The First Attempts to Float—Hollowed Logs and Rafts—The Ark and its Dimensions—Skin Floats and Basket-boats—Maritime Commerce of Antiquity—Phœnician Enterprise—Did they Round the Cape?—The Ships of Tyre—Carthage—Hanno’s Voyage to the West Coast of Africa—Egyptian Galleys—The Great Ships of the Ptolemies—Hiero’s Floating Palace—The Romans—Their Repugnance to Seafaring Pursuits—Sea Battles with the Carthaginians—Cicero’s Opinions on Commerce—Constantinople and its Commerce—Venice—Britain—The First Invasion under Julius Cæsar—Benefits Accruing—The Danish Pirates—The London of the Period—The Father of the British Navy—Alfred and his Victories—Canute’s Fleet—The Norman Invasion—The Crusades—Richard Cœur de Lion’s Fleet—The Cinque Ports and their Privileges—Foundation of a Maritime Code—Letters of Marque—Opening of the Coal Trade—Chaucer’s Description of the Sailors of his Time—A Glorious Period—The Victories at Harfleur—Henry V.’s Fleet of 1,500 Vessels—The Channel Marauders—The King-Maker Pirate—Sir Andrew Wood’s Victory—Action with Scotch Pirates—The Great Michael and the Great Harry—Queen Elizabeth’s Astuteness—The Nation never so well Provided—“The Most Fortunate and Invincible Armada”—Its Size and Strength—Elizabeth’s Appeal to the Country—A Noble Response—Effingham’s Appointment—The Armada’s First Disaster—Refitted, and Resails from Corunna—Chased in the Rear—A Series of Contretemps—English Volunteer Ships in Numbers—The Fire-ships at Calais—The Final Action—Flight of the Armada—Fate of Shipwrecked Spanish in Ireland—Total Loss to Spain—Rejoicings and Thanksgivings in England.
It will not now be out of place to take a rapid survey of the progress of naval architecture, from log and coracle to wooden walls and ironclads, noting rapidly the progressive steps which led to the present epoch.
It is only from the Scriptures, and from fragmentary allusions in the writings of profane historians and poets, that we can derive any knowledge of the vessels employed by the ancients. Doubtless our first parents noticed branches of trees or fragments of wood floating upon the surface of that “river” which “went out of Eden to water the garden;” and from this to the use of logs singly, or combined in rafts, or hollowed into canoes, would be an easy transition. The first boat was probably a mere toy model; and, likely enough, great was the surprise when it was discovered that its sides, though thin, would support a considerable weight in the water. The first specimen of naval architecture of which we have any description is unquestionably the ark, built by Noah. If the cubit be taken as eighteen inches, she was 450 feet long, 75 in breadth, and 45 in depth, whilst her tonnage, according to the present system of admeasurement, would be about 15,000 tons. It is more than probable that this huge vessel was, after all, little more than a raft, or barge, with a stupenduous house reared over it, for it was constructed merely for the purpose of floating, and needed no means of propulsion. She may have been, comparatively speaking, slightly built in her lofty upper works, her carrying capacity being thereby largely increased. Soon after the Flood, if not, indeed, before it, other means of flotation must have suggested themselves, such as the inflated skins of animals; these may be seen on the ancient monuments of Assyria, discovered by Layard, where there are many representations of people crossing rivers by this means. Next came wicker-work baskets of rushes or reeds, smeared with mud or pitch, similar to the ark in which Moses was found. Mr. Layard found such boats in use on the Tigris; they were constructed of twisted reeds made water-tight by bitumen, and were often large enough for four or five persons. Pliny says, in his time, “Even now in British waters, vessels of vine-twigs sewn round with leather are used.” The words in italics might be used were Pliny writing to-day. Basket-work coracles, covered with leather or prepared flannel, are still found in a few parts [pg 259]of Wales, where they are used for fording streams, or for fishing. Wooden canoes or boats, whether hollowed from one log or constructed of many parts, came next. The paintings and sculptures of Upper and Lower Egypt show regularly formed boats, made of sawn planks of timber, carrying a number of rowers, and having sails. The Egyptians were averse to seafaring pursuits, having extensive overland commerce with their neighbours.
The Phœnicians were, past all cavil, the most distinguished navigators of the ancient world, their capital, Tyre, being for centuries the centre of commerce, the “mart of nations.” Strange to say, this country, whose inhabitants were the rulers of the sea in those times, was a mere strip of land, whose average breadth never exceeded twelve miles, while its length was only 225 miles from Aradus in the north to Joppa in the south. Forced by the unproductiveness of the territory, and blessed with one or two excellent harbours, and an abundant supply of wood from the mountains of Lebanon, the Phœnicians soon possessed a numerous fleet, which not only monopolised the trade of the Mediterranean, but navigated Solomon’s fleets to the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, establishing colonies wherever they went. Herodotus states that a Phœnician fleet, which was fitted out by Necho, King of Egypt, even circumnavigated Africa, and gives details which seem to place it within the category of the very greatest voyages. Starting from the Red Sea, they are stated to have passed Ophir, generally supposed to mean part of the east coast of Africa, to have rounded the continent, and, entering the Mediterranean by the Pillars of Hercules, our old friends the Rocks of Gibraltar and Ceuta, to have reached Egypt in the third year of their voyage. Solomon, too, dispatched a fleet of ships from the Red Sea to fetch gold from Ophir. Diodorus gives at great length an account of the fleet said to be built by this people for the great Queen Semiramis, with which she invaded India. Semiramis was long believed by many to be a mythical personage; but Sir Henry Rawlinson’s interpretations of the Assyrian inscriptions have placed the existence of this queen beyond all doubt. In the Assyrian hall of the British Museum are two statues of the god Nebo, each of which bears a cuneiform inscription saying that they were made for Queen Semiramis by a sculptor of Nineveh. The commerce of Phœnicia must have been at its height when Nebuchadnezzar made his attack on Tyre. Ezekiel gives a description of her power about the year B.C. 588, when ruin was hovering around her. “Tyre,” says the prophet, “was a merchant of the people for many isles.” He states that her ship-boards were made of fir-trees of Senir; her masts of cedars from Lebanon; her oars of the oaks of Bashan; and the benches of her galleys of ivory, brought out of the isles of Chittim.
To the Tyrians also is due the colonisation of other countries, which, following the example of the mother-country, soon rivalled her in wealth and enterprise. The principal of these was Carthage, which in its turn founded colonies of her own, one of the first of which was Gades (Cadiz). From that port Hanno made his celebrated voyage to the west coast of Africa, starting with sixty ships or galleys, of fifty oars each. He is said to have founded six trading-posts or colonies. About the same time Hamilco went on a voyage of discovery to the north-western shores of Europe, where, according to a poem of Festus Avienus,129 he formed settlements in Britain and [pg 260]Ireland, and found tin and lead, and people who used boats of skin or leather. Aristotle tells us that the Carthaginians were the first to increase the size of their galleys from three to four banks of oars.
Under the dynasty of the Ptolemies the maritime commerce of Egypt rapidly improved. The first of these kings caused the erection of the celebrated Pharos or lighthouse at Alexandria, in the upper storey of which were windows looking seaward, and inside which fires were lighted by night to guide mariners to the harbour. Upon its front was inscribed, “King Ptolemy to God the Saviour, for the benefit of sailors.” His successor, Ptolemy Philadelphus, attempted to cut a canal a hundred cubits in width between Arsinoe, on the Red Sea, not far from Suez, to the eastern branch of the Nile. Enormous vessels were constructed at this time and during the succeeding reigns. Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, is said to have owned five hundred galleys and two thousand smaller vessels. Lucian speaks of a vessel that he saw in Egypt that was one hundred and twenty cubits long. Another, constructed by Ptolemy Philopator, is described by Calixenus, an Alexandrian historian, as two hundred and eighty cubits, say 420 feet, in length. She is said to have had four rudders, two heads, and two sterns, and to have been manned by 4,000 sailors (meaning principally oarsmen) and 3,000 fighting-men. Calixenus also describes another built during the dynasty of the Ptolemies, called the Thalamegus, or “carrier of the bed-chamber.” This leviathan was 300 feet in length, and fitted up with every conceivable kind of luxury and magnificence—with colonnades, marble staircases, and gardens; from all which it is easy to infer that she was not intended for sea-going purposes, but was probably an immense barge, forming a kind of summer palace, moored on the Nile. Plutarch in speaking of her says that she was a mere matter of curiosity, for she differed very little from an immovable building, and was calculated mainly for show, as she could not be put in motion without great difficulty and danger.
But the most prodigious vessel on the records of the ancients was built by order of Hiero, the second Tyrant of Syracuse, under the superintendence of Archimedes, about 230 years before Christ, the description of which would fill a small volume. Athenæus has left a description of this vast floating fabric. There was, he states, as much timber employed in her as would have served for the construction of fifty galleys. It had all the varieties of apartments and conveniences necessary to a palace—such as banqueting-rooms, baths, a library, a temple of Venus, gardens, fish-ponds, mills, and a spacious gymnasium. The inlaying of the floors of the middle apartment represented in various colours the stories of Homer’s “Iliad;” there were everywhere the most beautiful paintings, and every embellishment and ornament that art could furnish were bestowed on the ceilings, windows, and every part. The inside of the temple was inlaid with cypress-wood, the statues were of ivory, and the floor was studded with precious stones. This vessel had twenty benches of oars, and was encompassed by an iron rampart or battery; it had also eight towers with walls and bulwarks, which were furnished with machines of war, one of which was capable of throwing a stone of 300 pounds weight, or a dart of twelve cubits long, to the distance of half a mile. To launch her, Archimedes invented a screw of great power. She had four wooden and eight iron anchors; her mainmast, [pg 261]composed of a single tree, was procured after much trouble from distant inland mountains. Hiero finding that he had no harbours in Sicily capable of containing her, and learning that there was famine in Egypt, sent her loaded with corn to Alexandria. She bore an inscription of which the following is part:—“Hiero, the son of Hierocles, the Dorian, who wields the sceptre of Sicily, sends this vessel bearing in her the fruits of the earth. Do thou, O Neptune, preserve in safety this ship over the blue waves.”
Among the Grecian states Corinth stood high in naval matters. Her people were expert ship-builders, and claimed the invention of the trireme, or galley with three tiers of oars. Athens, with its three ports, also carried on for a long period a large trade with Egypt, Palestine, and the countries bordering the Black Sea. The Romans had little inclination at first for seamanship, but were forced into it by their rivals of Carthage. It was as late as B.C. 261 before they determined to build a war-fleet, and had not a Carthaginian galley, grounded on the coast of Italy, been seized by them, they would not have understood the proper construction of one. Previously they had nothing much above large boats rudely built of planks. The noble Romans affected to despise commerce at this period, and trusted to the Greek and other traders to supply their wants. Quintus Claudius introduced a law, which passed, that no senator or father of one should [pg 262]own a vessel of a greater capacity than just sufficient to carry the produce of their own lands to market. Hear the enlightened Cicero on the subject of commerce. He observes that, “Trade is mean if it has only a small profit for its object; but it is otherwise if it has large dealings, bringing many sorts of merchandise from foreign parts, and distributing them to the public without deceit; and if after a reasonable profit such merchants are contented with the riches they have acquired, and purchasing land with them retire into the country, and apply themselves to agriculture, I cannot perceive wherein is the dishonour of that function.” Mariners were not esteemed by the Romans until after the great battle of Actium, which threw the monopoly of the lucrative Indian trade into their hands. Claudius, A.D. 41, deepened the Tiber, and built the port of Ostia; and about fifty years later Trajan constructed the ports of Civita Vecchia and Ancona, where commerce flourished. The Roman fleets were often a source of trouble to them. Carausius, who was really a Dutch soldier of fortune, about the year 280, seized upon the fleet he commanded, and crossed from Gessoriacum (Boulogne) to Britain, where he proclaimed himself emperor. He held the reins of government for seven years, and was at length murdered by his lieutenant. He was really the first to create a British manned fleet. In the reign of Diocletian, the Veneti, on the coast of Gaul, threw off the Roman yoke, and claimed tribute from all who appeared in their seas. The same emperor founded Constantinople, erected later, under Constantine, into the seat of government. This city seemed to be destined by nature as a great commercial centre; caravans placed it in direct communication with the East, and it was really the entrepôt of the world till its capture by the Venetians, in 1204. That independent republic had been then in a flourishing condition for over two hundred years, and for more than as many after, its people were the greatest traders of the world. It was at Venice in 1202 that some of the leading pilgrims assembled to negotiate for a fleet to be used in the fourth crusade. The crusaders agreed to pay the Venetians before sailing eighty-four thousand marks of silver, and to share with them all the booty taken by land or sea. The republic undertook to supply flat-bottomed vessels enough to convey four thousand five hundred knights, and twenty thousand soldiers, provisions for nine months, and a fleet of galleys.
“Surrounded by the silver streak,” our hardy forefathers often crossed to Ireland and France, prior to the first invasion of Britain by Julius Cæsar, B.C. 55, when he sailed from Boulogne with eighty vessels and 8,000 men, and with eighteen transports to carry 800 horses for the cavalry. In the second invasion he employed a fleet of 600 boats and twenty-five war-galleys, having with him five legions of infantry and 2,000 cavalry, a formidable army for the poor islanders to contend against. But their intercourse with the Romans speedily brought about commercial relations of importance. The pearl fisheries were then most profitable, while the “native” oyster was greatly esteemed by the Roman epicures, of whom Juvenal speaks in his fourth satire. He says they
British oysters were exported to Rome, as American oysters are now-a-days to England. Martial also mentions another trade in one of his epigrams, that of basket-making—
The smaller description of boats, other than galleys, employed by the Romans for transporting their troops and supplies, were the kiulæ, called by the Saxons ceol or ciol, which name has come down to us in the form of keel, and is still applied to a description of barge used in the north of England. Thus
says the song, and on the “coaly Tyne,” a small barge carrying twenty-one tons four hundredweight is said to carry a “keel” of coals. The Romans must also have possessed large transport vessels, for within seventy or eighty years after they had gained a secure footing in this country, they received a reinforcement of 5,000 men in seventeen ships, or about 300 men, besides stores, to each vessel.
Bede places the final departure of the Romans from Britain in A.D. 409, or just before the siege of Rome by Attila. Our ancestors were now rather worse off than before, for they were left a prey to the Vikings—those bold, hardy, unscrupulous Scandinavian seamen of the north, who began to make piratical visits for the sake of plunder to the coasts of Scotland and England. They found their way to the Mediterranean, and were known and feared in every port from Iceland to Constantinople. Their galleys were propelled mainly by means of oars, but they had also small square sails to get help from a stern wind, and as they often sailed straight across the stormy northern seas, it is probable that they had made considerable progress in the rigging and handling of their ships. A plank-built boat was discovered a few years since in Denmark, which the antiquaries assign to the fifth century. It is a row-boat, measuring seventy-seven feet from stem to stern, and proportionately broad in the middle. The construction shows that there was an abundance of material and skilled labour. It is alike at bow and stern, and the thirty rowlocks are reversible, so as to permit the boat to be navigated with either end forward. The vessel is built of heavy planks overlapping each other from the gunwale to the keel, and cut thick at the point of juncture, so that they may be mortised into the cross-beams and gunwale, instead of being merely nailed. Very similar boats, light, swift, and strong, are still used in the Shetlands and Norway.
Little is known of the state of England from the departure of the Romans to the eighth century. The doubtful and traditionary landing of Hengist and Horsa with 1,500 men, “in three long ships,” is hardly worth discussing here. The Venerable Bede, who wrote about A.D. 750, speaks of London as “the mart of many nations, resorting to it by sea and land;” and he continues that “King Ethelbert built the church of St. Paul in the city of London, where he and his successors should have their episcopal see.” But the history of this period generally is in a hopeless fog. Still we know that London was now a thriving port. Cæsar, in his “Commentaries” distinctly states that his reason [pg 264]for attempting the conquest of England was on account of the vast supplies which his Gaulish enemies received from us, in the way of trade. The exports were principally cattle, hides, corn, dogs, and slaves, the latter an important item. Strabo observes that “our internal parts at that time were on a level with the African slave coasts.” “Britons never shall be slaves” could not therefore have been said in those days. London, long prior to the invasion of England by the Romans, was an existing city, and vessels paid dues at Billingsgate long before the establishment of any custom-house. Pennant tells us, in his famous work on London, “As early as 979, all the reign of Ethelred, a small vessel was to pay ad Bilynggesgate one halfpenny as a toll; a greater, bearing sails, one penny; a keel or hulk (ceol vel hulcus), fourpence; a ship laden with wood, one piece for toll; and a boat with fish, one halfpenny; or a larger, one penny. We had even now trade with France for its wines, for mention is made of ships from Rouen, who came here and landed them, and freed them from toll—i.e., paid their duties. What they amounted to I cannot learn.”
The Danes, having once a foot-hold, were never thoroughly expelled till the Norman conquest, and as a maritime race excelled all the nations of the north of Europe. They had two principal classes of vessels, the Drakers and Holkers, the former named from carrying a dragon on the bows, and bearing the Danish flag of the raven. The holker was at first a small boat, hollowed out of the trunk of a tree, but the word “hulk,” evidently derived from it, was used afterwards for vessels of larger dimensions. They had also another vessel called a Snekkar (serpent), strangely so named, for it was rather a short, stumpy kind of boat, not unlike the Dutch galliots of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Their piratical expeditions soon increased, and Wales and the island of Anglesey were frequently pillaged by them, while in Ireland they possessed the ports of Dublin, Waterford, and Cork, a Danish king reigning in the two first cities. But a king was to arise who would change all this—Alfred the Great and Good, the “Father of the British Navy.”
On the accession of Alfred the Great to the throne, he found England so over-run by the Danes, that he had, as every school-boy knows, to conceal himself with a few faithful followers in the forests. In his retirement he busied himself in devising schemes for ridding his country of the pirate marauders; and without much deliberation he saw that he must first have a maritime force of his own, and meet the enemies of England on the sea, which they considered their own especial element. He set himself busily to study the models of the Danish ships, and, aided by his hardy followers, stirred up a spirit of maritime ambition, which had not existed to any great extent before. At the end of four years of unremitting labour in the prosecution of his schemes, he possessed the nucleus of a fleet in six galleys, which were double the length of any possessed by his adversaries, and which carried sixty oars, and possessed ample space for the fighting men on board. With this fleet he put to sea, taking the command in person, and routed a marauding expedition of the Danes, then about to make a descent on the coast. The force was larger than his own; but he succeeded in capturing one and in driving off the rest. In the course of the next year or two he captured or sunk eighteen of the enemy’s galleys, and they found at last that they could not have it all their own way on the sea. About this [pg 265]time the cares of government occupied necessarily much of his time: his astute policy was to win over a number of the more friendly Danes to his cause, by giving them grants of land, and obliging them in return to assist in driving off aggressors. He was nearly the first native of England who made any efforts to extend the study of geography. According to the Saxon chronicler, Florence of Worcester, A.D. 897, he consulted Ohther, a learned Norwegian, and other authorities, from whom he obtained much information respecting the northern seas. Ohther had not only coasted along the shores of Norway, but had rounded the North Cape—it was a feat in those days, gentle reader, but now Cook’s tourists do it—and had reached the bay in which Archangel is situated. The ancient geographer gave Alfred vivid descriptions of the gigantic whales, and of the innumerable seals he had observed, not forgetting the terrible mäelstrom, the dangers of which he did not under-rate, and which it was generally believed in those days was caused by a horribly vicious old sea-dragon, who sucked the vessels under. He compared the natives to the Scythians of old, and was rather severe on them, as they brewed no ale, the poor drinking honey-mead in its stead, and the rich a liquor distilled from goats’ milk. Alfred not merely sent vessels to the north on voyages of discovery, but opened communication with the Mediterranean, his galleys penetrating to the extreme east of the Levant, whereby he was enabled to carry on a direct trade with India. William of [pg 266]Malmesbury mentions the silks, shawls, incense, spices, and aromatic gums which Alfred received from the Malabar coast in return for presents sent to the Nestorian Christians. Alfred constantly and steadily encouraged the science of navigation, and certainly earned the right of the proud title he has borne since of “Father of the British Navy.”
Time passes and we come to Canute. On his accession to the throne as the son of a Danish conqueror, he practically put an end to the incursions and attacks of the northern pirates. The influence of his name was so great that he found it unnecessary to maintain more than forty ships at sea, and the number was subsequently reduced. So far from entertaining any fear of revolt from the English, or of any raid on his shores, he made frequent voyages to the Continent as well as to the north. He once proceeded as far as Rome, where he met the Emperor Conrad. II., from whom he obtained for all his subjects, whether merchants or pilgrims, complete exemption from the heavy tolls usually exacted on their former visits to that city. Canute was a cosmopolitan. By his conquest of Norway, not merely did he represent the English whom he had subjugated, and who had become attached to him, but the Danes, their constant and inveterate foes and rivals. He thus united under one sovereignty the principal maritime nations of the north.
And still the writer exerts the privilege conceded to all who wield the pen, of passing quickly over the pages of history. “The stories,” says a writer130 who made maritime subjects a peculiar study, “as to the number of vessels under the order of the Conqueror on his memorable expedition are very conflicting. Some writers have asserted that the total number amounted to no less than 3,000, of which six or seven hundred were of a superior order, the remainder consisting of boats temporarily built, and of the most fragile description. Others place the whole fleet at not more than 800 vessels of all sizes, and this number is more likely to be nearest the truth. There are now no means of ascertaining their size, but their form may be conjectured from the representation of these vessels on the rolls of the famous Bayeux tapestry. It is said that when William meditated his descent on England he ordered ‘large ships’ to be constructed for that purpose at his seaports, collecting, wherever these could be found, smaller vessels or boats, to accompany them. But even the largest must have been of little value, as the whole fleet were by his orders burned and destroyed, as soon as he landed with his army, so as to cut off all retreat, and to save the expense of their maintenance.” This would indicate that the sailors had to fight ashore, and may possibly have been intended to spur on his army to victory. Freeman states, in his “History of the Norman Conquest,” that he finds the largest number of ships in the Conqueror’s expedition, as compiled from the most reliable authorities, was 3,000, but some accounts put it as low as 693. Most of the ships were presents from the prelates or great barons. William FitzOsborn gave 60, the Count de Mortaine, 120; the Bishop of Bayeux, 100; and the finest of all, that in which William himself embarked, was presented to him by his own duchess, Matilda, and named the Mora. Norman writers of the time state that the vessels were not much to boast of, as they were all collected between the beginning of January and the end of August, 1066. [pg 267]Lindsay, who thoroughly investigated the subject, says that “The Norman merchant vessels or transports were in length about three times their breadth, and were sometimes propelled by oars, but generally by sails; their galleys appear to have been of two sorts—the larger, occasionally called galleons, carrying in some instances sixty men, well armed with iron armour, besides their oars. The smaller galleys, which are not specially described, doubtless resembled ships’ launches in size, but of a form enabling them to be propelled at a considerable rate of speed.” Boats covered with leather were even employed on the perilous Channel voyage.
The Conqueror soon added to the security of the country by the establishment of the Cinque Ports, which, as their title denotes, were at first five, but were afterwards increased in number so as to include the following seaports:—Dover, Sandwich, Hythe, and Romsey, in Kent; and Rye, Winchelsea, Hastings, and Seaford, in Sussex. On their first establishment they were to provide fifty-two ships, with twenty-four men on each, for fifteen days each year, in case of emergency. In return they had many privileges, a part of which are enjoyed by them to-day. Their freemen were styled barons; each of the ports returned two members of Parliament. An officer was appointed over them, who was “Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,” and also Constable of Dover Castle.
“For more than a hundred years after the Conquest,” says the writer just quoted, “England’s ships had rarely ventured beyond the Bay of Biscay on the one hand, and the entrance to the Baltic on the other; and there is no special record of long voyages by English ships until the time of the Crusades; which, whatever they might have done for the cause of the Cross, undoubtedly gave the first impetus to the shipping of the country. The number of rich and powerful princes and nobles who embarked their fortunes in these extraordinary expeditions offered the chance of lucrative employment to any nation which could supply the requisite amount of tonnage, and English shipowners very naturally made great exertions to reap a share of the gains.” One of the first English noblemen who fitted out an expedition to the Holy Land was the Earl of Essex; and twelve years afterwards, Richard Cœur de Lion, on ascending the throne, made vast levies on the people for the same object, joining Philip II. and other princes for the purpose of raising the Cross above the Crescent. Towards the close of 1189 two fleets had been collected, one at Dover, to convey Richard and his followers (among whom were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Salisbury, and the Lord Chief Justice of England) across the Channel, and a second and still larger fleet at Dartmouth, composed of numbers of vessels from Aquitaine, Brittany, Normandy, and Poitou, for the conveyance of the great bulk of the Crusaders, to join Richard at Marseilles, whither he had gone overland with the French king and his other allies. The Dartmouth fleet, under the command of Richard de Camville and Robert de Sabloil, set sail about the end of April, 1190. It had a disastrous voyage, but at length reached Lisbon, where the Crusaders behaved so badly, and committed so many outrages, that 700 were locked up. After some delay, they sailed up the Mediterranean, reaching Marseilles, where they had to stop some time to repair their unseaworthy ships, and then followed the king to the Straits of [pg 268]Messina, where the fleets combined. It was not till seven months later that the fleet got under weigh for the Holy Land. It numbered 100 ships of larger kind, and fourteen smaller vessels called “busses.” Each of the former carried, besides her crew of fifteen sailors, forty soldiers, forty horses, and provisions for a twelvemonth. Vinisauf, who makes the fleet much larger, mentions that it proceeded in the following order:—three large ships formed the van; the second line consisted of thirteen vessels, the lines expanding to the seventh, which consisted of sixty vessels, and immediately preceded the king and his ships. On their way they fell in with a very large ship belonging to the Saracens, manned by 1,500 men, and after a desperate engagement took her. Richard ordered that all but 200 of those not killed in the action should be thrown overboard, and thus 1,300 infidels were sacrificed at one blow. Off Etna, Sicily, they experienced a terrific gale, and the crew got “sea-sick and frightened;” and off the island of Cyprus they were assailed by another storm, in which three ships were lost, and the Vice-Chancellor of England was drowned, his body being washed ashore with the Great Seal of England hanging round his neck. Richard did not return to England till after the capture of Acre, and the truce with Saladin; he landed at Sandwich, as nearly as may be, four years from the date of his start. As this is neither a history of England, nor of the Crusades, excepting only as either are connected with the sea, we must pass on to a subject of some importance, which was the direct result of experience gained at this period.
The foundation of a maritime code, by an ordinance of Richard Cœur de Lion, a most important step in the history of merchant shipping, was due to the knowledge acquired by English pilgrims, traders, and seamen at the time of the Crusades. The first code was founded on a similar set of rules then existing in France, known as the Rôles d’Oleron, and some of the articles show how loose had been the conditions of the sailor’s life previously. The first article gave a master power to pledge the tackle of a ship, if in want of provisions for the crew, but forbad the sale of the hull without the owner’s permission. The captain’s position, as lord paramount on board, was defined; no one, not even part-owners or super-cargoes, must interfere; he was expected to understand thoroughly the art of navigation. The second article declared that if a vessel was held in port through failure of wind or stress of weather, the ship’s company should be guided [pg 270]as to the best course to adopt by the opinion of the majority. Two succeeding articles related to wrecks and salvage. The fifth article provided that no sailor in port should leave the vessel without the master’s consent; if he did so, and any harm resulted to the ship or cargo, he should be punished with a year’s imprisonment, on bread and water. He might also be flogged. If he deserted altogether and was retaken, he might be branded on the face with a red-hot iron, although allowance was made for such as ran away from their ships through ill-usage. Sailors could also be compensated for unjust discharge without cause. Succeeding clauses refer to the moral conduct of the sailor, forbidding drunkenness, fighting, &c. Article 12 provided that if any mariner should give the lie to another at a table where there was wine and bread, he should be fined four deniers; and the master himself offending in the same way should be liable to a double fine. If any sailor should impudently contradict the mate, he might be fined eight deniers; and if the master struck him with his fist or open hand he was required to bear the stroke, but if struck more than once he was entitled to defend himself. If the sailor committed the first assault he was to be fined 100 sous, or else his hand was to be chopped off. The master was required by another rule not to give his crew cause for mutiny, nor call them names, nor wrong them, nor “keep anything from them that is theirs, but to use them well, and pay them honestly what is their due.” Another clause provided that the sailor might always have the option of going on shares or wages, and the master was to put the matter fairly before them. The 17th clause related to food. The hardy sailors of Brittany were to have only one meal a day from the kitchen, while the lucky ones of Normandy were to have two. When the ship arrived at a wine country the master was bound to provide the crew with wine. Sailors were elsewhere forbidden to take “royal” fish, such as the sturgeon, salmon, turbot, and sea-barbel, or to take on their own account fish which yield oil. These are a part only of the clauses; many others referring to matters connected with rigging, masts, anchorages, pilotage, and other technical points. In bad pilotage the navigator who brought mishap on the ship was liable to lose his head. The general tenor of the first code is excellent, and the rules were laid down with an evident spirit of fairness alike to the owner and sailor.
The subject of “Letters of Marque” might occupy an entire volume, and will recur again in these pages; They were in reality nothing more than privileges granted for purposes of retaliation-legalised piracy. They were first issued by Edward I., and the very first related to an outrage committed by Portuguese on an English subject. A merchant of Bayonne, at the time a port belonging to England, in Gascony, had shipped a cargo of fruit from Malaga, which, on its voyage along the coast of Portugal, was seized and carried into Lisbon by an armed cruiser belonging to that country, then at peace with England. The King of Portugal, who had received one-tenth part of the cargo, declined to restore the ship or lading, whereupon the owner and his heirs received a licence, to remain in force five years, to seize the property of the Portuguese, and especially that of the inhabitants of Lisbon, to the extent of the loss sustained, the expenses of recovery being allowed. How far the merchant of Bayonne recouped himself, history sayeth not.
A little later a most important mercantile trade came into existence—that in coal. From archæological remains and discoveries it is certain that the Romans excavated coal [pg 271]during their reign on this island; but it was not till the reign of Edward III. that the first opening of the great Newcastle coal-fields took place, although as early as 1253 there was a lane at the back of Newgate called “Sea-coal Lane.” As in many other instances, even in our own days, the value of the discovery seems to have been more appreciated by foreigners than by the people of this country, and for a considerable time after it had been found, the combustion of coal was considered to be so unhealthy that a royal edict forbad its use in the city of London, while the queen resided there, in case it might prove “pernicious to her health.” At the same time, while England laid her veto on the use of that very article which has since made her, or helped to make her, the most famous commercial nation of the world, France sent her ships laden with corn to Newcastle, carrying back coal in return, her merchants being the first to supply this new great article of commerce to foreign countries. In the reign of Henry V. the trade had become of such importance that a special Act was passed providing for the admeasurement of ships and barges employed in the coal trade.
King John stoutly claimed for England the sovereignty of the sea—he was not always so firm and decided—and decreed that all foreign ships, the masters of which should refuse to strike their colours to the British flag, should be seized and deemed good and lawful prizes. This monarch is stated to have fitted out no less than 500 ships, under the Earl of Salisbury, in the year 1213, against a fleet of ships three times that number, organised by Philip of France, for the invasion of England. After a stubborn battle, the English were successful, taking 300 sail, and driving more than 100 ashore, Philip being under the necessity of destroying the remainder to prevent them falling into the hands of their enemies. Some notion may be gained of the kinds of ships of which these fleets were composed, by the account that is narrated of an action fought in the following reign with the French, who, with eighty “stout ships,” threatened the coast of Kent. This fleet being discovered by Hubert de Burgh, governor of Dover Castle, he put to sea with half the number of English vessels, and having got to the windward of the enemy, and run down many of the smaller ships, he closed with the rest, and threw on board them a quantity of quick-lime—a novel expedient in warfare—which so blinded the crews that their vessels were either captured or sunk. The dominion of the sea was bravely maintained by our Edwards and Henrys in many glorious sea-fights. The temper of the times is strongly exemplified by the following circumstance. In the reign of Edward I. an English sailor was killed in a Norman port, in consequence of which war was declared by England against France, and the two nations agreed to decide the dispute on a certain day, with the whole of their respective naval forces. The spot of battle was to be the middle of the Channel, marked out by anchoring there an empty ship. This strange duel of nations actually took place, for the two fleets met on April 14th, 1293, when the English obtained the victory, and carried off in triumph 250 vessels from the enemy. In an action off the harbour of Sluys with the French fleet, Edward III. is said to have slain 30,000 of the enemy, and to have taken 200 large ships, “in one of which only, there were 400 dead bodies.” The same monarch, at the siege of Calais, is stated to have blockaded that port with 730 sail, having on board 14,956 mariners. The size of the vessels employed must have been rapidly enlarging.
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