanter, lieutenant; John Dodd, ensign.

"May 1778. George Summers and Charles G. Eskridge, colonels; William McClellan, Robert McClain and John Henry, captains; Samuel Cox, Major; Frans Russell, James Beavers, Scarlet Burkley, Moses Thomas, Henry Farnsworth, John Russell, Gustavus Elgin, John Miller, Samuel Butcher, Joshua Botts, John Williams, George Tyler, Nathaniel Adams and George Mason, lieutenants; Isaac Grant, John Thatcher, William Elliott, Richard Shore, and Peter Benham, ensigns.

"August, 1778 Thomas Marks, William Robison, Joseph Butler and John Linton, lieutenants; Joseph Wildman and George Asbury, ensigns.

"September 1778 Francis Russell, lieutenant, and George Shrieve, ensign.

"May 1779 Joseph Wildman, lieutenant, and Francis Elgin Jr., ensign.

"June 14, 1779 George Kilgour, lieutenant and Jacob Caton, ensign.

"July 12, 1779 John Debell, lieutenant and William Huchison, ensign.

"October 11, 1779 Francis Russell, captain.

"November 8, 1779 James Cleveland, captain; Thomas Millan, ensign.

"February 14, 1780 Thomas Williams, ensign.

"March, 1780 John Benham, ensign.

"June, 1780 Wethers Smith and William Debell, second lieutenants, Francis Adams and Joel White, ensigns.

"August, 1780 Robert Russell, ensign.

"October, 1780. John Spitzfathem, first lieutenant; Thomas Thomas and Matthew Rust, second lieutenants; Nicholas Minor Jr., David Hopkins, William McGeath and Samuel Oliphant ensigns; Charles Bennett, captain.

"November, 1780. James Coleman, Esq., Colonel, George West, lieutenant-colonel; James McLlaney, Major.

"February, 1781. Simon Triplett, Colonel; John Alexander, lieutenant-colonel; Jacob Reed, Major; John Linton, captain; William Debell and Joel White, lieutenants; Thomas Minor, ensign; Thomas Shores, captain; John Tayler and Thomas Beatty, lieutenants; John McClain, ensign.

"March 1781. John McGeath, captain; Ignatius Burns, captain; Hugh Douglass, first lieutenant; John Cornelison, second lieutenant; Joseph Butler and Conn Oneale, lieutenants; John Jones, Jr., ensign; William Tayler, Major first battalion; James Coleman, Colonel; George West, lieutenant-colonel; Josiah Maffett, captain; John Binns, first lieutenant; Charles Binns, Jr., second lieutenant and Joseph Hough, ensign.

"April 1781. Samson Trammell, captain; Spence Wigginton and Smith King, lieutenants.

"May 1781. Thomas Respass, Esq., Major; Hugh Douglass, Gent. captain; Thomas King, lieutenant; William T. Mason, ensign; Samuel Noland, captain; Abraham Dehaven and Enock Thomas, lieutenants; Isaac Dehaven and Thomas Vince, ensigns; James McLlaney, captain; Thomas Kennan, captain; John Bagley, first lieutenant.

"June 1781. Enoch Furr and George Rust, lieutenants; Withers Berry and William Hutchison (son of Benjamin), ensign.

"September 1781. Gustavus Elgin, captain; John Littleton, ensign.

"January 1782. William McClellan, captain.

"February 1782. William George, Timothy Hixon and Joseph Butler, captains.

"March 1782. James McLlaney, captain; George West, colonel, Thomas Respass, lieutenant-colonel.

"July 1782. Samuel Noland, Major; James Lewin Gibbs, second lieutenant and Giles Turley, ensign.

"August 1782. Enoch Thomas, captain; Samuel Smith, lieutenant; Matthias Smitley, first lieutenant; Charles Tyler and David Beaty, ensigns.

"December 1782. Thomas King, captain; William Mason, first lieutenant and Silas Gilbert, ensign."

By a stroke of good fortune, there has been brought to light and published in recent years a journal kept by one Nicholas Cresswell, a young Englishman of gentle birth who, in 1774, at the age of 24 years obeyed a keen impulse to emigrate to Virginia with the expectation of buying a plantation and becoming a Virginia farmer.[102] His home in England was the estate of his father, known as Crowden-le-Booth, in the parish of Edale in the Peak of Derbyshire. The father seems to have been a somewhat stern disciplinarian, against the rigidity of whose rule and unhappy home conditions young Cresswell fretted; and that and an ambition to make his own way in the world, coupled with an appetite for adventure common to his age and race, induced Nicholas to his course. After many difficulties, he sailed from England in the ship Molly on the 9th of April, 1774, and thus began a series of adventures, his excellent record of which has been characterized as "a valuable addition to Revolutionary Americana" and, it may be added, is nothing less than treasure trove to the student of Loudoun's past. In the course of his ensuing experiences he met, among a multitude of others, Jefferson, Lord Howe, Patrick Henry, Francis Lightfoot Lee; was upon occasion Washington's guest at Mount Vernon and paints and proves Thomson Mason to have been one of the kindliest and most hospitable of men. His wanderings took him through many parts of Virginia and particularly Leesburg and its neighborhood, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York; on a voyage to Barbados to recoup his health and on an expedition as a viewer and surveyor of new lands, down the Ohio River into Indiana country, in an unsuccessful effort to recoup his fortune. An educated young Englishman, loyal to his King and country, arriving in the Colonies as the storm of the Revolution was about to break, he soon was suspected of being an English spy, was bullied and persecuted by some, befriended by others and, withal, records his experiences in a narrative of such fascination that one reads it from end to end with unabated interest. Of the Leesburg and Loudoun of the period he gives the best contemporary, if not always complimentary, account known to the present writer. Through the courtesy of the Dial Press, the publishers of his Journal in the United States, the following abstract of Loudoun material is permitted:

Cresswell first passed through Loudoun in November, 1774, in the course of a journey to the Valley. He arrived in Leesburg on Sunday the 27th and records:

"The land begins to grow better. A Gravelly soil and produces good Wheat, but the roads are very bad, cut to pieces with the wagons, number of them we met today. Their method of mending the roads is with poles about 10 foot long laid across the road close together; they stick fast in the mud and make an excellent causeway. Very thinly peopled along the road, almost all Woods. Only one public House between this place and Alexandria."

On the next day he inspected Leesburg. "Viewing the town. It is regularly laid off in squares, but very indifferently built and few inhabitants and little trade, tho' very advantageously situated, for it is at the conjunction of the great Roads from the North part of the Continent to the South and the East and the West. Lodged at Mr. Moffit's, Mr. Kirk's partner in a store which he has here."

On the following Sunday, "Went to a Methodist meeting. This Sect is scattered in every place and have got considerable footing here, owing to the great negligence of the Church Parsons."

The next day he continued his journey to the West, returning to Leesburg on the 14th December, 1774. On the following day, being Sunday, he simply notes "but no prayers." On Monday, "Court day. A great number of litigious suits. The people seem to be fond of Law. Nothing uncommon for them to bring suit against a person for a Book debt and trade with him on an open account at the same time. To be arrested for debt is no scandal here." And on the next day he "Saw the Independence Company exercise. A ragged crew." In January he amuses himself "with shooting wild Geese and Ducks. Here is incredible numbers in the River likewise Swans. It is said they come from the Lakes."

Again on his way to the West, this time to the Indian country, he arrived in Leesburg on Sunday the 26th March, 1775. On the following Wednesday he "went to look at a silver mine. Saw some appearance of metal but don't know what it is." On the 31st: "At Leesburg waiting for my gun and goods coming from Alexandria. The Peach Orchards are in full blossom and make a beautiful appearance." On the following Sunday, the 2nd April, he notes "But no Parson. It is a shame to suffer these people to neglect their duty in the manner they do."

After his journey in the "Illinois Country" we find him again in Leesburg in the employment of one Kirk, a merchant of Alexandria who, son of a blacksmith in Cresswell's home parish, had gone to Virginia and prospered there. On Sunday, the 19th November, 1775, Nicholas records that he "went to Church or Courthouse which you please in the forenoon" thus further confirming that the established church services were, at that time, held in the courthouse at Leesburg. Cresswell meets and is much in the company of George Johnston, Captain McCabe, George Ancram, and Captain Douglas. As a sidelight on Leesburg's evening diversions of the period, he writes under date of the 28th November that he "dined at Captn. McCabe's in Company with Captn. Douglas and Cavan. Spent the evening at the store in company with Captn. McCabe and Captn. Speake and all of us got drunk."

On the 4th December he made a short visit to "Frederick Town in Maryland," and, both going and some days later on his return, dined at Noland's Ferry, suggesting some accommodation for travellers there. On Sunday the 10th December, he "went to Church, spent the evening at Mr. Johnson's with the Rev. Mr. David Griffiths and several gentlemen."

He was a guest at "Garalland, seat of Captn. William Douglas. A great deal of agreeable Company and very merry." On the next day there was "Dancing and playing at Cards. In the evening several of the company went in quest of a poor Englishman, who they supposed had made songs on the Committee, but did not find him." This week was one of celebration; on the following Friday, (5th January, 1776) "This being my birthday, invited Captn. McCabe, H. Neilson, W. Johnston, Matthews, Booker and my particular Friend P. Cavan to spend the evening with me. We have kept it up all night and I am at this time very merry." On Saturday: "Spent the evening at Mr. Johnston's with our last night's company. He is going to camp. All of us got most feloniously drunk. Captn. McCabe, Hugh Neilson and I kept it up all night." On Sunday: "went to bed about two o'clock in the afternoon, stupidly drunk. Not been in bed or asleep for two nights."

A party was a party in the Leesburg of 1776.

Virginia was heading toward independence, with war if need be. Popular sentiment is shown by such entries as "Nothing but Independence will go down. The Devil is in the people." "All in confusion. The Committee met to choose Officers for the new Company that are to be raised. They are 21 in number, the first men in the County and had two bowls of toddy," (he carefully explains elsewhere that "toddy" means punch) "but could not find cash to pay for it." On the 12th February, "Court day. Great Confusion, no business done. The populace deters the Magistrates and they in turn are courting the rebels' favour. Enlisting men for the Rebel Army upon credit. Their paper money is not yet arrived from the Mine." On the 22nd March he "went to see the general musters of the Militia in town, about 700 men but few arms." On Sunday the 17th May he says: "This day is appointed by the Great Sanhedrim to be kept an Holy Fast throughout the continent, but we have no prayers in Leesburg. The Parson (Rev. David Griffiths) is gone into the Army."

He has this to say about a Quaker meeting in February, probably at Waterford, to which he went with his friends Cavan and Thomas Matthews. "This is one of the most comfortable places of worship I was ever in, they had two large fires and a Dutch stove. After a long silence and many groans a Man got up and gave us a short Lecture with great deliberation. Dined at Mr. Jos. Janney's one of the Friends."

It was not until the 24th April, 1776, that Thomson Mason, who was to prove so consistently a friend to him, is introduced, when Cresswell notes that he was a dinner guest at his home—presumably Raspberry Plain. By that time Cresswell had made a host of acquaintances and friends. He enjoyed popularity with his new companions, frequently was entertained or was a host himself. To add to his scanty resources, he made lye, nitre and saltpetre on shares and his process and progress he records in detail. His work was interrupted by frequent illness, due doubtless to the heavy drinking indulged in by him and his associates.

On the 9th July, 1776, he learns, to his dismay, of the Declaration of Independence.

From time to time he dined with Thomson Mason who on the 26th July "proffers to give me a letter of recommendation to the Governor Henry for liberty to go on board the Fleet in the Bay. I have no other choice to go home but this;" and on the next day, "a general muster of the Militia. Great confusion among them. Recruiting parties offer 10 Dollars advance and 40 S per month."

But Cresswell realized the increasing danger to him, loyal Briton that he was, of a continued stay in America. In August he determined to go to New York for he was convinced that he "must either escape that way or go to jail for Toryism." He did not tell Mr. Mason of his design to leave the county, but only that he contemplated a northern journey; and from him obtained a "letter to Messrs. Francis Lightfoot Lee, Thos. Stone, Thos. Jefferson and John Rogers Esq., all members of the Congress." On the 23rd August "in company with Mr. Alexander Cooper, a Storekeeper in town" he left Leesburg for the north.

He duly arrived in Philadelphia which greatly pleased him in its size and cleanliness.

He calls on Lee and Jefferson, presents his letters, is kindly received and through the latter obtains "a pass written by Mr. John Hancock, Pres. of the Congress." Thence to New York, where he sees the British Army and ships in the distance but cannot reach them and begins to feel that to do so would be a dishonourable return for Thomson Mason's kindness. So back again to Leesburg he journeys, bewailing his situation but to his credit determining "to rot in a Jail rather than take up Arms against my native country."

On the 10th October, 1776, the 6th Regiment of Virginians, encamped at Leesburg on their way to the North, are described as "a set of dirty, ragged people, badly clothed, badly disciplined and badly armed." Salt was selling there at "Forty shillings, Currency, per Bushel. This article usually sold for four shillings. If no salt comes in there will be an insurrection in the Colony." In Alexandria a few days later, he learns that the committee "will not permit me to depart this Colony as they look upon me to be a Spy and that I must be obliged to give security or go to jail." Then to Leesburg again, which he seems to regard as his American home and on the 28th October sees a "General Muster of the County Militia in town, about 600 men appeared under-armed, with Tobacco sticks in general much rioting and confusion. Recruiting Officers for the Sleber Army offer Twelve Pounds bounty and 200 acres of land when the War is over, but get very few men." In spite of repeatedly admonishing himself in his journal to avoid political arguments he was unable to do so, particularly when in his cups, and so on the 28th November his criticism of the Revolution and its adherents caused him to be waited upon by three members of the Committee of Safety who obliged him to pledge himself not to leave the Colony for three months.

At this time there was an ordinary at Leesburg known as the Crooked Billet.[103] It was a favourite place for the heavy drinking parties in which Cresswell and his friends indulged. He records, after a night of debauchery, he had sent all his companions "to bed drunk and I am now going to bed myself at 9 in the morning as drunk as an honest man could wish." The next day the carouse continued. The Leesburg of the eighteenth century was as little noted for sobriety as were other parts of the English-speaking world.

After spending much of the winter of 1776-'7 in and around Leesburg and recording the great encouragement the Americans obtained from Washington's successes at Princeton and elsewhere, he, on the 1st March, 1777, "went with Captn. Douglas and Mr. Flemming Patterson to see Mr. Josiah Clapham. He is an Assembly Man, Colonel of the county and Justice of the Peace on the present establishment. He is an Englishman from Wakefield in Yorkshire, much in debt at home, and in course a violent Sleber here. Has made himself very popular by erecting a Manufactory of Guns, but it is poorly carried on. His wife is the most notable woman in the County for Housew'fery, but I should like her much better if she would keep a cleaner house. He has got a very good plantation, takes every mean art to render himself popular amongst a set of ignorant Dutchmen that are settled in his neighbourhood. Dirty in person and principle."

Though much embarrassed by his poverty Cresswell refuses a commission as a captain of Engineers at $3 per day offered to him by Colonel Green and Colonel Grayson. He told them he "could not bear the thoughts of taking up arms against my native country" and they "were pleased to make me some genteel compliment about my steadiness and resolution." His despondency returns and Mason invites him to dinner and offers him "a letter of introduction and recommendations to the Governor of Virginia by his permission to go on board the man of war in the Bay." He resolves to accept the letter and make an attempt to return to England in April. The Rev. David Griffith returns to Leesburg and preaches "a political discourse." He speaks of meeting Mr. Griffith and his wife at Mr. Neilson's. Griffith, writes Cresswell "is a most violent Sleber. He is Doctor and Chaplain to one of their Regmt." On the 22nd March, 1777, he records "Great tumults and murmurings among the people caused by them pressing the young men into the Army. The people now begin to feel the effects of an Independent Government and groan under it, but cannot help themselves, as they are almost in general disarmed."

On the 6th April, 1777, he left Leesburg and eventually succeeded in getting to the British man-of-war Phoenix off the mouth of the Chesapeake. After another visit to New York he finally reached England in safety. In spite of all his tribulations and the very real dangers he incurred in his American sojourn, he records that "Virginia is the very finest country I ever was in"—no small concession.[104]

The people of Loudoun's German Settlement may have been "a set of ignorant Dutchmen" to the irritated Cresswell but they proved loyal and effective fighters in the American cause. They seem to have been whole-heartedly with their Tidewater and Scotch-Irish neighbors in the controversy and are reputed to have largely joined Armand's Legion under Charles Trefin Armand, Marquis de la Rouaire (1751-1793) who, after service in the Garde de Corps in Paris, had volunteered in the American Army on the 10th May, 1777, under the name of Charles Armand, had been commissioned a colonel by the Congress, saw much service and was greatly beloved by his men, few of whom were able to speak English.

Cresswell is confirmed in his statement regarding Clapham's gun factory by the record of a session of the Committee of Safety of Virginia, held on the 27th March, 1776, at Williamsburg:

"Ordered that a letter be written to Colonel Clapham in answer to his of Feby 23rd and March 24th informing him that we have sent him £360 to pay for the rifles mentioned by Chro. Perfect, that the Comm'ee agree to take all the good musquets that shall be made by the 5 or 6 hands he mentions by the 1st December next, and desire him to contract for the 12 large rifles also mentioned."[105]

Two other men in Loudoun must again be cited for their activities in the cause of independence—one as a statesman, the other as a soldier. Thomson Mason, from his ownership of Raspberry Plain, was identified closely with the county although not a continuous resident there. We find him constantly devoting his time and abilities to the American cause. Even as early as 1774 he wrote

"You must draw your swords in a just cause, and rely upon that God, who assists the righteous, to support your endeavours to preserve the liberty he gave, and the love of which he hath implanted in your hearts as essential to your nature."

Less eloquent but more active was Leven Powell. He with Mason, in that same year of 1774, was urging his neighbors to resistance. In 1775 he received a commission as major in a battalion of Minute Men from Loudoun, in 1777 was made by General Washington a lieutenant colonel of the 16th Regiment of Virginia Continentals, spent the greater part of that year in raising and equipping his command and saw much active service until invalided home from the vigours of the following terrible winter at Valley Forge. His impaired health forced him to resign his commission in the autumn of 1778.

By way of sharp contrast to the other people of Loudoun, the Quakers refused to aid or abet the Revolution in any way. Through their industry and frugality they had, by that time, acquired some influence in the County but when they refused to aid their fellow-Virginians in the great struggle, all that was changed. Non-resistance was a cardinal principle of their faith and come weal or woe they stuck to it. They refused to serve in the army. They refused to pay muster-fines. "Not even the scourge" writes Kercheval of the Quakers of the Valley, "would compel them to submit to discipline. The practice of coercion was therefore abandoned and the legislature enacted a law to levy a tax upon their property to hire substitutes to perform militia duty in their stead."[106] Refusing to pay these taxes their property was sold and many were reduced to great distress. Others, taking advantage of these tax sales, bought up their properties and profited largely by their shrewdness.

As the war continued, Virginia faced difficulties in raising her quota of Continental troops. We have read Cresswell's record of these troubles in Loudoun as early as October, 1776. In 1778 the Assembly passed an act recognizing as inadequate prior laws on the subject, calling for 2,216 men, rank and file, and offering for eighteen months enlistment $300; while to those who enlisted for three years, or the duration of the war, $400 was to be given "together with the continental bounty of land and shall be entitled to receive the pay and rations which are allowed to soldiers in the continental army from the day of their enlistment and shall be furnished annually, at the public expense with the following articles, a coat, waistcoat and breeches, two shirts, one hat, two pairs of stockings, one pair of shoes and a blanket...."[107] In the same year the Legislature was obliged to pass an act against "forestallers and engrossers"—in other words what we today call war profiteers, authorizing the governor to seize grain and flour for the army in the hands of those gentry.[108]

The objection to enlistment seems to have been directed against the longer term rather than to military service itself. Also there was confusion and lack of that complete authority necessary in such a crisis. We find Colonel Josias Clapham writing to the Council of Virginia on the 11th September, 1778, asking to be permitted to send a company of volunteers, which had been raised in Loudoun, to the assistance of General McIntosh's Brigade, but his request was declined on the ground that the "Executive power" had no right to send volunteers to join any corps whatsoever.[109]

The lot of the Loyalist or "Tories" as they were popularly termed, was not a happy one. There was one James White who indiscreetly "spoke many disrespectful words of his Excellency G. Washington and that he was not fit to be the son of a Stewart dog." White appears to have been indicted in Loudoun as a Tory and thereupon to have fled the county. There is the suggestion that he was a man of some property and that to avoid its confiscation he later saw the error of his ways, returned to Loudoun, apologized to the court for his behavior, took the oath of allegiance to the new State of Virginia and so succeeded in having his indictment dismissed.[110]

At the other end of the social scale were the white convicts of which, as we have seen, Loudoun had long had her share or more. There has been preserved an advertisement of 1777 by Sam Love, a justice of the peace:

"Ran away from the subscriber, in Loudoun County, two convict servants, David Hinds, an Irishman, about 35 years of age, 5 feet, 6 or 8 inches high, pitted with small pox, hath a wart or pear on his chin, hath short, black, curled hair, had on when he went away a country cloth jacket and breeches, yarn stockings, country linen shirt, old shoes and felt hat almost new,—George Dorman, born in England, about 20 years of age, 5 feet, 6 or 7 inches hight, had on when he went away nearly the same clothing as Hinds, they both had iron collars on when they went away, its expected they will change their clothing and have forged passes. Whoever brings the said servants home shall have Two Dollars reward for each if taken ten miles from home, and in proportion for a greater or less distance, as far as 50 miles, including what the law allows.

But negroes and convicts were not the only class in Loudoun deprived of liberty. Early in 1776 the unfortunate prisoners of war began to arrive. Of a number of "Highland Prisoners taken by Captain James and Richard Barren in the Ship Oxford," the following were sent to Loudoun by the Committee of Safety at its session on the 24th June 1776:

The next year a much larger contingent made its appearance. The Hessian prisoners taken at the Battle of Saratoga were divided into parties which were sent to different parts of the Colonies. A numerous band was sent to Noland's Ferry where a camp for them was established and, it is said, some of their number were employed in building the Noland mansion there, thus fixing the long disputed date of its construction. Briscoe Goodhart says that few of these prisoners were returned to Europe after the war but that, for the most part, they settled in Loudoun and in Frederick and Montgomery counties, Maryland, in all of which were many of German descent and that the former Hessian prisoners became useful and industrious citizens in their new homes.[112]

As the war drew to its close in 1781, there appears to have been a large accumulation of war supplies in Loudoun. Lafayette wrote to Washington on the 1st July of that year:

"There must be a great quantity of accoutrements in the country. By a letter from the Board of War, I find that 100 Saddles, 100 Swords, 100 pairs of pistols may be soon expected at Leesburg, supposing that the same number be got in the country...."[113]

On the 26th of the same month Colonel William Davis, in covering the situation in the Northern Neck, wrote

"At Noland's there are 920 muskets and 486 bayonets. Those added to the 275 at Fredericksburg are too many by 195...."[114]

And on the 9th August in the same year, Captain A. Bohannan wrote from Fauquier Court House to Colonel Wm. Davis:

"I have this moment returned from Leesburg—the stores that were there & at Noland's Ferry are now on their way to this place; it was with the greatest difficulty that I could procure waggons in the neighbourhood of Leesburg for the Transportation of them; in short I cou'd not have done it had I not promised to pay them when they arrived at this place & discharge them. It is useless to pretend to impress waggons in this part of the Country, as you will seldom see a waggon on any plantation but what wants either a wheel or Geer. the Inhabitants say they are willing to work for the public, provided that they cou'd get paid for their services. They are willing to take what the Q. M. Genl: allows, tho' it shu'd be less than they could get from private persons."

It was estimated that it would cost "Fifteen or Twenty Thousand Pounds" (presumably tobacco) to move the stores, and the writer "desires some pay for himself, being without a shilling and not having received any money for eighteen months."[115]

And now, a final glimpse of Loudoun and Leesburg in the Revolution, afforded in the diary of Captain John Davis of the Pennsylvania line who passed through the county with General Anthony Wayne's Brigade on its way to Yorktown and victory; the entries to be quoted begin on the 31st day of May, 1781, when the command was on its way from "York Town" in Pennsylvania:

"Took up the line of march at sunrise, passed through Frederick Town, Maryland and reached Powtomack, which, in crossing in Squows, one unfortunately sunk, loaded with artillery & Q. M. stores and men in which our Sergeant & three men were drowned; encamped on the S. W. side of the river. Night being very wet, our baggage not crossed, Officers of the Reg. took Quarters in Col. Clapham's Negro Quarter, where we agreeably passed the night.

"June 1st. Continued on our ground till four o'clock in the afternoon, when we mov'd five miles on the way to Leesburg.

"June 2d. Very wet day ... & continued till evening.

"3rd (Loudoun Co.) Took up the line of March at 10 o'clock, passed through Leesburg—the appearance of which I was much disappointed in; encamped at Goose Creek, 15 miles.

"4th. (Prince Wm. Co.) Marched from Goose Creek at six o'clock at which place left our baggage & sick, and proceeded through the low country. Roads bad in consequence of the rains; encamped at Red house 18 miles."

All writers of the period who describe the town agree that Leesburg, after twenty years or more of existence, was still a shabby little place, "of few and insignificant wooden houses" as one traveller records his impressions. The day of permanent buildings in the town had not yet arrived. Hardly an edifice standing in Leesburg today was then in existence.

CHAPTER XII

THE STORY OF JOHN CHAMPE

While the Powells and the Masons, the Lees, the Claphams, the Nolands and the Rusts, the Chinns, the Peytons, the Mercers, the Ellzeys and others of her natural leaders and large landowning families of the time, had abetted and supported, in one capacity or another, the Revolutionary cause, it was, in the end, the simple, homespun, backwoodsman class that bred Loudoun's most romantic figure in the Revolution. Sergeant Major John Champe of Lee's Partisan Legion, mighty of bone and sinew, stout-hearted, resourceful and of such boundless devotion and loyalty to his country and his commander-in-chief in its hour of travail that he consented to incur the scorn and hatred of his fellow-soldiers when along that hard path lay his duty, deserves to have his fidelity, his courage and his exploits commemorated at length in every story of his native county.

John Champe was born in what was soon to become Loudoun in the year 1752. Little or nothing is known of his boyhood. His family was too humble and his early life too obscure to have challenged the pen of his scattered neighbors. When the American Colonies revolted against the mother country, he at once enlisted in Virginia's forces and in 1780 was serving as a dragoon in Light Horse Harry Lee's cavalry Legion in which he had by sheer merit attained the rank of sergeant major and, through the esteem he had earned, was in line for promotion to a commission. The morale of the American Army had been profoundly shaken by Arnold's recent treason and escape; the courageous but unfortunate young British officer Andrè was a prisoner in Washington's hands as a result of his part in the affair and Washington was deeply troubled lest the treason which had corrupted Arnold had spread its vicious poison elsewhere among his soldiers. Henry Lee of Virginia, famous enough in his own right but also destined to be known as the father of General Robert E. Lee as well, was afterward, in the War of 1812, commissioned a major general; but then, as a cavalry major of twenty-three in command of an independent partisan corps of Dragoons, had already achieved his magnificent capture of the British-held fort at Paulus Hook and for that and many another daring exploit enjoyed no small military distinction. At the time our story opens, Lee and his corps were with Washington along the Hudson River. Many years later he was to write his famous Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States,[116] an important source-book of American history. It is to this work that we are principally indebted for our knowledge of Champe's exploit and from it I shall quote largely the story, condensing but the less essential parts. Only thus can be taken the true measure of Champe's heroism, now too generally forgotten in Loudoun.

There had fallen into Washington's hands certain anonymous papers which appeared to involve other of his soldiers in treason, and particularly one of his generals.[117] He had sent for Lee and handed him the papers. Lee studied them carefully and when asked his counsel, said he thought they represented a contrivance of Sir Henry Clinton, the British commander-in-chief, to destroy confidence between Washington and his men and purposely had been permitted by the British to fall into Washington's hands. Washington rejoined that the idea was plausible and had already occurred to him; but the danger involved in the possible defection of one of his highest officers was so great that the truth must be ascertained at once.

"'I have sent for you'" Lee quotes Washington as saying, "'in the expectation that you have in your corps individuals capable and willing to undertake an indispensable, delicate and hazardous project. Whoever comes forward upon this occasion, will lay me under great obligations personally, and in behalf of the United States I will reward him amply. No time is to be lost: he must proceed if possible this night. My object is to probe to the bottom the afflicting intelligence contained in the papers you have just read; to seize Arnold, and by getting him, to save Andrè. They are all connected. While my emissary is engaged in preparing means for the seizure of Arnold, the guilt of others can be traced; and the timely delivery of Arnold to me, will possibly put it into my power to restore the amiable and unfortunate Andrè to his friends. My instructions are ready, in which you will find my express orders that Arnold is not to be hurt; but that he be permitted to escape if to be prevented only by killing him, as his public punishment is the sole object in view. That you cannot too forcibly press upon whomsoever may engage in the enterprise; and this fail not to do. With my instructions are two letters to be delivered as ordered and here are some guineas for expenses.'

"Major Lee, replying, said that he had little or no doubt but that his legion contained many individuals daring enough for any operation, however perilous; but that the one in view required a combination of qualities not easily to be found, unless in a commissioned officer to whom he could not venture to propose an enterprise the first step in which was desertion. That though the sergeant-major of the cavalry was in all respects qualified for the delicate and adventurous project, and to him it might be proposed without indelicacy, as his station did not interpose an obstacle before stated; yet it was very probable that the same difficulty would occur in his breast, to remove which would not be easy, if practicable."

Washington became at once interested in this hitherto unknown sergeant major and asked his name, his country, his age, size, length of service and character.

"Being told his name," continues Lee "that he was a native of Loudoun County in Virginia; about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age—that he had enlisted in 1776—rather above the medium size—full of bone and muscle; with a saturnine countenance, grave, thoughtful and taciturn—of tried courage and inflexible perseverance, and as likely to regret an adventure coupled with ignominy as any officer in the corps; a commission being the goal of his long and anxious exertions, and certain on the first vacancy—the general exclaimed that he was the very man for the business; and that going to the enemy by the instigation and at the request of his officer, was not desertion though it appeared to be so. And he enjoined that this explanation, as coming from him, should be pressed on Champe."

Leaving Washington, Lee hastened to the camp of his cavalry corps where, arriving about 8:00 o'clock at night, he sent for Champe and placed the matter before him, stressing "the very great obligation he would confer on the commander-in-chief" and all else Lee could think of to insure his acceptance of the assignment; concluding with an explanation of the details of the plan, so far as they had been developed, and an expression of his personal wish that he would enter upon its execution instantly.

"Champe listened with deep attention, and with a highly excited countenance; the perturbations of his breast not being hid even by his dark visage. He briefly and modestly replied, that no soldier exceeded him in respect and affection for the commander-in-chief, to serve whom he would willingly lay down his life; and that he was sensible of the honour conferred by the choice of him for the execution of a project all over arduous; nor could he be at a loss to know to whom was to be ascribed the preference bestowed, which he took pleasure in acknowledging, although increasing obligations, before great and many."

As for the plan itself, Champe thought it excellent and understood at once how great might be the benefits resulting from its success. "He was not deterred by the danger and difficulty which was evidently to be encountered but he was deterred by the ignominy of desertion, to be followed by the hypocrisy of enlisting with the enemy; neither of which comported with his feelings, and either placed an insuperable bar in his way to promotion. He concluded by observing, that if any mode could be contrived free from disgrace, he would cordially embark in the enterprise. As it was he prayed to be excused."

Thus Champe's reaction to the project justified Lee's prior opinion expressed to his general and shewed his knowledge and understanding of the man. But the plan, with the tremendous results involved, pressed for immediate action and Lee exerted his utmost power of persuasion. He pointed out that Washington himself had declared that, in this case, the desertion was not a crime; adding that if Champe accepted, Lee would consider the whole corps highly honored by the General's call but that if it failed, at such a critical moment, to furnish a competent man it would reduce Lee to "a mortifying condition."

It was a long and arduous task to overcome Champe's repugnance to become involved, even seemingly, in a situation repellant to his every standard of honor to which his soldier's life had been trained; but slowly Lee overcame his scruples and obtained his consent. Then the detailed instructions, already prepared, were read to him, covering not only his behaviour and procedure when once safely away but also the very difficult matter of the desertion itself which must be so managed as to leave no doubt in his companions' minds as to his treachery but also to insure, so far as possible, his safety from their inevitable wrath. Obviously very little help could be given by Major Lee at this point "lest it might induce a belief that he was privy to the desertion, which opinion getting to the enemy would involve the life of Champe." So that part of the matter was left to the young sergeant, Lee promising, however, that if his escape were discovered before morning, he would seek to delay the pursuit "as long as practical."

Giving Champe three guineas as initial expense money, Lee urged him to start without delay and to let him hear from him, as promptly as possible, after he had arrived in New York. Champe, again urging Lee to delay pursuit, returned to his camp "and taking his cloak, valise and orderly book, he drew his horse from the picket and mounting him, put himself upon fortune."

His anticipation of rapid discovery and pursuit proved only too well founded. None knew better than he the alertness and efficiency of his fellow-dragoons and the effective discipline maintained in Lee's command. Less than half an hour had passed since he escaped the camp, before his absence, under what appeared highly suspicious circumstances, was discovered and promptly reported. "Captain Carnes, Officer of the day, waited upon the Major[118] and with considerable emotion told him that one of the patrol had fallen in with a dragoon, who being challenged, put spur to his horse and escaped, though instantly pursued."

Lee, mindful of the value to Champe of every minute of delay which his ingenuity could devise, simulated a lack of understanding of his report, and when that had been repeated and clarified, appeared to doubt Carnes' deduction and sought to persuade him that he was mistaken. The latter, however, was a competent officer and moreover his suspicions had been thoroughly aroused. Arnold's treason had raised mistrust of loyalty which, perhaps, normally would not have been entertained. Therefore on leaving Lee, Carnes at once returned to his men and ordered them to assemble, thus quickly learning that Champe, "his horse, baggage, arms and orderly book" were missing. His worst fears thus confirmed and, greatly affected by the supposed desertion in his own command, he hurriedly arranged a party for pursuit and returned to Lee for written orders. Again Lee played for delay. While appearing to approve of Carnes' zeal, he told him that he had already planned certain other and particular service for him that night and that another officer would have to lead the pursuit. For that purpose, after apparent deep and protracted consideration, he chose a younger officer, Cornet Middleton, being moved to do so, writes Lee by "his knowledge of the tenderness of Middleton's disposition, which he hoped would lead to the protection of Champe, should he be taken;" but he was, at the end, obliged to issue orders in the customary form upon such occasions and those delivered to Middleton, duly signed by Lee, read ominously enough: "Pursue as far as you can with safety Sergeant Champe, who is suspected of deserting to the enemy, and has taken the road leading to Paulus Hook. Bring him alive that he may suffer in the presence of the army; but kill him if he resists or escapes after being taken."

And still Lee procrastinated. With one device or another he contrived to hold Middleton, giving him instructions in such detail that they bordered on the trivial. Yet rake his imagination as he would, he at length was obliged to dismiss the youthful Cornet, with an expressed wish, however insincere, for his success.

In the meanwhile, and soon after Champe's departure, rain had begun to fall, almost wrecking the carefully contrived plan; for Champe's horse was shod in a manner peculiar to the Legion and Middleton's party was thus better able to follow Champe's course than otherwise would have been possible on a dark night through the deserted country. Middleton and his men had finally succeeded in leaving the American camp soon after midnight, something over an hour after Champe had made his escape; but to examine the ground for shoeprints and the prints themselves, on a rainy night, meant the frequent dismounting of troopers, the striking of a light and thus an ever-growing delay. With the break of day, however, the shoeprints were clear enough and better time could be made—and then on a rise before reaching Three Pigeons, some miles north of the Village of Bergen, Middleton's men caught sight of the fugitive, not more than half a mile ahead, Champe seeing his pursuers at the same time.

The pursuit was now so grimly close that Champe knew a mistake by him or taking any but the most essential risks meant quick capture and no gentle treatment, if, indeed, he should survive that unpleasant event. Therefore he quickly abandoned his first plan to reach Paulus Hook (now part of Jersey City) and instead, with all possible speed and by changing his course, sought immediate refuge in the British galleys which he knew lay a few miles to the west of Bergen "in accordance with British custom." Again, on the new course, he was sighted, his determined pursuers coming within two or three hundred yards of their quarry; but Champe, coming abreast of the galleys "dismounted and running through the marsh to the river, plunged into it, calling upon the galleys for help." This was readily given; "they fired upon our horse" writes Lee "and sent a boat to meet Champe, who was taken in and carried on board, and conveyed to New York with a letter from the captain of the galley, stating the circumstances he had seen." Escape had been achieved by the narrowest of margins and in the gravest danger; but it had created a realistic background for Champe's introduction to the British, difficult indeed to have bettered. Not the slightest doubt was entertained by either group that it had witnessed a daring desertion most narrowly achieved.

Greatly chagrined as were the Americans, they were not obliged to return entirely empty-handed. The fleeing Sergeant's horse with its equipment, his cloak and scabbard fell into their hands and were carried back by them; but Champe held onto his sword until he plunged into the river and the British made it too hot at that point for prolonged search. Dejectedly the dragoons returned to their camp to report their failure; giving Lee, quite unknowingly, a very bad moment when he saw Champe's riderless horse being led back, until he was apprised of what had really happened; thereupon he lost no time in presenting himself to General Washington and reporting the complete success of the first part of the hazardous adventure.

Four days slowly passed, and then an unsigned letter, in a disguised hand, was received by Lee from his sergeant, telling of his further adventures. He had, it seems, been kindly received on the galley and taken at once to the British Commandant in New York who was deeply interested in his story of his escape. The keen-witted Champe did not fail to take full advantage of his sympathetic audience and the good impression he was making. He assured the British officers "that such was the spirit of defection which prevailed among the American troops in consequence of Arnold's example, that he had no doubt, if the temper was properly cherished, Washington's ranks would not only be greatly thinned, but that some of his best corps would leave him." This did not seem, to a reflective mind, wholly consistent with the fire and spirit of the pursuit which the sergeant had so narrowly eluded, but his circumstantial narrative gave such welcome news to the British that they appear happily to have succumbed to the very human inclination to believe what they most wished were true. Their enthusiasm, however, did not cause them to forego recording a very careful description of their new ally: "his size, place of birth, form, countenance, hair, the corps in which he had served, with other remarks in conformity with the British usage." Delighted as were his new friends with the sergeant and his story and inclined to accept both as offered, they apparently had not wholly failed to profit from their long contact at home with their canny northern neighbors.

And now Champe was taken before His Majesty's Commander-in-Chief, Sir Henry Clinton himself. Nothing was wanting to shew the importance attached by the British to this latest deserter and the causes believed by them to have impelled him to his course. Clinton closely cross-examined the fugitive as to the possibility of the encouragement of further desertions from the American forces, the effect of Arnold's treason on Washington and the treatment being given Andrè. Although there were moments when Champe's ingenuity and presence of mind appear to have been sadly taxed, yet on the whole he succeeded in so well and convincingly deporting himself that Sir Henry, at the close of his examination, gave him a couple of guineas and assigned him to the service of General Arnold, with a letter telling the latter who and what he was. Arnold also received Champe cordially, expressed much satisfaction on hearing from him the manner of his escape and the fabulous effect of Arnold's example; and concluded his numerous enquiries by assigning to him similar quarters to those occupied by his own recruiting sergeants.

Nothing could have developed more favorably to the American's plot. Of a surety, fickle fortune appeared at last to be broadly smiling on him.

Arnold's next move was to seek to persuade Champe to join his legion; but that was a step so repugnant to the sergeant's spirit that even devotion to Washington failed, in his mind, to justify it; so he told Arnold, with some surliness, that for his part, he had had enough of war and knew that if he ever were captured by the rebels he would be hung out-of-hand which for him made further military service doubly hazardous.[119] Arnold had reason to appreciate the sergeant's point and permitted him to retire to his quarters where at once he devoted himself to the consideration of how and when he could make contact with the American friends within the British lines who were to get for him the information sought by Washington as to the loyalty of certain of his officers. This contact, with fortune's aid, he was able to establish the next night and his new friend not only pledged himself to procure the information he sought but engaged to send out Champe's reports to Major Lee as well.

Thus was communication established between Champe and Lee and promptly word came from the latter urging expedition; for Andrè's situation had become desperate and further delay by Washington increasingly difficult. And then Andrè himself destroyed his own last chance and ruined the hopes and efforts of his well-wishers. Disdaining pretense or defense, he freely acknowledged the truth of the charges against him and sealed his own doom. By his acknowledgment Washington's hands were tied and Andrè was promptly condemned as a spy and duly executed.

Andrè's tragic fate did not diminish Washington's desire to lay his hands on Arnold. Champe was duly informed by Lee of the fatal event and again urged to bring the plot in which he was engaged to a successful outcome.

But Champe needed no urging. With such alacrity had he and his confederates been working, that soon he was able to send a report to Lee completely vindicating the American general officer toward whom Washington's doubts had been directed, which report Lee duly transmitted to his chief; with the result that "the distrust heretofore entertained of the accused was forever dismissed."

And now Champe had but to secure the person of Arnold to crown his task with success and to wholly justify the confidence reposed in him by Lee and Washington. On the 19th October, 1780, Major Lee received from him a full report of his progress toward that end and the plan he had made. Again Lee laid his communication before his general, from whom he received the following letter in Washington's own handwriting, shewing how carefully the latter sought to guard the secret and protect his emissary: