notes. Is all
this a consequence of the wrath of
God?
We find upon our
streets no Jewish beggars. It is
a rare sight to find one of these
people standing as
a criminal before a court. They do not fill our
alms-
houses, nor our penitentiaries, nor our jails. In-
tellectually and morally they are the equal of any
people. They have
become illustrious in every de-
partment of art and science. The old
cry against
them is at last perceived to be ignorant. Only a few
years ago, Christians would rob a Jew, strip him of
his possessions,
steal his money, declare him an out-
cast, and drive him forth. Then
they would point
to him as a fulfillment of prophecy.
If
you wish to see the difference between some
Jews and some Christians,
compare the addresses of
Felix Adler with the sermons of Mr. Talmage.
290
I cannot convince myself that an infinitely good
and wise God holds a Jewish babe in the cradle of
to-day responsible
for the crimes of Caiaphas the
high priest. I hardly think that an
infinitely good
being would pursue this little babe through all its
life
simply to get revenge on those who died two thou-
sand
years ago. An infinite being ought certainly to
know that the child
is not to blame; and an infinite
being who does not know this, is not
entitled to the
love or adoration of any honest man.
There
is a strange inconsistency in what Mr. Tal-
mage says. For instance,
he finds great fault with
me because I do not agree with the
religious ideas
of my father; and he finds fault equally with the
Jews who do. The Jews who were true to the re-
ligion of their
fathers, according to Mr. Talmage,
have been made a by-word and a
hissing and a re-
proach among all nations, and only those Jews were
fortunate and blest who abandoned the religion of
their fathers. The
real reason for this inconsistency
is this: Mr. Talmage really thinks
that a man can
believe as he wishes. He imagines that evidence de-
pends simply upon volition; consequently, he holds
every one
responsible for his belief. Being satisfied
that he has the exact
truth in this matter, he meas-
291
ures all other
people by his standard, and if they
fail by that measurement, he
holds them personally
responsible, and believes that his God does the
same.
If Mr. Talmage had been born in Turkey, he would
in all
probability have been a Mohammedan, and
would now be denouncing some
man who had denied
the inspiration of the Koran, as the "champion
blas-
"phemer" of Constantinople. Certainly he would
have been,
had his parents been Mohammedans;
because, according to his doctrine,
he would have
been utterly lacking in respect and love for his father
and mother had he failed to perpetuate their errors.
So, had he been
born in Utah, of Mormon parents,
he would now have been a defender of
polygamy.
He would not "run the ploughshare of contempt
"through
the graves of his parents," by taking the
ground that polygamy is
wrong.
I presume that all of Mr. Talmage's forefathers
were not Presbyterians. There must have been
a time when one of his
progenitors left the faith of
his father, and joined the Presbyterian
Church. Ac-
cording to the reasoning of Mr. Talmage, that particular
progenitor was an exceedingly bad man; but had it
not been for the
crime of that bad man, Mr. Talmage
might not now have been on the
road to heaven.
292
I hardly think that all the
inventors, the thinkers,
the philosophers, the discoverers,
dishonored their
parents. Fathers and mothers have been made
immortal by such sons. And yet these sons demon-
strated the errors
of their parents. A good father
wishes to be excelled by his
children.
SIXTH INTERVIEW.
It is a
contradiction in terms and ideas to call
anything a revelation that
comes to us at second-
hand, either verbally or in writing.
Revelation is
necessarily limited to the first communication—
after this, it is only an account of something
which that person says
was a revelation made to
him; and though he may find himself obliged
to
believe it, it cannot be incumbent on me to
believe it in the
same manner; for it was not a
revelation made to me, and I have only
his word
for it that it was made to him.—Thomas Paine.
Question. What do you think of the argu-
ments presented
by Mr. Talmage in favor of
the inspiration of the Bible?
Answer. Mr. Talmage takes the ground that
there are more
copies of the Bible than of any
other book, and that consequently it
must be in-
spired.
It seems to me that this kind of
reasoning proves
entirely too much. If the Bible is the inspired word
of God, it was certainly just as true when there was
only one copy,
as it is to-day; and the facts con-
tained in it were just as true
before they were
296
written, as afterwards. We all
know that it is a fact
in human nature, that a man can tell a
falsehood so
often that he finally believes it himself; but I never
suspected, until now, that a mistake could be printed
enough times to
make it true.
There may have been a time, and probably there
was, when there were more copies of the Koran
than of the Bible. When
most Christians were ut-
terly ignorant, thousands of Moors were
educated;
and it is well known that the arts and sciences
flourished in Mohammedan countries in a far greater
degree than in
Christian. Now, at that time, it may
be that there were more copies
of the Koran than of
the Bible. If some enterprising Mohammedan had
only seen the force of such a fact, he might have
established the
inspiration of the Koran beyond
a doubt; or, if it had been found by
actual count that
the Koran was a little behind, a few years of in-
dustry spent in the multiplication of copies, might
have furnished
the evidence of its inspiration.
Is it not simply amazing that
a doctor of divinity,
a Presbyterian clergyman, in this day and age,
should
seriously rely upon the number of copies of the Bible
to
substantiate the inspiration of that book? Is it
possible to conceive
of anything more fig-leaflessly
297
absurd? If there
is anything at all in this argument,
it is, that all books are true
in proportion to the
number of copies that exist. Of course, the same
rule will work with newspapers; so that the news-
paper having the
largest circulation can consistently
claim infallibility. Suppose
that an exceedingly absurd
statement should appear in The New York
Herald,
and some one should denounce it as utterly without
any foundation in fact or probability; what would
Mr. Talmage think
if the editor of the Herald, as an
evidence of the truth of the
statement, should rely
on the fact that his paper had the largest
circulation
of any in the city? One would think that the whole
church had acted upon the theory that a falsehood re-
peated often
enough was as good as the truth.
Another evidence brought
forward by the reverend
gentleman to prove the inspiration of the
Scriptures,
is the assertion that if Congress should undertake to
pass a law to take the Bible from the people, thirty,
millions would
rise in defence of that book.
This argument also seems to me to
prove too much,
and as a consequence, to prove nothing. If Con-
gress should pass a law prohibiting the reading of
Shakespeare, every
American would rise in defence
of his right to read the works of the
greatest man
298
this world has known. Still, that
would not even
tend to show that Shakespeare was inspired. The
fact is, the American people would not allow Con-
gress to pass a law
preventing them from reading
any good book. Such action would not
prove the
book to be inspired; it would prove that the American
people believe in liberty.
There are millions of people in
Turkey who would
peril their lives in defence of the Koran. A fact
like
this does not prove the truth of the Koran; it simply
proves what Mohammedans think of that book, and
what they are willing
to do for its preservation.
It can not be too often repeated,
that martyrdom
does not prove the truth of the thing for which the
martyr dies; it only proves the sincerity of the martyr
and the
cruelty of his murderers. No matter how
many people regard the Bible
as inspired,—that fact
furnishes no evidence that it is
inspired. Just as many
people have regarded other books as inspired;
just as
many millions have been deluded about the inspiration
of
books ages and ages before Christianity was born.
The simple
belief of one man, or of millions of men,
is no evidence to another.
Evidence must be based,
not upon the belief of other people, but upon
facts.
A believer may state the facts upon which his belief
299
is founded, and the person to whom he states them
gives them the weight that according to the con-
struction and
constitution of his mind he must. But
simple, bare belief is not
testimony. We should build
upon facts, not upon beliefs of others,
nor upon the
shifting sands of public opinion. So much for this
argument.
The next point made by the reverend gentleman
is, that an infidel cannot be elected to any office in
the United
States, in any county, precinct, or ward.
For the sake of the
argument, let us admit that this
is true. What does it prove? There
was a time
when no Protestant could have been elected to any
office. What did that prove? There was a time
when no Presbyterian
could have been chosen to fill
any public station. What did that
prove? The
same may be said of the members of each religious
denomination. What does that prove?
Mr. Talmage says that
Christianity must be true,
because an infidel cannot be elected to
office. Now,
suppose that enough infidels should happen to settle
in one precinct to elect one of their own number to
office; would
that prove that Christianity was not
true in that precinct? There was
a time when no
man could have been elected to any office, who in-
300
sisted on the rotundity of the earth; what did that
prove? There was a time when no man who denied
the existence of
witches, wizards, spooks and devils,
could hold any position of
honor; what did that
prove? There was a time when an abolitionist
could
not be elected to office in any State in this Union;
what
did that prove? There was a time when they
were not allowed to
express their honest thoughts;
what does that prove? There was a time
when a
Quaker could not have been elected to any office;
there
was a time in the history of this country when
but few of them were
allowed to live; what does
that prove? Is it necessary, in order to
ascertain the
truth of Christianity, to look over the election re-
turns? Is "inspiration" a question to be settled by
the ballot? I
admit that it was once, in the first
place, settled that way. I admit
that books were
voted in and voted out, and that the Bible was
finally
formed in accordance with a vote; but does Mr.
Talmage
insist that the question is not still open?
Does he not know, that a
fact cannot by any possi-
bility be affected by opinion? We make laws
for
the whole people, by the whole people. We agree
that a
majority shall rule, but nobody ever pretended
that a question of
taste could be settled by an appeal
301
to
majorities, or that a question of logic could be
affected by numbers.
In the world of thought, each
man is an absolute monarch, each brain
is a king-
dom, that cannot be invaded even by the tyranny of
majorities.
No man can avoid the intellectual responsibility of
deciding for himself.
Suppose that the Christian religion had
been put
to vote in Jerusalem? Suppose that the doctrine of
the
"fall" had been settled in Athens, by an appeal
to the people, would
Mr. Talmage have been willing
to abide by their decision? If he
settles the inspira-
tion of the Bible by a popular vote, he must
settle the
meaning of the Bible by the same means. There are
more Methodists than Presbyterians—why does the
gentleman
remain a Presbyterian? There are more
Buddhists than Christians—why
does he vote against
majorities? He will remember that Christianity
was
once settled by a popular vote—that the divinity of
Christ was submitted to the people, and the people
said: "Crucify
him!"
The next, and about the strongest, argument Mr.
Talmage makes is, that I am an infidel because I was
defeated for
Governor of Illinois.
When put in plain English, his statement
is this:
302
that I was defeated because I was an
infidel, and that
I am an infidel because I was defeated. This, I be-
lieve, is called reasoning in a circle. The truth is,
that a good
many people did object to me because I
was an infidel, and the
probability is, that if I had
denied being an infidel, I might have
obtained an
office. The wonderful part is, that any Christian
should deride me because I preferred honor to po-
litical success. He
who dishonors himself for the
sake of being honored by others, will
find that two
mistakes have been made—one by himself, and the
other, by the people.
I presume that Mr.Talmage really thinks
that I was
extremely foolish to avow my real opinions. After
all, men are apt to judge others somewhat by them-
selves. According
to him, I made the mistake of
preserving my manhood and losing an
office. Now,
if I had in fact been an infidel, and had denied it, for
the sake of position, then I admit that every Christian
might have
pointed at me the finger of contempt.
But I was an infidel, and
admitted it. Surely, I should
not be held in contempt by Christians
for having
made the admission. I was not a believer in the
Bible, and I said so. I was not a Christian, and I said
so. I was not
willing to receive the support of any
303
man under
a false impression. I thought it better to
be honestly beaten, than
to dishonestly succeed.
According to the ethics of Mr. Talmage I made
a
mistake, and this mistake is brought forward as
another
evidence of the inspiration of the Scriptures.
If I had only been
elected Governor of Illinois,—that
is to say, if I had been a
successful hypocrite, I might
now be basking in the sunshine of this
gentleman's
respect. I preferred to tell the truth—to be an
honest man,—and I have never regretted the course
I pursued.
There are many men now in office who, had they
pursued a nobler
course, would be private citizens.
Nominally, they are Christians;
actually, they are
nothing; and this is the combination that
generally
insures political success.
Mr. Talmage is
exceedingly proud of the fact that
Christians will not vote for
infidels. In other words,
he does not believe that in our Government
the
church has been absolutely divorced from the state.
He
believes that it is still the Christian's duty to
make the religious
test. Probably he wishes to get
his God into the Constitution. My
position is this:
Religion is an individual matter—a
something for
each individual to settle for himself, and with which
304
no other human being has any concern, provided the
religion of each human being allows liberty to every
other. When
called upon to vote for men to fill the
offices of this country, I do
not inquire as to the re-
ligion of the candidates. It is none of my
business.
I ask the questions asked by Jefferson: "Is he
"honest; is he capable?" It makes no difference to
me, if he is
willing that others should be free, what
creed he may profess. The
moment I inquire into his
religious belief, I found a little
inquisition of my own;
I repeat, in a small way, the errors of the
past, and
reproduce, in so far as I am capable, the infamy of
the ignorant orthodox years.
Mr. Talmage will accept my thanks
for his frankness.
I now know what controls a Presbyterian when he
casts his vote. He cares nothing for the capacity,
nothing for the
fitness, of the candidate to discharge
the duties of the office to
which he aspires; he
simply asks: Is he a Presbyterian, is he a
Protestant,
does he believe our creed? and then, no matter how
ignorant he may be, how utterly unfit, he receives the
Presbyterian
vote. According to Mr. Talmage, he
would vote for a Catholic who, if
he had the power,
would destroy all liberty of conscience, rather
than
vote for an infidel who, had he the power, would
305
destroy all the religious tyranny of the world, and
allow every
human being to think for himself, and
to worship God, or not, as and
how he pleased.
Mr. Talmage makes the serious mistake of
placing
the Bible above the laws and Constitution of his
country. He places Jehovah above humanity. Such
men are not entirely
safe citizens of any republic.
And yet, I am in favor of giving to
such men all the
liberty I ask for myself, trusting to education and
the
spirit of progress to overcome any injury they may
do, or
seek to do.
When this country was founded, when the Con-
stitution was adopted, the churches agreed to let the
State alone.
They agreed that all citizens should have
equal civil rights. Nothing
could be more dangerous
to the existence of this Republic than to
introduce
religion into politics. The American theory is, that
governments are founded, not by gods, but by men,
and that the right
to govern does not come from
God, but "from the consent of the
governed." Our
fathers concluded that the people were sufficiently
intelligent to take care of themselves—to make good
laws and to
execute them. Prior to that time, all
authority was supposed to come
from the clouds.
Kings were set upon thrones by God, and it was the
306
business of the people simply to submit. In all
really
civilized countries, that doctrine has been abandoned.
The source of political power is here, not in heaven.
We are willing
that those in heaven should control
affairs there; we are willing
that the angels should
have a government to suit themselves; but
while we
live here, and while our interests are upon this earth,
we propose to make and execute our own laws.
If the doctrine of
Mr. Talmage is the true doctrine,
if no man should be voted for
unless he is a Christian,
then no man should vote unless he is a
Christian. It
will not do to say that sinners may vote, that an
infidel
may be the repository of political power, but must not
be voted for. A decent Christian who is not willing
that an infidel
should be elected to an office, would
not be willing to be elected to
an office by infidel
votes. If infidels are too bad to be voted for,
they
are certainly not good enough to vote, and no
Christian
should be willing to represent such an
infamous constituency.
If the political theory of Mr. Talmage is carried
out, of
course the question will arise in a little while,
What is a
Christian? It will then be necessary to
write a creed to be
subscribed by every person before
he is fit to vote or to be voted
for. This of course
307
must be done by the State,
and must be settled,
under our form of government, by a majority
vote.
Is Mr. Talmage willing that the question, What is
Christianity? should be so settled? Will he pledge
himself in advance
to subscribe to such a creed? Of
course he will not. He will insist
that he has the
right to read the Bible for himself, and that he must
be bound by his own conscience. In this he would
be right. If he has
the right to read the Bible for
himself, so have I. If he is to be
bound by his con-
science, so am I. If he honestly believes the Bible
to
be true, he must say so, in order to preserve his man-
hood;
and if I honestly believe it to be uninspired,—
filled with
mistakes,—I must say so, or lose my man-
hood. How infamous I
would be should I endeavor
to deprive him of his vote, or of his
right to be voted
for, because he had been true to his conscience!
And
how infamous he is to try to deprive me of the right
to
vote, or to be voted for, because I am true to my
conscience!
When we were engaged in civil war, did Mr. Tal-
mage object to
any man's enlisting in the ranks who
was not a Christian? Was he
willing, at that time,
that sinners should vote to keep our flag in
heaven?
Was he willing that the "unconverted" should cover
308
the fields of victory with their corpses, that this nation
might not die? At the same time, Mr. Talmage
knew that every
"unconverted" soldier killed, went
down to eternal fire. Does Mr.
Talmage believe that
it is the duty of a man to fight for a
government in
which he has no rights? Is the man who shoulders
his musket in the defence of human freedom good
enough to cast a
ballot? There is in the heart of this
priest the safne hatred of real
liberty that drew the
sword of persecution, that built dungeons, that
forged
chains and made instruments of torture.
Nobody,
with the exception of priests, would be
willing to trust the
liberties of this country in the
hands of any church. In order to
show the political
estimation in which the clergy are held, in order
to
show the confidence the people at large have in the
sincerity
and wisdom of the clergy, it is sufficient to
state, that no priest,
no bishop, could by any possi-
bility be elected President of the
United States. No
party could carry that load. A fear would fall upon
the mind and heart of every honest man that this
country was about to
drift back to the Middle Ages,
and that the old battles were to be
refought. If the
bishop running for President was of the Methodist
Church, every other church would oppose him. If
309
he was a Catholic, the Protestants would as a body
combine against
him. Why? The churches have
no confidence in each other. Why? Because
they
are acquainted with each other.
As a matter of fact,
the infidel has a thousand
times more reason to vote against the
Christian,
than the Christian has to vote against the infidel.
The Christian believes in a book superior to the
Constitution—superior
to all Constitutions and all
laws. The infidel believes that the
Constitution and
laws are superior to any book. He is not controlled
by any power beyond the seas or above the clouds.
He does not receive
his orders from Rome, or Sinai.
He receives them from his
fellow-citizens, legally and
constitutionally expressed. The
Christian believes in
a power greater than man, to which, upon the
peril
of eternal pain, he must bow. His allegiance, to say
the
best of it, is divided. The Christian puts the for-
tune of his own
soul over and above the temporal
welfare of the entire world; the
infidel puts the good
of mankind here and now, beyond and over all.
There was a time in New England when only
church members were
allowed to vote, and it may be
instructive to state the fact that
during that time
Quakers were hanged, women were stripped, tied to
310
carts, and whipped from town to town, and their
babes sold into slavery, or exchanged for rum. Now
in that same
country, thousands and thousands of
infidels vote, and yet the laws
are nearer just, women
are not whipped and children are not sold.
If all the convicts in all the penitentiaries of the
United
States could be transported to some island in
the sea, and there
allowed to make a government for
themselves, they would pass better
laws than John
Calvin did in Geneva. They would have clearer and
better views of the rights of men, than unconvicted
Christians used
to have. I do not say that these
convicts are better people, but I do
say that, in my
judgment, they would make better laws. They cer-
tainly could not make worse.
If these convicts were taken from
the prisons of
the United States, they would not dream of uniting
church and state. They would have no religious
test. They would allow
every man to vote and to be
voted for, no matter what his religious
views might
be. They would not dream of whipping Quakers, of
burning Unitarians, of imprisoning or burning Uni-
versalists or
infidels. They would allow all the people
to guess for themselves.
Some of these convicts, of
course, would believe in the old ideas,
and would
insist upon the suppression of free thought. Those
coming from Delaware would probably repeat with
great gusto the
opinions of Justice Comegys, and
insist that the whipping-post was
the handmaid of
Christianity.
It would be hard to conceive
of a much worse
government than that founded by the Puritans.
They took the Bible for the foundation of their
political structure.
They copied the laws given to
Moses from Sinai, and the result was
one of the
worst governments that ever disgraced this world.
They believed the Old Testament to be inspired.
They believed that
Jehovah made laws for all people
and for all time. They had not
learned the hypoc-
risy that believes and avoids. They did not say:
This law was once just, but is now unjust; it was
once good, but now
it is infamous; it was given by
God once, but now it can only be
obeyed by the
devil. They had not reached the height of biblical
exegesis on which we find the modern theologian
perched, and who
tells us that Jehovah has reformed.
The Puritans were consistent.
They did what people
must do who honestly believe in the inspiration
of
the Old Testament. If God gave laws from Sinai
what right
have we to repeal them?
312
As people have gained
confidence in each other,
they have lost confidence in the sacred
Scriptures.
We know now that the Bible can not be used as the
foundation of government. It is capable of too many
meanings. Nobody
can find out exactly what it
upholds, what it permits, what it
denounces, what it
denies. These things depend upon what part you
read. If it is all true, it upholds everything bad and
denounces
everything good, and it also denounces
the bad and upholds the good.
Then there are
passages where the good is denounced and the bad
commanded; so that any one can go to the Bible
and find some text,
some passage, to uphold anything
he may desire. If he wishes to
enslave his fellow-
men, he will find hundreds of passages in his
favor.
If he wishes to be a polygamist, he can find his
authority there. If he wishes to make war, to exter-
minate his
neighbors, there his warrant can be found.
If, on the other hand, he
is oppressed himself, and
wishes to make war upon his king, he can
find a
battle-cry. And if the king wishes to put him down,
he
can find text for text on the other side. So, too,
upon all questions
of reform. The teetotaler goes
there to get his verse, and the
moderate drinker
finds within the sacred lids his best excuse.
313
Most intelligent people are now convinced that the
bible is not a guide; that in reading it you must
exercise your
reason; that you can neither safely
reject nor accept all; that he
who takes one passage
for a staff, trips upon another; that while one
text is
a light, another blows it out; that it is such a ming-
ling of rocks and quicksands, such a labyrinth of
clews and snares—so
few flowers among so many
nettles and thorns, that it misleads rather
than di-
rects, and taken altogether, is a hindrance and not
a
help.
Another important point made by Mr. Talmage is,
that
if the Bible is thrown away, we will have nothing
left to swear
witnesses on, and that consequently the
administration of justice
will become impossible.
There was a time when the Bible did not
exist, and
if Mr. Talmage is correct, of course justice was im-
possible then, and truth must have been a stranger
to human lips. How
can we depend upon the testi-
mony of those who wrote the Bible, as
there was no
Bible in existence while they were writing, and con-
sequently there was no way to take their testimony,
and we have no
account of their having been sworn
on the Bible after they got it
finished. It is extremely
sad to think that all the nations of
antiquity were left
314
entirely without the means
of eliciting truth. No
wonder that Justice was painted blindfolded.
What perfect fetichism it is, to imagine that a man
will tell
the truth simply because he has kissed an
old piece of sheepskin
stained with the saliva of all
classes. A farce of this kind adds
nothing to the
testimony of an honest man; it simply allows a rogue
to give weight to his false testimony. This is really
the only result
that can be accomplished by kissing
the Bible. A desperate villain,
for the purpose of
getting revenge, or making money, will gladly go
through the ceremony, and ignorant juries and su-
perstitious judges
will be imposed upon. The whole
system of oaths is false, and does
harm instead of
good. Let every man walk into court and tell his
story, and let the truth of the story be judged by its
reasonableness, taking into consideration the charac-
ter of the
witness, the interest he has, and the posi-
tion he occupies in the
controversy, and then let it
be the business of the jury to ascertain
the real truth
—to throw away the unreasonable and the impossi-
ble, and make up their verdict only upon what they
believe to be
reasonable and true. An honest man
does not need the oath, and a
rascal uses it simply
to accomplish his purpose. If the history of
courts
315
proved that every man, after kissing the
Bible, told
the truth, and that those who failed to kiss it some-
times lied, I should be in favor of swearing all people
on the Bible;
but the experience of every lawyer is,
that kissing the Bible is not
always the preface of a
true story. It is often the ceremonial
embroidery
of a falsehood.
If there is an infinite God who
attends to the
affairs of men, it seems to me almost a sacrilege to
publicly appeal to him in every petty trial. If one
will go into any
court, and notice the manner in
which oaths are administered,—the
utter lack of
solemnity—the matter-of-course air with which the
whole thing is done, he will be convinced that it is a
form of no
importance. Mr. Talmage would probably
agree with the judge of whom
the following story is
told:
A witness was being sworn.
The judge noticed
that he was not holding up his hand. He said to the
clerk: "Let the witness hold up his right hand."
"His right arm was
shot off," replied the clerk. "Let
"him hold up his left, then."
"That was shot off, too,
"your honor." "Well, then, let him raise one
foot;
"no man can be sworn in this court without holding
"something up."
My own opinion is, that if every copy of
the Bible
in the world were destroyed, there would be some
way
to ascertain the truth in judicial proceedings;
and any other book
would do just as well to swear
witnesses upon, or a block in the
shape of a book
covered with some kind of calfskin could do equally
well, or just the calfskin would do. Nothing is more
laughable than
the performance of this ceremony,
and I have never seen in court one
calf kissing the
skin of another, that I did not feel humiliated that
such things were done in the name of Justice.
Mr. Talmage has
still another argument in favor
of the preservation of the Bible. He
wants to
know what book could take its place on the centre-
table.
I admit that there is much force in this. Suppose
we all admitted the Bible to be an uninspired book,
it could still be
kept on the centre-table. It would
be just as true then as it is now.
Inspiration can not
add anything to a fact; neither can inspiration
make
the immoral moral, the unjust just, or the cruel merci-
ful. If it is a fact that God established human slavery,
that does
not prove slavery to be right; it simply
shows that God was wrong. If
I have the right to
use my reason in determining whether the Bible is
317
inspired or not, and if in accordance with my reason
I conclude that it is inspired, I have still the right to
use my
reason in determining whether the command-
ments of God are good or
bad. Now, suppose we
take from the Bible every word upholding
slavery,
every passage in favor of polygamy, every verse
commanding soldiers to kill women and children, it
would be just as
fit for the centre-table as now. Sup-
pose every impure word was
taken from it; suppose
that the history of Tamar was left out, the
biography
of Lot, and all other barbarous accounts of a barbarous
people, it would look just as well upon the centre-
table as now.
Suppose that we should become convinced that
the writers of the
New Testament were mistaken as
to the eternity of punishment, or that
all the passages
now relied upon to prove the existence of perdition
were shown to be interpolations, and were thereupon
expunged, would
not the book be dearer still to
every human being with a heart? I
would like to
see every good passage in the Bible preserved. I
would like to see, with all these passages from the
Bible, the
loftiest sentiments from all other books
that have ever been uttered
by men in all ages and
of all races, bound in one volume, and to see
that
318
volume, filled with the greatest, the
purest and the
best, become the household book.
The
average Bible, on the average centre-table, is
about as much used as
though it were a solid block.
It is scarcely ever opened, and people
who see its
covers every day are unfamiliar with its every page.
I admit that some things have happened some-
what hard to
explain, and tending to show that the
Bible is no ordinary book. I
heard a story, not long
ago, bearing upon this very subject.
A man was a member of the church, but after a
time, having had
bad luck in business affairs, became
somewhat discouraged. Not
feeling able to con-
tribute his share to the support of the church,
he
ceased going to meeting, and finally became an
average
sinner. His bad luck pursued him until he
found himself and his
family without even a crust to
eat. At this point, his wife told him
that she be-
lieved they were suffering from a visitation of God,
and begged him to restore family worship, and see if
God would not do
something for them. Feeling that
he could not possibly make matters
worse, he took
the Bible from its resting place on a shelf where
it had quietly slumbered and collected the dust of
many months, and
gathered his family about him.
319
He opened the
sacred volume, and to his utter as-
tonishment, there, between the
divine leaves, was a
ten-dollar bill. He immediately dropped on his
knees. His wife dropped on hers, and the children on
theirs, and with
streaming eyes they returned thanks
to God. He rushed to the
butcher's and bought
some steak, to the baker's and bought some
bread,
to the grocer's and got some eggs and butter and tea,
and
joyfully hastened home. The supper was cooked,
it was on the table,
grace was said, and every face
was radiant with joy. Just at that
happy moment a
knock was heard, the door was opened, and a police-
man entered and arrested the father for passing
counterfeit money.
Mr. Talmage is also convinced that the Bible is
inspired and
should be preserved because there is no
other book that à
mother could give her son as he
leaves the old home to make his way
in the world.
Thousands and thousands of mothers have pre-
sented their sons with Bibles without knowing really
what the book
contains. They simply followed the
custom, and the sons as a rule
honored the Bible, not
because they knew anything of it, but because
it was
a gift from mother. But surely, if all the passages
upholding polygamy were out, the mother would give
320
the book to her son just as readily, and he would re-
ceive it
just as joyfully. If there were not one word
in it tending to degrade
the mother, the gift would cer-
tainly be as appropriate. The fact
that mothers have
presented Bibles to their sons does not prove that
the
book is inspired. The most that can be proved by
this fact
is that the mothers believed it to be inspired.
It does not even tend
to show what the book is,
neither does it tend to establish the truth
of one
miracle recorded upon its pages. We cannot believe
that
fire refused to burn, simply because the state-
ment happens to be in
a book presented to a son by
his mother, and if all the mothers of
the entire world
should give Bibles to all their children, this would
not
prove that it was once right to murder mothers, or to
enslave mothers, or to sell their babes.
The inspiration of the
Bible is not a question of
natural affection. It can not be decided
by the love
a mother bears her son. It is a question of fact, to
be substantiated like other facts. If the Turkish
mother should give
a copy of the Koran to her
son, I would still have my doubts about
the in-
spiration of that book; and if some Turkish soldier
saved his life by having in his pocket a copy of
the Koran that
accidentally stopped a bullet just
321
opposite his
heart, I should still deny that Mohammed
was a prophet of God.
Nothing can be more childish than to ascribe
mysterious powers
to inanimate objects. To imagine
that old rags made into pulp,
manufactured into
paper, covered with words, and bound with the skin
of a calf or a sheep, can have any virtues when thus
put together
that did not belong to the articles out
of which the book was
constructed, is of course
infinitely absurd.
In the days
of slavery, negroes used to buy dried
roots of other negroes, and put
these roots in their
pockets, so that a whipping would not give them
pain. Kings have bought diamonds to give them
luck. Crosses and
scapularies are still worn for the
purpose of affecting the
inevitable march of events.
People still imagine that a verse in the
Bible can step
in between a cause and its effect; really believe that
an amulet, a charm, the bone of some saint, a piece
of a cross, a
little image of the Virgin, a picture of a
priest, will affect the
weather, will delay frost, will
prevent disease, will insure safety
at sea, and in some
cases prevent hanging. The banditti of Italy have
great confidence in these things, and whenever they
start upon an
expedition of theft and plunder, they
322
take
images and pictures of saints with them, such
as have been blest by a
priest or pope. They pray
sincerely to the Virgin, to give them luck,
and see not
the slightest inconsistency in appealing to all the
saints in the calendar to assist them in robbing honest
people.
Edmund About tells a story that illustrates the belief
of the
modern Italian. A young man was gambling.
Fortune was against him. In
the room was a little
picture representing the Virgin and her child.
Before
this picture he crossed himself, and asked the assist-
ance of the child. Again he put down his money
and again lost.
Returning to the picture, he told the
child that he had lost all but
one piece, that he was
about to hazard that, and made a very urgent
request
that he would favor him with divine assistance. He
put
down the last piece. He lost. Going to the
picture and shaking his
fist at the child, he cried out:
"Miserable bambino, I am glad they
crucified you!"
The confidence that one has in an image, in a
relic,
in a book, comes from the same source,—fetichism.
To ascribe supernatural virtues to the skin of a snake,
to a picture,
or to a bound volume, is intellectually
the same.
Mr.
Talmage has still another argument in favor
323
of
the inspiration of the Scriptures. He takes the
ground that the Bible
must be inspired, because so
many people believe it.
Mr.
Talmage should remember that a scientific
fact does not depend upon
the vote of numbers;—
it depends simply upon demonstration; it
depends
upon intelligence and investigation, not upon an
ignorant multitude; it appeals to the highest, in-
stead of to the
lowest. Nothing can be settled
by popular prejudice.
According to Mr. Talmage, there are about three
hundred million
Christians in the world. Is this true?
In all countries claiming to
be Christian—including
all of civilized Europe, Russia in Asia,
and every
country on the Western hemisphere, we have nearly
four
hundred millions of people. Mr. Talmage claims
that three hundred
millions are Christians. I sup-
pose he means by this, that if all
should perish to-
night, about three hundred millions would wake up
in heaven—having lived and died good and consist-
ent
Christians.
There are in Russia about eighty millions of people
—how many Christians? I admit that they have re-
cently given
more evidence of orthodox Christianity
than formerly. They have been
murdering old men;
324
they have thrust daggers into
the breasts of women;
they have violated maidens—because they
were Jews.
Thousands and thousands are sent each year to the
mines of Siberia, by the Christian government of
Russia. Girls
eighteen years of age, for having ex-
pressed a word in favor of
human liberty, are to-day
working like beasts of burden, with chains
upon
their limbs and with the marks of whips upon
their backs.
Russia, of course, is considered by Mr.
Talmage as a Christian
country—a country utterly
destitute of liberty—without
freedom of the press,
without freedom of speech, where every mouth is
locked and every tongue a prisoner—a country filled
with
victims, soldiers, spies, thieves and executioners.
What would Russia
be, in the opinion of Mr. Tal-
mage, but for Christianity? How could
it be worse,
when assassins are among the best people in it?
The
truth is, that the people in Russia, to-day, who
are in favor of
human liberty, are not Christians.
The men willing to sacrifice their
lives for the good
of others, are not believers in the Christian
religion.
The men who wish to break chains are infidels;
the men
who make chains are Christians. Every
good and sincere Catholic of
the Greek Church
is a bad citizen, an enemy of progress, a foe of
325
human liberty. Yet Mr. Talmage regards Russia
as
a Christian country.
The sixteen millions of people in Spain
are claimed
as Christians. Spain, that for centuries was the as-
sassin of human rights; Spain, that endeavored to
spread Christianity
by flame and fagot; Spain, the
soil where the Inquisition flourished,
where bigotry
grew, and where cruelty was worship,—where
murder was prayer. I admit that Spain is a Chris-
tian nation. I
admit that infidelity has gained no
foothold beyond the Pyrenees. The
Spaniards are
orthodox. They believe in the inspiration of the
Old and New Testaments. They have no doubts
about miracles—no
doubts about heaven, no doubts
about hell. I admit that the priests,
the highway-
men, the bishops and thieves, are equally true be-
lievers. The man who takes your purse on the
highway, and the priest
who forgives the robber,
are alike orthodox.
It gives me
pleasure, however, to say that even in
Spain there is a dawn. Some
great men, some men
of genius, are protesting against the tyranny of
Cath-
olicism. Some men have lost confidence in the
cathedral,
and are beginningto ask the State to erect
the schoolhouse. They are
beginning to suspect
326
that priests are for the
most part impostors and
plunderers.
According to Mr.
Talmage, the twenty-eight mil-
lions in Italy are Christians. There
the Christian
Church was early established, and the popes are to-
day the successors of St. Peter. For hundreds and
hundreds of years,
Italy was the beggar of the world,
and to her, from every land,
flowed streams of gold
and silver. The country was covered with
convents,
and monasteries, and churches, and cathedrals filled
with monks and nuns. Its roads were crowded with
pilgrims, and its
dust was on the feet of the world.
What has Christianity done for
Italy—Italy, its soil a
blessing, its sky a smile—Italy,
with memories great
enough to kindle the fires of enthusiasm in any
human breast?
Had it not been for a few Freethinkers, for a few
infidels, for such men as Garibaldi and Mazzini, the
heaven of Italy
would still have been without a star.
I admit that Italy, with
its popes and bandits, with
its superstition and ignorance, with its
sanctified
beggars, is a Christian nation; but in a little while,—
in a few days,—when according to the prophecy of
Garibaldi
priests, with spades in their hands, will
dig ditches to drain the
Pontine marshes; in a little
327
while, when the
pope leaves the Vatican, and seeks
the protection of a nation he has
denounced,—asking
alms of intended victims; when the nuns shall
marry,
and the monasteries shall become factories, and the
whirl
of wheels shall take the place of drowsy prayers
—then, and not
until then, will Italy be,—not a
Christian nation, but great,
prosperous, and free.
In Italy, Giordano Bruno was burned. Some
day,
his monument will rise above the cross of Rome.
We
have in our day one example,—and so far as I
know, history
records no other,—of the resurrection
of a nation. Italy has
been called from the grave of
superstition. She is "the first fruits
of them that
"slept."
I admit with Mr. Talmage that
Portugal is a Chris-
tian country—that she engaged for hundreds
of years
in the slave trade, and that she justified the infamous
traffic by passages in the Old Testament. I admit,
also, that she
persecuted the Jews in accordance
with the same divine volume. I
admit that all the
crime, ignorance, destitution, and superstition in
that
country were produced by the Catholic Church. I
also admit
that Portugal would be better if it were
Protestant.
Every
Catholic is in favor of education enough to
328
change a barbarian into a Catholic; every Protestant
is in favor of
education enough to change a Catholic
into a Protestant; but
Protestants and Catholics alike
are opposed to education that will
lead to any
real philosophy and science. I admit that Portugal
is what it is, on account of the preaching of the
gospel. I admit
that Portugal can point with pride
to the triumphs of what she calls
civilization within
her borders, and truthfully ascribe the glory to
the
church. But in a litde while, when more railroads
are built,
when telegraphs connect her people with
the civilized world, a spirit
of doubt, of investigation,
will manifest itself in Portugal.
When the people stop counting beads, and go to
the study of
mathematics; when they think more of
plows than of prayers for
agricultural purposes; when
they find that one fact gives more light
to the mind
than a thousand tapers, and that nothing can by any
possibility be more useless than a priest,—then Por-
tugal will
begin to cease to be what is called a
Christian nation.
I
admit that Austria, with her thirty-seven millions,
is a Christian
nation—including her Croats, Hungar-
ians, Servians, and
Gypsies. Austria was one of the
assassins of Poland. When we remember
that John
329
Sobieski drove the Mohammedans from
the gates of
Vienna, and rescued from the hand of the "infidel"
the beleagured city, the propriety of calling Austria a
Christian
nation becomes still more apparent. If one
wishes to know exactly how
"Christian" Austria is,
let him read the history of Hungary, let him
read
the speeches of Kossuth. There is one good thing
about
Austria: slowly but surely she is undermining
the church by
education. Education is the enemy
of superstition. Universal
education does away with
the classes born of the tyranny of
ecclesiasticism—
classes founded upon cunning, greed, and brute
strength. Education also tends to do away with
intellectual
cowardice. The educated man is his
own priest, his own pope, his own
church.
When cunning collects tolls from fear, the church
prospers.
Germany is another Christian nation. Bismarck is
celebrated for his Christian virtues.
Only a little while ago,
Bismarck, when a bill was
under consideration for ameliorating the
condition
of the Jews, stated publicly that Germany was a
Christian nation, that her business was to extend
and protect the
religion of Jesus Christ, and that
being a Christian nation, no laws
should be passed
330
ameliorating the condition of
the Jews. Certainly a
remark like this could not have been made in
any
other than a Christian nation. There is no freedom
of the
press, there is no freedom of speech, in Ger-
many. The Chancellor
has gone so far as to declare
that the king is not responsible to the
people. Ger-
many must be a Christian nation. The king gets his
right to govern, not from his subjects, but from God.
He relies upon
the New Testament. He is satisfied
that "the powers that be in
Germany are ordained
"of God." He is satisfied that treason against
the
German throne is treason against Jehovah. There
are millions
of Freethinkers in Germany. They are
not in the majority, otherwise
there would be more
liberty in that country. Germany is not an
infidel
nation, or speech would be free, and every man
would be
allowed to express his honest thoughts.
Wherever I see Liberty
in chains, wherever the
expression of opinion is a crime, I know that
that
country is not infidel; I know that the people are not
ruled by reason. I also know that the greatest men
of Germany—her
Freethinkers, her scientists, her
writers, her philosophers, are, for
the most part, in-
fidel. Yet Germany is called a Christian nation,
and
ought to be so called until her citizens are free.
331
France is also claimed as a Christian country. This
is not
entirely true. France once was thoroughly
Catholic, completely
Christian. At the time of the
massacre of Saint Bartholomew, the
French were
Christians. Christian France made exiles of the
Huguenots. Christian France for years and years
was the property of
the Jesuits. Christian France
was ignorant, cruel, orthodox and
infamous. When
France was Christian, witnesses were cross-examined