By Lieutenant Mitchell's activity in superintending the Adelaide's repairs, she was got ready for sea at the beginning of December, and sailed on the 8th, under the command of Lieutenant Skyring, with orders[162] to survey those parts of the Gulf of Peñas which had not been examined by the Beagle; particularly the River San Tadeo, in San Quintin's Sound; the openings behind Xavier Island; the Channel's Mouths; and the Guaianeco Islands, where the Wager was wrecked: and then to proceed down the Mesier Channel, behind the Island Campana, which was supposed to communicate with Concepcion Strait, by the Brazo Ancho (or Wide Channel) of Sarmiento. He was then to go to the Ancon sin Salida, examining all the openings into the main land, on his way, and search for a communication with the large waters, discovered by Captain Fitz Roy, through which he was to try to enter the Strait, and join the Adventure, at Port Famine, during the month of April.
Lieutenant Skyring again took with him, by Captain Fitz Roy's permission, Mr. Kirke and Mr. Bynoe, of the Beagle; Mr. Alexander Millar and Mr. Parke also accompanied them.
Having thus despatched our companions, we prepared, on board the Adventure, to return to Valparaiso; intending to proceed to Rio de Janeiro; by way of Concepcion, Port Famine, and Monte Video; for the sake of adding some links to our chronometric chain: with a view to which, I had taken the opportunity of having the chronometers cleaned at Valparaiso by Mr. Roskell, agent for Messrs. Roskell chronometer-makers at Liverpool. General Aldunate being on the point of returning to Valparaiso, I had an opportunity of obliging him, and showing my sense of the assistance, and essential kindness we had received, by offering him and all his family a passage in the Adventure, which he accepted; and on the 17th we left Chilóe. In our way we touched at Concepcion, and anchored at Valparaiso on the 2d of January.
We remained there until the 11th of February, and then sailed on our return to Rio de Janeiro, with the intention of passing though the Strait of Magalhaens, and taking that opportunity of completing some few parts, which our former surveys had left unfinished. As the breeze, which, on this coast, blows with the constancy of a trade wind, would carry us close to the island of Juan Fernandez, I determined upon visiting it, for a few days; and then proceeding again to Concepcion.
We reached Cumberland Bay, on the north side of Juan Fernandez, on the 16th, and anchored, within two cables lengths of the beach, in ten fathoms.
I have seldom seen a more remarkable and picturesque view, than is presented by the approach to Juan Fernandez. When seen from a distance, the mountain of the 'Yungue' (Anvil), so called from its resemblance to a blacksmith's anvil, appears conspicuously placed in the midst of a range of precipitous mountains, and is alone an object of interest. It rises three thousand feet above a shore, which is formed by an abrupt wall of dark-coloured bare rock, eight or nine hundred feet in height, through whose wild ravines, broken by the mountain torrents, views are caught of verdant glades, surrounded by luxuriant woodland.
The higher parts of the island are in general thickly-wooded; but in some places there are grassy plains of considerable extent, whose lively colour contrasts agreeably with the dark foliage of myrtle-trees, which abound on the island.
The Yungue is wooded, nearly from the summit to its base; whence an extensive and fertile valley extends to the shore, and is watered by two streams, which take their rise in the heights, and fall into the sea.
This valley appears to have been formerly cleared and cultivated by the Spaniards, who had a colony here; for the stone walls, which served to divide their enclosures, still remain. From Walter's account of Anson's voyage, and the view given with it of the commodore's tent, there is no difficulty in determining this valley to be the spot on which his encampment was placed.
The island is now (1830) occupied, or rather rented from the governor of Chile for a term of years, by Don Joachim Larrain. The establishment consists of a superintendent (mayor-domo), there called, 'the governor;' and forty persons, who are employed in the seal and cod fishery, and in drying fish for the Chilian market. Their dwellings are erected on the flat land, at the north side of the bay, where the soil is richer than in other parts; and where it is more sheltered from the squalls, which, during strong southerly gales, rush down the valley of the Yungue, the situation of the former establishment, with great violence.
The remains of a fort, called San Juan Baptiste, are yet in a tolerable state; and from an inscription on the wall, it appears to have been repaired, or completed, in the year 1809. It is situated on a rising ground, about one hundred and thirty feet above the sea, at the S.W. part of the bay, and overlooks the village; there are now no guns mounted, but, with a few, it might be made very effective in a short time; and, from its situation, would command the bay.
In the middle of the beach are some ruins of a four-gun battery, and there are also traces of a fort at the N.W. end of the bay.
At present, except wild-goats, wild peaches, figs, abundance of fish, and excellent fresh water, no refreshments can be procured. An establishment of forty persons, with very little to do, might naturally be expected to cultivate the land, raise vegetables and fruit, and rear poultry and pigs, to supply the vessels, which frequently touch here for wood and water; but it is not the character of the Chileno to take any trouble, unless obliged, although his own comfort and advantage may be materially concerned.
The mayor-domo, however, told me that their attempts to cultivate the soil, and raise potatoes, had been defeated by the destructive ravages of a worm.
By sending a boat to the east point of the bay, to fish in forty fathoms water, a most delicious kind of cod-fish may be taken, in such numbers, that two men, in half an hour, could fill the boat. Craw-fish, of large size, are almost equally abundant; they are taken with a hooked stick: one of our boats caught forty-five in a very short time. The inhabitants catch them, and cure their tails, by exposure to the sun, for exportation to Chile, where they are much esteemed, and fetch a high price.
Wild-goats are very numerous among the inaccessible parts of the island, but are not easily obtained; they are sometimes shot, or taken with a lazo. These animals, according to Woodes Rogers, and other writers, were originally left on the island by Juan Fernandez, who, for a short time, lived there. According to the 'Noticias Secretas,' p. 50 to 56, they are supposed to have been landed by the Buccaneers, who frequented this island. Certain it is, that, without such refreshments, the Buccaneers would not have been able to carry on their harassing war of plunder against the Spanish possessions on the American coast to such an extent; nor should we, perhaps, have heard anything more about Commodore Anson, and the crews of the Centurion and Gloucester, who were, on their arrival at this island, in the last stage of scurvy.
To prevent Juan Fernandez from being so tempting a resort to Buccaneers, the Viceroy of Peru caused a great many dogs to be landed, which hunted down and destroyed the goats in great numbers: this in some measure has prevented their subsequent increase. The dogs however drove the goats to places where they could not follow them, and were then obliged to destroy seals for food. Large troops of these dogs still range about the lower grounds; but the heights are in the undisturbed possession of wild-goats; which may be seen in numbers browsing on elevated and almost inaccessible places, where they live in safety.
The geological character of this island, according to Mr. Caldcleugh, who accompanied me in this trip, is of basaltic green-stone, and trap, which appears, at first sight, to be volcanic; but, on a more particular examination, the lava-like appearance of the rock does not seem to arise from an igneous origin.
The green-stone is full of crystals of olivine, which, as they decompose, leave hollows, resembling those of scoriæ. Mr. Caldcleugh communicated an account of the structure to the Geological Society.[163] In Captain Hall's interesting journal, there is a list of Geological and Mineralogical specimens, of which one from Mas-a-fuéra[164] is named 'Vesicular Lava.' May it not be this same rock in a decomposed state?
The late Signor Bertero, whose botanical collections from Chile have enriched many of the principal herbaria in Europe, accompanied me to make a collection of the Flora of the island; and he considered that the character of the vegetation was very little allied to the Chilian, but partook more of that of California. The sandal-wood, which has been described as indigenous to this island, was not found by us, growing, but a large quantity was collected about the hills and vallies, in a dry state, and apparently very old. It is of the red kind, and still preserves a strong scent. The mayor-domo told me there were no sandal-wood trees in the island; but we had reason to think his information was incorrect, for one of the inhabitants would have taken us to a place where he said they were growing in large quantities, had not our arrangements for sailing interfered.
The island produces several kinds of grass; but the most abundant herbaceous plant is a species of oat, which grows very luxuriantly, and towards the westward covers the ground for many miles. The neighbourhood of Cumberland Bay is over-run with strawberry plants, wild radishes, mint, and balm, besides peach, apple, cherry, and fig trees, which are found wild every where, and remind one of Lord Anson's visit.[165]
Not only in its botanical productions does this island differ from the Chilian coast, but also in its shells: the shell fish being extremely scarce, and dissimilar in character. On the rocks we found a patella and a small chama, but we saw no mytilus. From the deep water I fished up some coral, and attached to one fragment was a new species of arca.[166] The fishing-lines brought up, from the depth of eighty fathoms, a branch of coralline, to which an infinite number of a species of caryophyllia were attached. The existence of coral is mentioned in Mr. Barry's translation of the 'Noticias Secretas de America; por Don J. Juan, y Don A. de Ulloa,' a work which contains a long and, generally speaking, good account of the island; but their description of the anchorage does not agree with ours. They say, "The distance between the two points, which form the bay, is two miles, and its depth about half a league; and, although the depth is nearly the same in all parts, the best berth to moor ships is in the front of the 'Playa del Este;' but it is necessary to be close to the stones of the beach, for at one or two cables' length there are fifty fathoms water, and the outer anchor is in the depth of seventy or eighty fathoms; but if the vessel is three or four cables off, it will be necessary to drop the outer anchor in one hundred fathoms, which, even with two cables an end, will scarcely secure the ship." Now, at three cables' length from the beach, we had only ten fathoms, our outer anchor was dropped in seventeen fathoms, and in a line between the two points of the bay there is not more than fifty fathoms.
If the accounts of those Spanish officers were correct, the earthquakes, which certainly affect these islands, must have caused a considerable uprising of the base of the island; but, on referring to the plan in Anson's voyage, the soundings in 1741 do not appear to have been different from ours. The innermost ship, whose berth we occupied, is, in that plan, at anchor in nineteen fathoms, and the depth between the points of the bay is shown to be about fifty fathoms.
There are few persons who have not read, with much interest, Mr. Walter's account of the Centurion's voyage, and who are not well acquainted with his description of this island, which we found exceedingly correct. The views of the land, although old-fashioned in execution, are most correctly delineated, and the plan of the bay is quite sufficient for every common purpose of navigation; but as we had an opportunity of fixing its latitude and longitude more correctly, it became desirable to make a more detailed plan than Commodore Anson's.
The seals and sea-lions, which were so abundant formerly, are now reduced to such a small number, as to make the seal-fishery scarcely worth notice. They have been destroyed by taking them indiscriminately, without regard to age or sex, leaving none to propagate the race but those who by chance escaped. At present the island is let to a tenant, who is not permitted to kill them until the young have taken to the water, by which means an opportunity is given for them to increase.
I am not aware that there are any indigenous animals. Dogs, goats, and rats, have been imported. Land birds are not numerous; some pigeons, said to have been imported, and a few hawks, are occasionally seen, besides three species of humming-birds, two of which are new to science.[167] Of sea-birds we saw very few; but were informed that the 'Goat Islands,' at the south-west end of Juan Fernandez, are completely covered by them at the breeding season.
During our stay, several excursions were made, in various directions, from the village, and much facilitated by beaten paths, one of which leads up a valley, westward of that of the Yungue, and thence to a pass over the principal range, communicating with the other side of the island. This pass, called the Puertozuela, is 1,800 feet high, and was visited several times by the officers. On one occasion, they went to the western part of the island, to hunt wild goats. The party set out in boats with the mayor-domo, or governor, as their guide; but before they reached the proper landing-place, became so impatient that they landed, intending to walk back. The governor, however, persevered, and returned, in the evening, with five fine she-goats, which he had taken with 'lazos.' Our pedestrians found their return by no means so easy as they had contemplated, being obliged to pass the night in a cave, which they fortunately found at sunset, and they did not reach the ship until the following afternoon, fatigued, but much pleased by their ramble.
The thermometer on board ranged, during the day, between 63° and 82°, and the barometer between 29.98, and 30.16. On shore the thermometer stood higher, in fine, unclouded weather, and lower when the summits of the hills were covered with clouds.
We put to sea on the 22d, anchored at Talcahuano on the 3d of March, and sailed again on the 17th, to proceed through the Strait of Magalhaens.
While at Concepcion I had an opportunity of seeing Pinoleo,[168] the Indian chief, from whom Captain Basil Hall endeavoured to obtain the release of a captured Araucanian female, whose husband had been murdered in cold blood before her eyes.[169]
Mr. Rouse, our consul, procured for me the necessary introduction, and, with one of the governor's aides-de-camp, accompanied us to the Indian quarters, situated on the outskirts of the town, towards the river Bio-Bio. We found the chief's residence (little better than a rancho, or hut of the country), surrounded by Indians, some of whom were armed; and at the door were his two daughters, young, and rather good-looking, whose persons and dress we had leisure to examine, whilst waiting the chiefs pleasure to receive us. They were clothed with a mantle, or wrapper, of green baize, enveloping the body from the neck to the feet, and fastened at the breast by a toup, or tupu[170] (a silver pin, or skewer, headed with a round silver plate, three inches in diameter), over which hung a string of beads. Their hair, which was remarkably fine and clean, as well as neatly dressed, was divided into two plaited tails ('trensas'), and their foreheads were ornamented with a broad fillet, worked over with beads.[171] They also wore necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and anklets of similar manufacture.
Our names having been announced to Pinoleo, he came to the door to receive us, and invited us to enter. Some of our party he recognized, and seemed pleased at their visiting him. We were early, and found him sober; but from his bloated and haggard appearance, it seemed that he had not been long so. On entering the hut, we observed a number of Indians, scarcely sober, seated round, near the walls. Some turbid wine was presented to us, in a silver cup, which we sipped as it passed round; but the last of our party knowing that to return the cup without emptying it, would be an offence, was obliged to drink the contents, and a bitter potion they were. Pinoleo was then stout and rather corpulent, five feet ten inches in height, of a fairer complexion than the generality of his countrymen, and had lost much of his hair. He had laid aside the Indian dress, and wore the deshabille of a Spaniard, a shirt and pair of trowsers, in a very slovenly manner. He spoke Spanish with great facility, and appeared to be quite at his ease in conversation. He has the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the Chilian army, and receives pay, as a retainer for his friendship.
A very short visit was sufficient to satisfy us, and we took the first opportunity of retiring, for fear of a second cup of wine. While leaving the hut, we were beset by some of his followers, asking for money. The Indian quarter is a scene of drunkenness the whole day; the women, however, are prevented from thus injuring themselves; they are industrious and cleanly, and are principally occupied in the manufacture of ponchos. These Indians are frequently at war with other tribes, who live on the south side of the Bio-Bio river, and who have never yet been conquered by white men, of which they are not a little proud.(w)
These Araucanians are by no means to be despised. The Cacique Mariloan,[172] who resides near San Carlos, on the Bio-Bio, has three hundred fighting men under his own command; and from the influence he holds over neighbouring Caciques, could bring upwards of one thousand men into the field. Upon the occasion of a late revolution in Chile, a deputation of chiefs was sent by the Araucanian Caciques to inquire into the cause of those disturbances, of which they had received intelligence. They first asked for an interpreter, whom they cautioned to give a true and literal translation of their speech; and then they made a long harangue, in which they explained the cause of their visit, and declared their willingness to assist their friends, if their aid should be required, to expel a foreign foe; but if the troubles were caused only by the quarrels and dissensions of parties, they would not take an active part. They were then given to understand that an attempt had been made by one party to put down another, upon which they declined assisting either. The conference being ended, some horses were slaughtered and skinned. Large holes were dug, and the skins put into them, to form substitutes for vessels, into which barrels of wine were poured, and the Indians commenced their feast of horses' flesh and turbid wine, which threw them rapidly into a state of excitement and intoxication, that lasted some hours after the wine was all drunk.
In this neighbourhood, the Araucanian pine (Araucaria imbricata) is found, but very few of the trees grow near the sea. One beautiful specimen which I saw in a garden was, at least, forty feet in height, with branches sweeping the ground. The cones of these trees, called piñones, are brought to the town from the mountains where they grow, and are roasted, to be sold in the streets.
On the 31st of March, the land about Cape Lucia was seen, and at noon it bore E.b.N., distant twelve miles, when the wind ceased, and a heavy swell setting us towards the land, made our situation an anxious one. A breeze, however, sprung up, and by carrying a press of sail, we succeeded in gaining an offing before dark. The night was very squally, but next morning (1st April) the weather was better, so we stood in, and made the Evangelists, which were seen from the mast-head, at a distance of twenty-two miles. Between these islands and Cape Pillar we found a most turbulent sea; yet no sooner had we entered the Strait, than the water became perfectly smooth. I intended anchoring in the Harbour of Mercy; but the night proved fine, and the wind was so favourable, that we proceeded by the chart, using a patent log, and passing within two miles of the headlands. Sail was reduced as much as possible, to give us space sufficient to run on during the night, steering E. ¾ S. by compass. Towards midnight the weather became cloudy, and occasionally the land was concealed from our view.
Abreast of Cape Tamar, and as far as Cape Providence, some sharp squalls raised a sea, rather heavy, considering we were in the Strait; but afterwards the water became smooth again. Off the latter cape, the patent log indicated a distance run equal to that shown by the chart, which proved that we had experienced no current. At daylight we were in the entrance of the 'Long Reach,' abreast of Cape Monday.
While passing the opening opposite to Playa Parda, a schooner was observed at anchor, and a boat was seen coming out to us. It contained the mate of the schooner Industry, of New Bedford, who informed us that she had been lying there, weather-bound, for nearly a month. He came to make inquiries about good anchorages to the westward (having already lost two anchors), and to learn in what part of the Strait he was; his own idea being, that the vessel was under Cape Monday. Having given him the required information, we proceeded; but the wind fell light, and we were glad to anchor in the cove of Playa Parda. With our chains we found it safe; but the bottom, being rocky, would probably do much injury to hempen cables.
The opening opposite to us, where the schooner was lying, was evidently Sarmiento's 'Abra.' It appeared to us to be a mile and a half wide, with an island in the entrance. Within, it seemed to take a south, then a south-west direction, and afterwards to trend round a low hummocky point of the eastern shore, under a high, precipitous ridge, on the opposite or western shore, towards the S.E.; beyond this its course could not be observed. When passing through this part of the Strait, Captain Stokes found the weather so bad, that although the distance across was only two or three miles, the shores were often concealed by clouds and rain, so as to render it impossible for him to make any survey of them.
We were detained the two following days by bad weather. On the 5th we proceeded, but before we got abreast of Snowy Sound, heavy rain set in, which lasted all day.
As we passed Borja Bay, a schooner was observed at anchor in it, so like the Adelaide, that we altered our course to communicate with her. From a boat which came off to us, we learned that it was a sealing-vessel, called the Hope, of New York, going through the Strait, from Staten Land. She had seen nothing of the Adelaide.
When abreast of Bachelor River, a canoe, containing two men and two women, came out to us; but we did not delay long, and at five the anchor was dropped in Fortescue Bay.
As it did not appear that the Adelaide had preceded us, I determined upon remaining, to make a chronometric measurement from Port Gallant to Port Famine; and the next morning Lieutenant Graves landed, and obtained a set of sights for time.
In the early part of the day, two canoes, containing eight or ten Fuegians, entered the bay. They came from the westward; but we did not recognize among them any of those who visited the ship as we passed Bachelor's River. Several had red baize shirts, and some had 'Union caps,' such as are supplied to our men-of-war; which they must have procured from the Beagle or Adelaide, or from the Chanticleer, at Cape Horn.(x) After hanging about us all day, they landed at sunset, and took up their quarters in some old wigwams in the inner harbour.
The canoes of these natives were very different in their construction from any we had seen to the eastward. Instead of being paddled, they were pulled with oars; one of which was an ash oar, probably obtained from some sealing-vessel. The canoes were large; at the bottom was a plank, twenty inches wide, to which were sewn the sides, in the manner of the piraguas, and they were caulked with bark, in a similar way.
We did not remark any thing peculiar among these people which we had not perceived in other natives of Tierra del Fuego, except that they frequently used the word 'pecheray,' a word particularly noticed by Bougainville, who thought that it meant the name of the tribe; and, in consequence, the Fuegians have been often called Pecherays.
On one of the officers cutting a lock of hair from a woman's head, the men became angry, and one of them taking it away, threw half of it into the fire, and, rolling up the other portion between the palms of his hands, swallowed it. Immediately afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a tone and gesture of explanation, 'Pecheray, Pecheray.' After which, they cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and repeated a similar ceremony.
From this fact, one might suppose the word to be connected with their ideas of divine worship; but we had heard it used for so many opposite things, that I could not consider it of so much importance as some of the officers were inclined to think it.
The next day a party ascended the Mountain de la Cruz, to deposit a pewter plate, on which were cut the names of the ship and officers. At the summit they found the pile of stones made by Captain Fitz Roy, which they left undisturbed; but made another, in which a bottle was placed, containing the little Spanish coin, and copies, on vellum, of the memorials we had formerly taken from it, also several English coins, and some medals. The bottle was corked, covered with resin, and enveloped in sheet lead. Our party returned in the evening, having been seven hours in going up and descending.
The next day I obtained an angular measurement of the Mountain de la Cruz, with a theodolite, having measured a base of 2,608 feet, which gave for its elevation 2,364 feet, 74 feet more than Captain Fitz Roy's barometrical determination.
During the day several Fuegian families had arrived, and, by the evening, ten canoes, containing altogether about sixty natives, were collected. I landed to visit them, for I had never before seen so many assembled. We entered all the wigwams but one, which was said to be occupied by a woman in labour. In the opening stood her husband, painted all over with a red ochrous earth, and his head and breast ornamented with the white down of birds. The other Fuegians called him 'Pecheray;' and appeared to consider him, while in the character he had assumed, as a being superior to themselves.
Hence, there evidently is something of a superstitious nature connected with the word; but our frequent attempts to find out its precise meaning, were unsuccessful. On repeating this expression to a group of natives, one of them immediately coughed up a piece of blubber, which he had been eating, and gave it to another, who swallowed it with much ceremony, and with a peculiar guttural noise; then, looking up, and pointing with his finger to the skies, solemnly pronounced the talismanic 'Pecheray,' This word is also used in pointing to the sun.
On the 10th April, I went to Charles Islands, and surveyed them. There is very good anchorage for a small vessel, in eighteen fathoms, at the north end of the passage which separates them; and at the bottom, or elbow, under the eastern island, in thirteen or fourteen fathoms. The next day, a fresh arrival in two canoes increased the number of Indians to eighty; rather a formidable body for a small vessel to encounter. They conducted themselves, on the whole, very peaceably, but seemed determined that our curiosity should not be gratified by finding out the contents of the 'tabooed' wigwam. It was always guarded by the 'Pecheray,' who seemed ready and determined to dispute all access to it, by means of a heavy club. One of the midshipmen, however, with a little coaxing, persuaded the man to let him put his head in; but those who were inside, having received their lesson, threw ashes in his face, and nearly blinded him. After this, seeing they were determined on the point, I desired that no further attempt should be made to ascertain what was really going on inside the wigwam.
We sailed the next day (11th), not without some apprehension that the Adelaide might meet this large concourse of Indians before they separated; as Port Gallant was a place rarely passed by vessels without stopping, and the natives being all housed behind a point of land, could not be seen until too late.
We were abreast of Cape Froward at noon; in the evening we anchored in French Bay, and next day (13th) reached Port Famine. As I purposed remaining until the Adelaide should arrive, the tents were set up, the boats landed for repair, and the transit instrument was set up, in the hope that a comet might be visible, which we had seen in our passage from Concepcion to the Strait; but the weather was at first too cloudy, and afterwards the comet itself was too faint to be discerned.[173]
On the 21st, nine canoes arrived in the bay, containing a large party of Fuegians, principally those who frequent the Magdalen Channel, and probably the sea-coast. They had generally shown themselves disposed to be mischievous, and I determined upon preventing their encamping near us; for their presence would greatly impede our watering and wooding parties, by distracting the attention of the people. I, therefore, went to meet them at the watering-place, under Point St. Anna, where they had landed, near one of our boats which was on the beach. Among them we only recognised three who had visited us before, and those three were brought to our remembrance by their former misconduct. I had always made it a rule to treat them kindly, with the view of obtaining their good-will; but I found it was the wrong way to gain their respect, for it only made them expect more from me, the consequence of which was, that when we separated, neither party was pleased with the other. I used on this occasion a more dictatorial tone than I had hitherto done; for, seeing several with slings in their hands, and a collection of large, round pebbles wrapped up in the corner of their mantles, I desired them to throw the stones away, which they did not hesitate to do. The Indians were now all landed, and evidently presuming upon their numerical strength, upwards of eighty being assembled, began to make themselves very familiar.
I thought it best to check their advances, by desiring them not to visit the side of the bay where our tents stood, but to go round Point St. Anna, to an adjoining cove. They seemed to understand me perfectly, and soon afterwards embarked, while I returned on board. The natives, however, landed again, in the middle of the bay, at the north side, and there encamped.
Next morning, the men of the tribe visited our tents, but found them surrounded by a rope I had caused to be fixed, and which they were not permitted to pass. At noon, after observing the sun's transit, I went to the barrier, and while the people were at dinner, endeavoured to amuse our visitors, who were from fifteen to twenty in number, by showing them several trifles; among the rest, a pocket set of coloured glasses, belonging to the transit. They looked through them at the sun, but handled them rather roughly, and broke the frame; upon which I expressed my anger, and turned them away. Soon afterwards, however, I walked towards them, and selecting the Indian who had offended me, gave him a bunch of beads, and thus restored peace; but desired them, at the same time, to go to their wigwams, which they did. In their way, they mischievously broke down a part of my meridian mark; seeing which, I sent a carpenter, attended by a marine, to repair it, and went myself to inspect its being again set up. The natives were collected round it, evidently in expectation of my being angry, and awaited my approach. Upon my coming near, I showed them that I was much displeased, and ordered them into their canoes; when one of the party, muttering a few words, picked up a stone from the ground, and was fixing it in his sling, when I took the marine's musket, and presented it at him, upon which the whole took to their heels; the principal offender and another ran along the beach, and the rest to their canoes. I could not resist the opportunity of letting them know we were prepared for them, by firing over the heads of the two who were running near the water.
The report of the musket attracted the attention of Lieutenant Mitchell, who was on board on the look-out, expecting some fracas would, sooner or later, take place; and seeing four or five canoes paddling across, and the two Indians running along the beach, he manned a boat, and pulled towards the canoes, which tried to evade him, and stones were thrown at him as he approached. A musket fired over their heads, soon quieted them, when he pulled round their canoes, to show them they were in his power, but did not molest them, and then allowed the party to proceed.
This affair alarmed the women at the wigwams, and hastily gathering up their effects, they hurried into their canoes, and joined the others, who all paddled round Point St. Anna. The men, however, landed there, and remained on shore, armed with slings, spears, and bows, ready to defend themselves, and, by their gestures, defying us to land. No attention was paid to them, and, after a short time, they went over the hills to the coves on the north side of the point. As we had now openly quarrelled, I thought it better that they should keep at a distance; and therefore, taking two boats, pulled round the point, to tell them to go five miles farther, to Rocky Bay; but the canoes were already beached, and the women had taken up their quarters. As we approached, the hills echoed with the screams of the women and the shouts of the men; all of whom, stark naked, armed, and daubed with white paint, their heads being stuck full of white feathers, hastened down to the point of the bay. The place, from its nature, offered a good defence, as the beach was lined by large rocks, behind which they could conceal themselves from our view, and yet assail us with stones. When within a few yards of the beach, we held a parley—the object of which was, that they should go farther to the northward; to this they vociferously replied, by desiring us to leave them. Seeing there was no chance of enforcing our demand, without shedding blood, I ordered the boats away; and on getting about a musket-shot from the beach, one of the Fuegians threw a stone, which fell close to us. In an instant, every one of them was concealed behind the rocks; but we returned their fire, and another large stone fell within two feet of the boat. A second musket was fired, and another stone was returned, with equal precision. After the interchange of a few more stones for bullets, they ceased throwing them, and we returned on board. It was very unlikely that any of our shot took effect; for we were at a long distance, and could only see their heads above the rocks. Fortunately, none of the stones struck us, for they were large enough to have caused a severe bruise. It is astonishing how very correctly they throw them, and to what a distance. When the first stone fell close to us, we all thought ourselves out of musket-shot.
The next morning, five or six natives were seen crouching down among high grass, on the hill over our watering-well, waiting for the people to go for water; probably with the intention of assailing them, for it appeared afterwards that their slings and bows were in readiness. To show them they were not out of our reach, I caused a six-pound shot to be fired over their heads, which, as it went high above them, made no impression. The gun was then pointed lower, and another ineffectual shot fired. A third, however, fell close to them, when they jumped up, shook their mantles in the air, with the most violent gestures, and, apparently in a furious rage, scampered off; but the last man, before he disappeared, threw an immense stone, which did not reach one quarter of the distance.
We saw nothing more of the natives until the evening, when Lieutenant Mitchell, who went to look for them, found they had moved away to Rocky Bay, where they had encamped on the open beach. The next day, I sent him to endeavour to make peace, which he very easily effected, by the interchange of a few trifles.
After this we had much bad weather, during which most of the Indians kept close to their wigwams; but a few occasionally communicated with our watering party, quite peaceably, as if nothing had happened. A day or two after, the weather improved, and the Fuegians dispersed, probably for want of food, some going to the northward, but the greater part along shore to the southward. These people pointed upwards to the sky, when they were going away, repeating the word 'Pecheray.'
This was our last interview with the wretched Fuegians. Naturally petulant and quarrelsome, they are also ever intent upon mischief; the fear of punishment alone restraining them. Weakly-manned vessels passing through this Strait should always avoid them, if they are numerous; for unless they are given what they want, they try to steal it, and any consequent punishment probably brings on a quarrel. Their conduct, and servile bearing, at our first seeing them, gave them an appearance of being timid and inactive; while, in reality, they are the very reverse. Had we attempted to land on the last occasion, I do not think we should have effected our object, without receiving some severe contusions from their stones, which they sling with such extraordinary precision and force: so much so, that I consider the sling, in their dexterous hands, to be equal to a musket in ours. Indeed, with many of us, a native would have had the advantage. It has been too much the practice, when obliged to fire upon them, to fire over their heads; by which proceeding the savages are led to consider our weapons as so uncertain in their effect, that they become much depreciated in their estimation. It would be almost preferable to inflict a slight wound, in order to show the nature of our arms, and as a warning against further hostilities.
When the Uxbridge, sealer, was at anchor in a harbour in the Magdalen Channel, some Indians, who were on board, angry at being ordered out of the vessel at sunset, threw stones at the person who was walking the deck, as they returned to the shore. Several muskets were fired over their heads, at which they expressed neither fear nor concern; but paddled leisurely away, and the next morning came off again to the vessel, as if nothing had happened. At Port Famine, Duclos Guyot had a skirmish with natives, the particulars of which are described in Dom Pernetty's History (ii. 653). Three of the Indians were killed, and three of the French were severely wounded. It may be here remarked, that the chief's name, according to M. Duclos Guyot, was 'Pach-a-chui,' which is not unlike 'Pecheray;' the women were called 'Cap, cap,' probably a mistake for 'Cab, cab;' which evidently means 'no, no!' for it was an expression we frequently used, and was never misunderstood. Their cunning is sufficiently proved by the theft of the Adelaide's boat, in St. Simon's Sound (page 142).
The absence of the Fuegians permitted us to move about a little; and among other places, we visited their late encampment at Rocky Bay, our approach to which was offensively indicated by a most sickening smell. On our way, I found two fossils; one was very interesting, bearing the appearance of a large orthoceratite:[174] the other was a Venus. From Rocky Point we descried a strange sail, which, by her movements, we thought must be the Beagle: I returned, therefore, and sent Lieutenant Mitchell out to her. She arrived in the evening, but proved to be a ship belonging to the Hudson Bay Company, called the Dryad, bound to the Columbia River, and last from the Falkland Islands. She came to wait for Mr. Low, of the Adeona, who had promised to pilot her through the Magdalen Channel. The Adeona arrived on the 3d of May; and the following day, to our great joy, the Adelaide hove in sight: and being becalmed, was towed to an anchorage.
The result of her cruise proved to be very interesting, although no communication had been discovered between the 'Ancon sin Salida,' and the Skyring Water. The only loss they had sustained was, however, a severe one; Mr. Alexander Millar having died of inflammation in the bowels. The death of this promising young man threw a damp over the happiness we felt at meeting again, after having so nearly completed this long and tedious voyage.
We had, for some days, been getting ready for sea, and now hastened to complete our preparations. The Dryad, after receiving some assistance from us, sailed in company with the Adeona, and passed out to the Pacific, by going through the Magdalen Channel. The day afterwards we took our final departure—crossed the shoal that extends off Magdalena Island, in five fathoms, sailed on rapidly, and passed Gregory Bay at noon. Seeing us approach, a large party of Patagonians, at least a hundred in number, assembled at the usual place of communication; but as both wind and tide were in our favour, and we could derive no novel information from them, we continued on our course. The Indians were probably much mortified and disappointed; but all on board were delighted by avoiding the anticipated delay. We showed our colours to them, but I dare say our friend, Maria, was not very well pleased with my want of courtesy, in passing by so old an acquaintance without a salutation; or, what she coveted much more, such presents as she had always received when we anchored.
Just before entering the First Narrow, we passed through a furious 'tide-race,' which broke over the Adelaide, and not a little impeded her progress. No accident, however, was the consequence; and a rapid tide, running at the least nine knots an hour, swept us through the Narrow, and round the reef off Cape Orange: after which we proceeded rapidly, and rounded Cape Virgins at ten P.M., not a little elated by leaving behind us, with no expectation of ever seeing it again, the famous Strait of Magalhaens.
Our voyage to Monte Video was rather long; but we delayed there only to water the ship, in the usual place, off Cape Jesu Maria, and then proceeded to Rio de Janeiro, where we awaited the arrival of the Beagle. Our anxiety for her safety, during so hazardous a survey as that of the sea-coasts of Tierra del Fuego, was soon removed, by hearing that she had touched at Monte Video; and, on the 2d of August, our consort was seen entering the harbour; when we were delighted by finding all well on board, and the little vessel quite ready for sea, having refitted on her passage.
Adelaide's last cruise—Port Otway—San Quintin—Marine Islands—Unknown river or passage—San Tadeo—Isthmus of Ofqui—San Rafael—Sufferings and route of the Wager's party—Channel's Mouth—Byron—Cheap—Elliott—Hamilton—Campbell—Indian Cacique—Passage of the Desecho—Osorio—Xavier Island—Jesuit Sound—Kirke's report—Night tides—Guaianeco Islands—Site of the Wager's wreck—Bulkeley and Cummings—Speedwell Bay—Indigenous wild potato—Mesier Channel—Fatal Bay—Death of Mr. Millar—Fallos Channel—Lieutenant Skyring's illness—English Narrow—Fish—Wigwams—Indians—Level Bay—Brazo Ancho—Eyre Sound—Seal—Icebergs—Walker Bay—Nature of the country—Habits of the natives—Scarcity of population.
I will now relate the principal incidents of the Adelaide's last cruise. The following pages contain extracts from Lieutenant Skyring's journal, and also notices obtained from other sources.
The Adelaide sailed from Chilóe on the 8th of December 1829, made Cape Tres Montes on the 14th, and anchored in Port Otway the same evening. Of this place Lieutenant Skyring writes: "Good anchorage, wood, water, and shell-fish (such as muscles and clams), Port Otway affords: but no more. Excepting in one or two sandy bights, a landing is hardly to be effected; walking along shore is impossible, and it is scarcely practicable to enter the country, the land being so thickly wooded, from the summits of the hills down to the water-side. No soil is to be discovered; the shrubs, and even the trees, which are of large growth, rise out of moss, or decomposed vegetable substances. The climate is very wet; none but amphibious animals were seen, among which hair-seals were numerous. There were very few birds, excepting turkey buzzards; and not a trace of human beings; indeed, I do not believe Indians ever go there—(y) they rarely leave the direct channels; as a proof of which, some articles left by the Beagle, in a conspicuous place, were found by us untouched." During the Adelaide's stay at Port Otway, the openings on the east side of Hoppner Sound were explored, yet they proved to be only small inlets. Mr. Kirke examined some, which appeared to communicate with San Quintin Sound; but found them to be merely channels dividing the group of the Marine Islands,[175] excepting the most southern, which is the entrance of Newman Inlet, a deep bight, without anchorage, but abounding with hair-seal.
From Byron's Narrative it would appear, that there is a channel somewhere hereabouts communicating with the Gulf of San Rafael, to the east of the Peninsula of Tres Montes; for the Indian guide wanted to conduct the Wager's barge through it, but was prevented by the strength of the current.
The Adelaide sailed from Port Otway on the 18th, and the same evening reached San Quintin Sound, anchoring opposite an opening northward of Dead-tree Island, that proved to be the mouth of the River San Tadeo, by which Byron and his unfortunate companions effected their escape to Chilóe.
The sufferings of this party, which are so affectingly described in Byron's narrative of the loss of the Wager, made so deep an impression on our minds, that I thought it not irrelevant to the object of this voyage to endeavour to trace their steps. Among the numerous incidents that occurred to them, the passage of the 'Desecho,' or carrying-place over the Isthmus of Ofqui, is, from all the circumstances connected with it, one of the most interesting. It may be remembered, that, upon the departure of Captain Cheap, and his shipwrecked crew, from the place of the wreck (Byron's Narrative, p. 69), they proceeded round the shores of the Gulf of Peñas, with an intention of tracing the Coast of Chilóe. They first attempted to steer for Cape Tres Montes, which headland they had seen, in one of the intervals of fair weather, from the summit of Mount Misery, and which appeared to be twenty or thirty leagues distant. The wind, however, freshened to a gale, and they were obliged to run before it, and throw all their provisions overboard to lighten the boat.
At night they took refuge in a small opening, which led to a secure harbour, and next day advanced a little farther, till they reached some small islands, where they were detained three or four days by bad weather.
After leaving that place, they found an opening, into which they rowed, flattering themselves it would prove to be a passage; but, being disappointed, they were obliged to return. This was probably the inlet, called 'Channel's Mouth.' Xavier Island was the next place they went to, named by them Montrose Island. Byron describes this island so exactly, that there cannot be the least doubt of its identity. "The next morning," he says, "being calm, we rowed out; but as soon as clear of the island, we found a great swell from the westward: we rowed to the bottom of a very large bay, which was to northward of us, the land very low, and we were in hopes of finding some inlet through, but did not; so kept along shore to the westward. This part, which I take to be fifty leagues from Wager Island, is the very bottom of the large bay it lies in. Here was the only passage to be found, which (if we could by any means have got information of it) would have saved us much fruitless labour. Of this passage I shall have occasion to say more hereafter."—Byron's Nar. p. 74. This is evidently San Quintin Sound. They proceeded to the westward and northward, entered a larger bay (Holloway Sound), and discovered another headland at a great distance to the westward (Cape Tres Montes), which they reached with much difficulty; but being unable to get round it, and losing the boat that accompanied them, besides being obliged to leave four of the marines behind, they became quite disheartened, and returned to Wager Island, to linger out their miserable lives, without the least prospect of again seeing home. This expedition occupied two months, during which they lived principally upon sea-weed, called 'tangle;' but sometimes passed whole days without eating anything at all. While they were absent, some Indians had visited the wreck; and, about a fortnight after their return, they arrived a second time, in two canoes. Among them was an Indian Cacique of the Chonos tribe, who live in the neighbourhood of Chilóe. It was supposed that a report of the wreck had reached that place; and that this Cacique, and another Indian, had come to derive some advantage from it. As the Cacique spoke Spanish, the surgeon, Mr. Elliot, made himself so far understood, as to let him know that they wished to reach some of the Spanish settlements; and eventually bargained to give him the barge, and every thing in it, if he would conduct them to Chilóe. The party consisted of Captain Cheap; Mr. Elliot, the surgeon; Mr. Campbell, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Byron, midshipmen; and eight men, besides the two Indians; in all fifteen. The first night they slept on an island, and the next laid upon their oars, to the westward of Montrose Island, not being able to land.
They then pulled, "to the bottom of a great bay, where the Indian guide had left his family, a wife and two children." There they staid two or three days; after which, taking on board the family, they proceeded to a river, "the stream of which," Byron says, "was so rapid, that after our utmost efforts, from morning to evening, we gained little upon the current; and, at last, were obliged to desist from our attempts, and return."
This was probably a river, or channel, to the westward of San Quintin Sound, which eluded our search; and, if so, it must communicate with channels north-eastward of the Peninsula of Tres Montes. The Indians, anxious to get the barge to the Chonos, had no other way to effect their purpose; for the usual route was over the 'Desecho;' to pass which, it was necessary to take a boat or canoe to pieces, and carry her, piecemeal, over a high mountain.
After losing the barge, they crossed the Peninsula of Forelius, by hauling canoes over a narrow neck of land, and reached the water of San Quintin Sound; where they met another native family, with whom they proceeded to the River San Tadeo, "up which they rowed four or five leagues; and then took to a branch of it that ran first to the eastward, and then to the northward." There they landed, took the canoes to pieces, and carried them over the isthmus; then putting them together again, re-embarked, and proceeded through the Chonos Archipelago to Chilóe.
When at Chilóe, I saw an old man, Pedro Osorio, who had been in two of the last missionary voyages (in 1769 and 1778), to the Guaineco Islands; where the Wager was wrecked. He related to me the particulars of these voyages, and gave me an account of the 'Desecho,' over which the missionaries transported their piraguas. He also remembered Byron and his companions; and described them by the following names:—Don David (Captain David Cheap); Don Juan (John Byron); Hamerton (Hamilton); and Plasta. The name Plasta is not once mentioned in Byron's Narrative; but on referring to Bulkeley's and Cumming's account, one Plastow is described as the captain's servant; and perhaps he was one of the number who remained with Captain Cheap.(z) Pedro Osorio must have been upwards of ninety years of age, in 1829.(a) A detailed account of these voyages is given in Agüeros's Historical Description of the province of Chilóe, p. 205.
Captain Stokes's 'Dead-tree Island,' in the entrance of San Estevan Gulf, is near the 'Cirujano Island' (Surgeon Island) of those voyages. Pedro Osorio told me that it was so called, because the surgeon of the Wager died there. From Byron's Narrative it would appear, that the surgeon died, and was buried, just before they embarked to cross the sound.—See Byron, p. 147.
As the examination of the River San Tadeo, and the discovery of the 'Desecho,' formed a part of Lieutenant Skyring's instructions, he proceeded up it, in a whale-boat, accompanied by Mr. Kirke. The entrance of the river is blocked up by a bar of sand and stones, which, at low spring-tide, must be nearly dry; and a heavy swell breaks upon its whole length, joining the surf of the beach, on each side; so that there is no deep channel; and, except in very fine weather, an attempt to cross is hazardous.
At its mouth, the breadth is about a quarter of a mile, but within the entrance it increases for a short distance: at three miles up, it is three hundred yards, and thence gradually diminishes. The shores are a mixture of clay and sand; and the country, on both sides, is low and marshy, abounding with brant-geese, ducks, teal, and snipe.
The land, near the mouth of the river, is studded with dead trees (a species of pine, about twenty feet high), which appear to have been killed by the sea overflowing the banks;(b) as it does at high-water for several miles.
Three miles from the entrance this river divides into two branches, one leading N.W., and the other eastward. Considering the latter, from Byron's description, to be the proper course, Lieutenant Skyring followed it. At nine miles from the mouth, a stream was found falling into the river from the north, in every respect differing from the principal stream; the water being fresh, dark, and clear, and the current constantly running down, uninfluenced by the tide; while the water of the river was brackish and turbid, and affected by the ebbing and flowing of the tide, although, at that distance, its effect was much diminished.
The shores of the Black River, as this new stream was called, are thickly wooded, which is not the case with the principal stream. They had entered it about a hundred yards before they discovered that they had left the main river; but being desirous of proceeding, they followed its windings, the next day, for three leagues; during the greater part of which distance, they found a strong current against them, and were also much impeded by fallen trees lying in the bed of the river. In many parts they dragged their boat along by the help of overhanging branches, or projecting roots; and the width, generally, was not more than fifty yards. As no piragua could pass there, Lieutenant Skyring felt assured that he was not in the right stream; therefore, returning to the main river, he proceeded up it during the next two days. At two miles above the junction, the tide ceased to be felt; and a rapid current met them, which increased in strength until they were unable to stem it; and as they were prevented from tracking the boats, by trees growing on the banks, they could ascend no farther.
This place was not more than eleven miles from the sea; although, from the tortuous course of the stream, they had gone double that distance, and were about two miles from the foot of a mountain, whence the river descends. The mountain was very high, and the vallies, or ravines, were filled with glaciers. From Byron's description, it seems probable that Lieutenant Skyring was near the carrying place; but as further delay could answer no good end, he very prudently returned, looking carefully about, as he proceeded, for some signs of a landing-place, but without success. He re-crossed the bar, reached the Adelaide without accident, and the next day went on in her to Xavier Island. On the way they passed Dead-tree Island; where, observing seal on the rocks, a boat was sent ashore, and her crew succeeded in killing a few sea-elephants, twenty feet long.
Favoured with fine weather, they were enabled to land on the north side of Xavier Island, to improve the former survey; and in the evening anchored in Xavier Bay, where they remained four days; during which, Jesuit Sound was explored, and found to terminate in two narrow inlets. Being a leewardly opening, it is unfit for any vessel to enter.
The name Jesuit Sound, and those of the two inlets at the bottom, Benito and Julian, are memorials of the missionaries, who, in the expedition of 1778, entered and explored it.[176] (Agüeros, p. 232.)
The Adelaide anchored the next night in Ygnacio Bay, at the south end of Xavier Island, which Lieutenant Skyring recommends for small vessels; the depth of water being six or eight fathoms, and the anchorage well sheltered from the wind.
On the 31st they anchored under the Hazard Islands, in the Channel's Mouth: "preparatory," writes Lieutenant Skyring, "to commencing new work with the new year; for since entering the gulf, except while examining the San Tadeo, we had followed the Beagle's track, and only completed what she left unfinished; but from this place all would be new. This was the last wild anchorage she had taken; and although now fixed in the best situation, and in the height of summer, we found our position almost as dangerous as hers.
"Early on the 1st of January 1830, Mr. Kirke went in a whale-boat to examine the openings, at the mouth of which we had anchored: he returned on the 9th, having traced to the end, all which had the least appearance of being channels. The two largest, the south and the east, penetrated into the Cordillera for thirty miles. All these inlets are narrow but deep arms of the sea, running between ranges of very steep hills; their sides affording not the least shelter, even for a boat, and apparently deserted; for neither seal, nor birds of any kind were seen, nor were there even muscles on the rocks."
Mr. Kirke, in his report, says: "The three northernmost of the inlets of the Channel's Mouth end with high land on each side, and low sandy beaches at the head, beyond which there rises a ridge of high mountains, about two miles from the beach. The S.E. inlets end in rivers rushing down from the mountains, and a rocky shore: not the smallest shelter could I find, even for the boat. Two days and nights I was forced to keep her hauled up on a rock, just above high-water mark, in a strong gale, while the williwaws were so violent, that we were all obliged to add our weight to that of the boat, to prevent her from being blown off: and twice we were washed out of our resting-places, on the beach, by the night tide rising about fifteen or sixteen inches above that of the day."
This opening in the coast is noticed by the pilot Machado (Agüeros, p. 210); but by whom the name of Channel's Mouth was given, does not appear. It is by no means descriptive of what it has been proved to be; but as Lieutenant Skyring thought that a change in the name would not answer any good purpose, he very properly left it unaltered.
The day after Mr. Kirke returned, very bad weather set in, and detained the Adelaide nine days, during which nothing could be done, out of the vessel.
January 19th, Lieutenant Skyring writes, "with moderate weather, and an easterly wind, we left the Channel's Mouth, and, standing for the Guaianeco Islands, passed those of Ayautau (between which and the mainland are several rocky reefs, though the passage seems to be sufficiently clear for any vessel); and skirting Tarn Bay, we distinguished the Mesier Channel, and could see many leagues down it. The entrance of the Mesier Channel is very remarkable, from having two high and singular peaks on the islands at its mouth: the northernmost very much resembling (although higher than) Nelson's monument, near the Strait; and the other, more to the southward, and much higher, resembling a church with a cupola, instead of a spire. Both are easily made out from the westward, at a distance of twenty or thirty miles.
"We reached the Guaianeco Islands in the afternoon. The two largest are divided by a narrow passage, on the west side of which we anchored, in ten fathoms, in a spacious and secure haven, which proved to be Speedwell Bay of Bulkeley and Cummings; the boats were employed next day, and, while the examination of the coast was pursued, I sought to ascertain the exact spot of the wreck of the Wager, but never could discover it: not a fragment of that ill-fated vessel was seen in any of our excursions. A few pieces of the boat lost by the Beagle last year were picked up; but nothing more that could tend to denote the misfortunes which have occurred near these islands.
"From the description of the Wager's wreck, in Bulkeley and Cummings, there seems to be little doubt of the place being at the N.W. end of the eastern Guaianeco Island, near my Rundle's Passage, which is the place so often mentioned in their account as the 'Lagoon.'
"Being well supplied with powder and small shot, the people provided themselves plentifully, during our stay at Speedwell Bay, with a variety of wild-fowl, namely, geese, ducks, redbeaks, shags, and the ibis; curlew, snipe, plover, and moorhens, were also met with, and fish were observed in shoals near the vessel, but, as we had no seine, they escaped. With hooks and lines our fishermen had no luck; the baits were no sooner at the bottom, than they were taken away, and for a day or two the cause of their loss was unknown; but being accidentally ascertained, small trap-nets were made, and great numbers of crabs were taken, about a pound each in weight.
"In almost every bay we noticed the potato, growing among wild celery, close above high-water mark: but in so unfavourable a situation, choked by other vegetables, its produce was very small.
"The trees are not of large growth in these islands, neither is the land thickly wooded; but above the beach, and almost round the coast, there is a breast-work of jungle and underwood, from fifty to one hundred yards broad, and nearly impenetrable; beyond which is a great extent of clear, but low and swampy ground.
"On the 25th, we left this port, and ran to the S.E., through what I have named Rundle's Passage. This small channel, where the islands approach each other, is about a quarter of a mile wide, perfectly clear in the whole extent, and also at its southern entrance; but at the northern there are many detached rocks, which are obstacles to entering Speedwell Bay, except in daylight. Rounding the islets, at the S.E. extreme of Byron Islands, we anchored in Muscle Bay, which lies on the northern side: by no means a secure place,—but the only one that could be found, by the boats, after many hours' search. I selected this situation in order that the entrance to the Fallos Channel, and the whole outline of these islands, might be laid down, and properly connected with the land of Port Barbara; which was thoroughly executed by Mr. Kirke and Mr. Millar, although delayed in the completion of their work until the 1st of February.(c) On that day we sailed, and entered the Mesier Channel, anchoring in a small open bay, the only stopping-place we could perceive; which, from the loss we sustained shortly after our arrival, was called Fatal Bay. It is insecure, and the anchorage ground confined: the only convenience was, that wood and fresh-water were near. During our stay we had much rain, which retarded us. Mr. Kirke went away in a boat, whenever the weather permitted, and, on the 8th, we sailed for an anchorage, about ten miles to the southward, where he had previously been; but a sad event happened before our departure.
"On the afternoon of the 3d, we had the misfortune to lose Mr. Alexander Millar, who died in consequence of a severe attack of inflammation of the bowels, which carried him off, after an illness of only three days.
"On Thursday afternoon he was buried, close to the shore, near the anchorage, and just within the edge of the wood.
"That our progress had been so slow during the last month, was a great disappointment; but we had had many causes of detention. All the early part of January the weather was stormy: eighteen days we were anchored within the Channel's Mouth; yet during two only could our boats leave the vessel.
"Among the Guaianeco islands we had moderate weather, but also much wet: still the chief cause of our delay, I fear, was my own illness. From the beginning of January, I had been confined to my bed, with a tedious and obstinate disease; and from that time most of the angles were taken, and all the observations were made, by Mr. Kirke, who was ever exceedingly willing and indefatigable. After the loss of Mr. Millar, not only almost the whole duty of surveying fell upon him, but much of the duty of the vessel.
"At noon this day (8th), we moored in Island Harbour, a small but excellent landlocked anchorage, with good holding ground, and abundance of wood and water. The two following days, Mr. Kirke was away examining the coast; the third we were confined by bad weather; and, indeed, during our whole continuance at this place, we had very much rain.
"We sailed early on the 12th from Island Harbour, and by night reached Waterfall Bay, an anchorage about fifteen miles to the southward: the wind all day was light, and the tide, the greater part of the time, against us; so that, with every exertion, we scarcely gained anchoring ground before it was quite dark: the strength of the tide was upwards of a mile an hour, at neap-tides: the ebb and flood were of equal duration, the former running to the S.b.E., the latter N.b.W. Thirty miles within the Mesier Channel it is as wide as at the entrance, and for several miles to the southward appears clear: so that no one is liable thus far to mistake its course.