[190] Hieron. Epist. 109 ad Ripar.; Comment. in Naum I. 9.—Leonis PP. I. Epist. 15 ad Turribium.—Lib. XVI. Cod. Theodos. Tit. v. ll. 9, 15, 34, 36, 51, 56, 64.—Constt. 11, 12 Cod. Lib. I. Tit. v.—Novell. Theod. II. Tit. vi.—Pauli Diac. Histor. Lib. XVI.—Basilicon Lib. I. Tit. 1-33.

[191] Cod. Eccles. African. c. 67, 93.—Augustin. Epist. 185 ad Bonifac. c. 7.—Ejusd. contra Cresconium Lib. III. c. 47.—Possidii Vit. Augustini c. 12.—Leonis PP. I. Epist. 60.—Pelagii PP. I. Epistt. 1, 2.—Isidori Hispalens. Sententt. Lib. III. c. li. 3-6.—Balsamon. in Photii Nomocanon Tit. ix. c. 25.—Victor. Vitens. de Persecutione Vandalica Lib. lii.—Victor. Tunenens. Chron. ann. 479.—Sidon. Apollin. Epistt. VII. 6.—Isidor. Hist. de Regg. Gothor. c. 50.—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 195 sqq.—Legg. Wisigoth. Lib. XII. Tit. ii. l. 2; Tit. iii. ll. 1, 2 (cf. Fuero Juzgo cod. loc.).

[192] Mag. Biblioth. Pat. IX. II. 875.—Chron. Turonens. ann. 878.—Concil. Ratispon. ann. 792.—C. Francfortiens. ann. 794.—C. Romanum ann. 799.—C. Aquisgran. ann. 799.—Alcuini Epistt. 108, 117.—Agobardi Lib. adv. Felicem c. 5. 6.—Nic. Anton. Bib. Vet. Hispan. Lib. VI. c. ii. No. 42-3 (cf. Pelayo, Heterod. Españ. I. 297, 673 sqq.).—Hincmari Remens. de Prædestinat. II. c. 2.—Annal. Bertin. ann. 849.—Concil. Carisiacens. ann. 849 (cf. C. Agathens. ann. 506 c. 38).—Cap. Car. Mag. ann. 789 c. 44.—Capitul. Add. III. c. 90.

For the slenderness of the disabilities inflicted on Jews under the Carlovingians see Reginald Lane Poole’s “Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought,” London, 1884, p. 47.

[193] Burchardi Decret. Lib. XIX. c. 133-4.—Gesta Episcopp. Leodiens. Lib. II. c. 60, 61.—Hist. Andaginens. Monast. c. 18.—Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 776-8.

[194] Dom Bouquet, XI. 497-8.—Bernardi Serm. in Cantica lxiv. c. 8; lxvi. c. 12.—Alex. PP. III. Epistt. 118, 122.—Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78, 80.

[195] Concil. Turonens. ann. 1163 c. 4.—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.—Concil. Remens. ann. 1157 c. 1.—Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Angl. ii. 15.—Innoc. III. Regest. I. 94, 165.—Contre le Franc-Alleu sans Tiltre, Paris, 1629, pp. 215 sqq.—H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XIX. ann. 1212.—Böhmer, Regesta Imperii V. 110.—Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. lx. (T. XII. p. 447).—Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. pp. 6-8, 422-3; IV. 301; V. 201.—Constitt. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. 1.—Treuga Henrici (Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, p. 78, cf. Böhmer Regest. V. 700).—Sachsenspiegel, II. xiii.—Schwabenspiegel, cap. 116 No. 29; cap. 351 No. 3 (Ed. Senckenb.).—Archivio di Venezia, Codice ex Brera No. 277.—El Fuero real de España, Lib. IV. Tit. I. ley 1.—Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises I. 230-33, 257.—Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8.—Établissements, Lib. I. ch. 85.—Livres de Jostice et de Plet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.—Beaumanoir, Cout. du Beauvoisis, XI. 2, XXX. 11.—2 Henry IV. c. 15 (cf. Pike, History of Crime in England I. 343-4, 489).

It is true that both Bracton (De Legibus Angliæ Lib. III. Tract ii. cap. 9 § 2) and Horne (Myrror of Justice, cap. I. § 4, cap. II. § 22, cap. IV. § 14) describe the punishment of burning for apostasy, heresy, and sorcery, and the former alludes to a case in which a clerk who embraced Judaism was burned by a council of Oxford, but the penalty substantially had no place in the common law, save under the systematizing efforts of legal writers, enamoured of the Roman jurisprudence, and seeking to complete their work by the comparison of treason against God with that against the king. The silence of Britton (chap. VIII.) and of the Fleta (Lib. I. cap. 21) shows that the question had no practical importance.

[196] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Miracular. Dist. v. c. 33.—Mosaic. et Roman. Legg. Collat. Tit. XV. § 3 (Hugo, 1465).—Const. 3 Cod. IX. 18.—Cassiodor. Variar. IV., XXII., XXIII.—Gregor. PP. I. Dial. I. 4.—Gloss. Hostiensis in Cap. ad abolendam, No. 11, 13 (Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. pp. 149-150); cf. Gloss. Joan. Andreæ (Ibid. p. 170-1).—Repertorium Inquisitorum s. v. Comburi (Ed. Valent. 1494; Ed. Venet. 1588, pp. 127-8).

[197] Concil. Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 33.—C. Matiscon. II. ann. 585 c. 19.—C. 30 Decreti P. II. Caus. xxiii. Quæst. 8.—C. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215 c. 18.—C. Burdegalens. ann. 1255 c. 10.—C. Budens. ann. 1268 c. 11.—C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1303 c. 13.—C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c. 34.—Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 208.—Bernard. Guidonis Practica (MSS. Bib. Nat., Coll. Doat, T. XXX. fol. 1. sqq.).

[198] Honor. Augustod. Summ. Glor. de Apost. c. 5.—Ivon. Decret. IX. 70-79.—Gratiani Decret. P. II. Caus. xxiii. q. 5.—Radevic. de Gest. Frid. I. Lib. II. c. 56.—Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.—Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27 (cf. C. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3; C. Remens. ann. 1148 c. 18; C. Turonens. ann. 1163 c. 4).—Lucii. PP. III. Epist. 171.

[199] Böhmer, Regest. Imp. V. 86.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. de Negot. Rom. Imp. 189.—Muratori Antiq. Ital. Dissert. III.—Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 540.—Cod. Epist. Rodolphi I. Auct. II. pp. 375-7 (Lipsiæ 1806).—Theod. Vrie, Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. III. Dist. 8; Lib. VII. Dist. 7.—Thom. Aquin. de Principum Regimine Lib. I. c. xiv.; Lib. III. c. x., xiii.-xviii.—Lib. v. Extra. Tit. vii. c. 13 § 3.—Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 5.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 15, 16.—Zanchini de Hæret. c. v.—Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, XI. 27.—See also the sermon of the Bishop of Lodi at the condemnation of Huss, Von der Hardt, III. 5.

The treatise “De principum regimine,” though not wholly by St. Thomas Aquinas, was the authoritative exponent of the ecclesiastical theory as to the structure and duties of government. See Poole’s “Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought,” p. 240.

[200] Post. Const. 4, Cod. Lib. I. Tit. v.—Post. Libb. Feudorum.—Lib. Juris Civilis Veronæ c. 156.—Schwabenspiegel, Ed. Senckenb. cap. 351; Ed. Schilteri c. 308.—Potthast Regesta No. 6593.—Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum adversus, 5 Jun. 1252; Bull. Ad aures, 2 Apr. 1253; 31 Oct. 1243; 7 Julii 1254.—Bull. Cum fratres, Maii 9 1252.—Urbani. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 1262 § 12.—Wadding Annal. Minor ann. 1258, No. 7; ann. 1260, No. 1; ann. 1261, No. 3.—c. 6 Sexto v. 2 c. 1, 2 in Septimo v. 3.—Von der Hardt, T. IV. p. 1519.—Campana, Vita di San Piero Martire, p. 124.—De Maistre, Lettres à un Gentilhomme Russe sur l’Inquisition Espagnole, Ed. 1864, pp. 17-18, 28, 34.

A thirteenth-century writer argued the matter more directly than De Maistre—“Papa noster non occidit, nec præcipit aliquem occidi, sed lex occidit quos papa permittit occidi, et ipsi se occidunt qui ea faciunt unde debeant occidi.”—Gregor. Fanens. Disput. Cathol. et Patar. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1741).

More historically true is the assertion of an enthusiastic Dominican in 1782, who, after quoting Deut. XIII. 6-10, declares that its command to slay without mercy all who entice the faithful from the true religion is almost literally the law of the holy Inquisition; and who proceeds to prove from Scripture that fire is the peculiar delight of God, and the proper means of purifying the wheat from the tares.—Lob u. Ehrenrede auf die heilige Inquisition, Wien, 1782, pp. 19-21.

The hypocritical plea for mercy was commenced in good faith by Innocent III. in the case of clerks guilty of forgery who were degraded and delivered to the secular courts.—c. 27 Extra v. 40.

[201] Urbani PP. II. Epist. 256.—Zanchini de Hæret. c. xviii.—Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XI. 26.—Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita II 9.

[202] S. Raymundi Summæ Lib. I. Tit. v. §§ 2, 4, 8; Tit. VI. § 1.—This continued to be the doctrine of the Church. Zanghino Ugolini includes in his enumeration of heresies neglect to observe the papal decretals, being an apparent contempt for the power of the keys (Tract. de Hæret. c. ii.). This authoritative work was printed in Rome, 1568, at the expense of Pius V., with a commentary by Cardinal Campeggi, and was reprinted with additions by Simancas in 1579. My references are made to a transcript from a fifteenth-century MS. of the original in the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, 12532.

[203] S. Thom. Aquinat. Summæ Sec. Sec. Q. XI. art. 3, 4.

[204] Cypriani Epist. I.—Chrysost. Hom. de Anathemate.—Leon PP. I. Epist. 108 c. 2.—Gelasii PP. I. Epistt. 4, 11.—Concil. Roman. II. ann. 494.—Evagrii H.E. Lib. IV. c. 38.—Vigilii Constit. de Tribus Capitulis.—Facundi Epist. in Defens. Trium Capitt.—Concil. Constantinop. II. ann. 553 Collat. VII.—Concil. Hispalens. II. ann. 618 c. 5.—Concil. Constantinop. III. ann. 680 Tom. XII.-Jaffé Regesta, 303.—Synod. Roman. ann. 898 c. 1.—Chron. Turonens. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. V. 978-80).—Ivon. Carnotens. Epist. 96; Ejusd. Panorm. Lib. v. c. 115-123.—Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.—Lib. v. Extra Tit. vii. c. 13.—Gratian. Decret. II. Caus. XI. Q. iii. c. 36, 37, 38.—F. Pegnæ Comment. in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 95.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 213.—Lib. III. Extra Tit. xxviii. c. 12.—Lib. v. in Sexto Tit. i. c. 2.—Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 104.

[205] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. Introd. pp. cdlxxxviii., cdxcvi.; II. 6-8, 422-3; IV. 409-11, 435-6; V. 459-60.—Fazelli de Reb. Siculis Decad. II. Lib. viii.—Alberic. T. Font. Chron. ann. 1228.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1220, No. 23.—Richard de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1233.

[206] Mr. John Fiske has developed the contrast between the military and industrial spirit and the theory of corporate responsibility with his accustomed admirable clearness in his “Excursions of an Evolutionist,” Essays VIII. and IX.

The theory of solidarity is clearly expressed in Zanghino’s remark “Quia in omnes fert injuriam quod in divinam religionem committatur” (Tract. de Hæres. c. xi.).

[207] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 36.—Dooms of Æthelstan, III. vi. (Thorpe, I. 219).—Bracton. Lib. III. Tract, i. c. 6.—Legg. Villæ de Arkes § 26. (D’Achery III. 608).—Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. Introd. p. cxcvi.; IV. 444.—Godefrid. S. Pantal. Annal. ann. 1233.—Fazelli de Reb. Siculis Decad. II. Lib. viii. p. 442.—Isambert. Anc. Loix Franç. I. 295.—Legg. Opstalbom. §§ 3, 4.—Treuga Henrici c. 1224 (Böhlau, Nove Constitut. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, pp. 76-77).—Registre Criminel du Châtelet de Paris, passim (Paris, 1861).—Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, c. 30, No. 12.—Antiqua Ducum Mediolan. Decreta, pp. 187-88 (Mediolani, 1654).—Legg. Capital. Caroli V. c. 103-197 (Goldast. Constitt. Imp. III. 537-55).—London Athenæum, Mar. 15, 1873, p. 338.—R. Christian. V. Jur. Danic. art. 7.—Willenburgii de Except. et Pœnis Cleric, p. 41 (Jenæ, 1740).—5 Henry IV. c. 5.—Description of Britaine, Bk. III. c. 6 (Holinshed’s Chronicles Ed. 1577 I. 106).—London Athenæum, 1885 No. 3024, p. 466.

It has seemed to me, however, that a sensible increase in the severity of punishment is traceable after the thirteenth century, and I am inclined to attribute this to the influence exercised by the Inquisition over the criminal jurisprudence of Europe.

[208] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. iii. c. 15.—T. Aquinat Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. x. Artt. 3, 6.—Von der Hardt, T.I.P. xvi. p. 829.—Nic. Eymerici Direct. Inquis. Præfat.

[209] Galton, Inquiries into Human Faculty, pp. 66-68.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IV.

As early as the fourth century the tendency of exaggerated asceticism to affect the mind was noted, and St. Jerome had the common-sense to point out that such cases required a physician rather than a priest (Hieron. Epist. cxxv. c. 16).

[210] Martene Thesaur. V. 1817, 1820.—Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 20 Mart. 1262, § 13.—Clem. PP. IV. Bull. Prœ cunctis mentis, 23 Feb. 1266 (Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc., Doat, XXXII. 32).

[211] Tamburini, Storia Generale dell’ Inquisizione, I. 362-5, 561.—Chron. Veronens. ann. 1233 (Muratori S.R.I. VIII. 626, 627).

[212] Gregor. PP. I. Homil. in Evangel. xl. 8.—Pet. Lomb. Sententt. Lib. IV. Dist. 50 §§ 6, 7. Peter Lombard even presses into service a passage from St. Jerome which had no such significance (Hieron. Comment. in Isaiam Lib. XVIII. c. lxvi. vers. 24).—St. Bonaventuræ Pharetræ IV. 50.—S. Thomæ Aquinat. contra Impugn. Relig. cap. XVI. §§ 2, 3.

[213] S. Thomæ Aquinat. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. X. art. 8, 12.—Zanchini de Hære. c. ii.

[214] Chron. Laudunens. ann. 1198.—Ottonis de S. Blasio Chron. (Urstisius I. 223 sq.).—Joann. de Flissicuria (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 800).—Rob. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198, 1202.—Rog. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1198, 1202.—Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1195, 1198.—Guillel. Brit. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1195.—Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1195, 1198.—Jacob. Vitriens. Hist. Occident. c. 8.—Radulph. de Coggeshall ann. 1198, 1201.—Chron. Cluniacens. ann. 1198.—Chron. Leodiens. ann. 1198, 1199.—Alberic. T. Font. Chron. ann. 1198.—Geoff. de Villehardouin c. 1.—Annal. Aquicinctin. Monast. ann. 1198.—Joann. Iperii Chron. ann. 1201-2.

[215] Pet. Sarnens. c. 6.—Guillel. Pod. Laur. c. 8.—Innoc. PP. III Regest. XI. 196, 197; XII. 17.

[216] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 98; XII. 67, 69; XIII. 63, 78, 94; XV. 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 137, 146.—Ripoll. Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I. 96.—Berger, Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 2752.

[217] Bremond de Guzmana Stirpe S. Dominici, Romæ, 1740, pp. 11, 12, 127, 133, 288.

[218] Bern. Guidon. Tract. Magist. Ord. Prædicat. ann. 1203-6.—Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1203-9.

[219] Pet. Sarnens. c. 7.—Innoc. PP. III. Regest. IX. 185.—Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. Lib. II. Tit. 1, c. 2, §§ 6, 7.—Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1205.—Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 1.—Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 439).

[220] Lacordaire, Vie de S. Dominique. p. 124.—Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1203.—Jac. de Voragine Legenda Aurea, Ed. 1480, fol. 88b, 90a.

As St. Francis had the distinguishing peculiarity of the Stigmata, so the Dominicans boasted that their founder had the special characteristic that when his tomb was opened the odor of sanctity exhaled from it was a delicious scent from paradise hitherto unknown, so penetrating in quality that it pervaded the whole land, and so persistent that those who touched the holy relics had their hands perfumed for years.—Prediche del Beato Frà Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I. 47.

[221] Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215.—Bernardi Guidonis Tract, de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 400).—Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 1 (Ib. 332).

[222] Nic. de Trivetti loc. cit.—Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 1.—Bernard. Guidonis loc. cit.—Concil. Lateran. IV. c. xiii.—Harduin. Concil. VII. 83.

[223] Hist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 1, 2, 3.—Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 1.—Bernard. Guidonis Tract. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 332-4, 400).

[224] Bernard. Guidon. Tract de Ordin. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 400, 402-3).—Ejusd. Hist. Fund. Convent. Prædic. (Ib. 446-7).—Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 9.—Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1220, 1228.—Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 3.—Constit. Frat. Prædic. ann. 1228, Dist. I. c. 22; II. 26, 34 (Archiv für Literatur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 209, 222, 225).

[225] Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215, 1217, 1218.—Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 2.—Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 1, 5.—Bern. Guidon. Tract. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 401).—Hist. Convent. Parisiens. Frat. Prædic. (Ib. 549-50).

[226] Bern. Guidon. Tract. de Magist. (Martene VI. 403-4).—Ejusd. Hist. Convent. Prædic. (Ib. 459).—Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1221, 1243, 1276.—Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 7.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I., 73, 74, 77, 94.

An enumeration of the Dominican Order made in 1337, at the request of Benedict XII., showed about twelve thousand members. Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik (Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol. 1869, p. 12).

[227] Bonaventuræ Vit. S. Fran. c. I., c. II. No. 1-4.

[228] S. Bonavent. c. II., III.

This account is doubtless colored by the result and adapted unconsciously to the successive stages of a formal religious organization. At first, however, the brethren were not expected to abandon their ordinary pursuits. They were required to follow their regular handicraft, earning their livelihood, and not living on alms except in case of necessity. See the First Rule, as reconstructed by Prof. Karl Müller, Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, i. B., 1885, p. 186.

[229] Bonavent. Vit. Franc. c. IV. No. 10.—Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana I. 6. Quaracchi, 1885).—Waddingi Annal. Minorum ann. 1260, No. 14.—Th. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. 2.

[230] Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana I. 3).—S. Francisci Colloq. IX.—Liber Conformitatum, Lib. I. Fruct. 9 (Ed. 1513, fol. 77a).—Potthast Regesta No. 7108.

The dates and details of the successive Rules drawn up by Francis are involved in considerable obscurity. The subject has been discussed with much acuteness by Karl Müller, op. cit.

[231] B. Francisci Regul. II.

[232] Lib. Conformitatum Lib. II. Fruct. 5, fol. 155b.

[233] Bonavent. Vit. Francis, c. 8.—Lib. Conformitatum Lib. I. Fruct. 1, fol. 13a; Lib. III. Fruct. 3, fol. 210a.—Thomæ de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. XII.—Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quia longum ann. 1259—Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 19.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 79, 108.—Potthast Regesta No. 10308.—See also Mr. J.S. Brewer’s eloquent tribute to the Franciscans in his preface to the Monumenta Franciscana (M.R. Series).

In 1496 the University of Paris condemned as scandalous and savoring of heresy the attempts of the Franciscans to assimilate their patron to Christ.—(D’Argentré, Coll. Judic. de nov. Error. I. ii. 318.)

When the Dominicans claimed for St. Catharine of Siena the honor of the Stigmata, Sixtus IV., in 1475, issued a bull prohibiting her being represented with them, as they were reserved for St. Francis (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VI. 1386). They had not as yet been vulgarized by La Cadière and Louise Lateau.

[234] S. Francis. de Perfecta Lætitia; Ejusd. Epistt. xi., xv.—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1298, No. 24-40.—Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, I. 128.

[235] Lib. Conform. Lib. I. Fruct. 8, fol. 47.—Thom. de Eccleston Collat. I.—Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 27 (Analecta Franciscana I. 10).—S. Francis. Collat. Monasticæ, Collat. 20.

[236] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1262, No. 3, 4, 8; ann. 1273, No. 12.

[237] S. Francis. Collat. Monast. Collat. 5.—Ejusd. pro Paupertate obtinenda Oratio.—Lib. Conform. Lib. III. Fruct. 4, fol. 215a.

[238] S. Francis. Colloq. 27.—Th. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. 1, 2.

[239] Philip. Bergomat. Supplem. Chronic. Lib. XIII. ann. 1215.—Bonavent. Vit. S. Fran. c. IV. No. 5; c. XI—Regula Fratrum Sororumque de Pœnitentia.—Potthast Regest. No. 6736, 7503, 13073.—Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 2, 9.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1233, No. 40.—Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. Supra montem, ann. 1289.

[240] Chron. Augustens. ann. 1250.—Matt. Paris. ann. 1252.

[241] Pierre de Fontaines, Conseil, ch. xxi. art. 8.—Le Grand d’Aussy, Fabliaux, II. 112-3.—The existence of the “droit de marquette” has been questioned, but without reasonable ground. The authorities may be found in the author’s “Sacerdotal Celibacy,” 2d Ed. p. 354.

[242] Matt. Paris ann. 1251 (pp. 550-2).—Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1251.—Amalrici Augerii Vit. Pontif. ann. 1251.—Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chronic. (Bouquet, XXI. 697). A similar extraordinary movement took place in 1309 (Chron. Corn. Zanflict ann. 1309), and another, on a larger scale, in 1320 (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1320.—Grandes Chroniques V. 245-6.—Amal. Auger. Vit. Pontif. ann. 1320).

[243] Monach. Paduan. Lib. III. ann. 1260.—Chron. F. Francisci Pipini ann. 1260.—Gesta Treviror. Archiep. c. 268.—Closener’s Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 73, 104).—Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 617.—Verri, Storia di Milano, I. 264.

[244] Potthast Regest. No. 8324, 8326, 9775, 10905, 11169, 11296, 11319, 11399, 11415.—Ripoll. I. 99.—Matt. Paris ann. 1234 (pp. 274-6).—Wadding. Annal. ann. 1295, No. 18.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 174.—Ripoll II. 40.

The exemption of the Mendicants from all local jurisdiction save that of their own Orders was a source of almost inconceivable trouble in every portion of Christendom. When, for instance, in 1435, the legates of the Council of Basle were on their way to Brünn to settle the terms of pacification with the Hussites, they were called upon in Vienna to silence a Franciscan whose abusive sermons created disorder, and it was with much trouble that they forced him to admit that, as representing a general council, they had authority to discipline him. On their arrival at Brünn they found the public agitated over a dreadful scandal, the Dominican provincial having seduced a nun of his own order. The woman had borne a child to him, and no steps had been taken against him. The ordinary judicial machinery of the Church was utterly powerless to deal with him, and the precautions which the legates deemed it prudent to take before they ventured to commence proceedings show how arduous and dangerous they felt the task to be, though when they got to work they sentenced him to deposition and imprisonment for life on bread and water.—Ægidii Carlerii Liber de Legationibus (Monument. Concil. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 544-8, 553, 555, 557, 563-6, 572, 577, 587, 590, 595). This, however, seems to have been a mere brutum fulmen, as there is no allusion to any attempt to execute the sentence.

[245] Potthast No. 11040, 11041:—The usefulness of the Mendicants in aiding the papacy to unlimited domination is seen in the condemnation, by the University of Paris, in 1429, of the Franciscan Jean Sarrasin for publicly teaching that the whole jurisdiction of the Church is derived from the pope. He was forced to admit that it was bestowed by God on the several classes of the hierarchy, and that the authority of councils rested, not on the pope, but on the Holy Ghost and the Church (D’Argentré, Coll. Judic. de nov. Error. I. ii. 227).

[246] Richard, de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1229, 1239.—Potthast Regesta No. 10725, 13360.—Ripoll I. 158, 172.—Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. VI. pp. 405, 699-701, 710-11. Waddingi Annal. ann. 1246, No. 4; ann. 1253, No. 35-6.—Martene Ampliss. Coll. II. 1192.—Barbarano de’ Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 73.

[247] Potthast Regesta No. 7380, 8027, 8028, 10343, 10363, 10364, 10365, 10804, 10807, 10906, 10956, 10964, 11008, 11159.—Martene Thesaur. V. 1812.—Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 416.—Gest. Archiep. Trevirens. c. 190-271.

[248] Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1146-9.—Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XV. 240.—Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 2712.

[249] Constit. Frat. Prædic. ann. 1228, Dist. ii. cap. 32, 33 (Archiv. für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 224).—Innoc. PP. III. Regest. ix. 185.—S. Francis. Orac. xxii.—Ejusd. Regul. Sec. c. 9.—Stephan. de Borbone (D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. i. 90-1).—Bern. Guidon. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 530).—Potthast Regest. No. 6508, 6542, 6654, 6660, 7325, 7467, 7468, 7480, 7890, 10316, 10332, 10386, 10629, 10630, 10657, 10990, 10999, 11006, 11299, 15355, 16926, 16933.—Martene Thesaur. I. 954.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227 c. 19.—Baluz. Concil. Gall. Narbon. App. pp. 156-9.

There were not many prelates like Robert Grosseteste of Lincoln, who wrote to both Jordan and Elias, the generals of the two Orders, to let him have friars, as his diocese was large and he required help in the duties of preaching and hearing confessions.—Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 334-5. (Ed. 1690).

[250] Brev. Hist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 357).—Extrav. Commun. Lib. III. Tit. vi. c. 8.—Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1298, c. 17.—Constit. Joann. Archiep. Nicos. ann. 1321, c. 10.—C. Avenionens. ann. 1326, c. 27; ann. 1337, c. 82.—C. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 63, 64.—Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T.I. No. 437 (Monument. Germ. Hist.).—Berger, Les Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 1875-8, 3252-5, 3413.—Ripoll I. 25, 132-33, 153-4; II. 61, 173; VII. 18.—Matt. Paris ann. 1234, p. 276; ann. 1235, pp. 286-7; ann. 1255, p. 616.—Potthast Regesta No. 8786a, 8787-9, 10052.—Trithem. Annal. Hirsaug. ann. 1268.—Conc. Biterrens. ann. 1233, c. 9.—C. Arelatens. ann. 1234, c. 2.—C. Albiens. ann. 1254, c. 17, 18.—S. Bonaventuræ Libell. Apologet. Quæst. 1.—Abbat. Joachimi Concordiæ v. 49.

The details of the disgusting quarrels over the dying and dead are impressively set forth in a composition attempted by Boniface VIII., in 1303, between the clergy of Rome and the Mendicants (Ripoll II. 70). The constant litigation on the subject was one of the chief grievances of the spiritual section of the Franciscans (Hist. Tribulationum, ap. Archiv für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 297).

[251] Alex. PP. Bull. Quasi lignum vitæ.—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1255, No. 2.—Dupin, Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T. X. ch. vii.

For the exemption of students from secular jurisdiction see Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 1515.—Molinier (Guillem Bernard de Gaillac, Paris, 1884, pp. 26 sqq.) gives a good account of the educational organization of the Dominicans at this period.

[252] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1234, No. 4, 5; ann. 1255, No. 3.—Brev. Hist. Ord. Præd. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 356-7).—Potthast Regesta No. 15562.—Matt. Paris, ann. 1253, p. 590.

William of St. Amour was a pluralist. Not satisfied with a canonry of Beauvais and a church with a cure of souls, we find him, in 1247, obtaining of Innocent IV. a dispensation to hold another cure.—Berger, Les Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 3188.

[253] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1254, No. 3; ann. 1255, No. 5.—Brevis Historia (Martene VI. 357).—Martene Thesaur. I. 1059.

[254] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1254, No. 20; ann. 1255, No. 1.—Ripoll I. 266-7.

[255] Ripoll I. 289, 291, 296, 298, 301, 306, 308, 311, 312, 320, 322, 324, 333, 334, 336, 342, 345, 350.—Matt. Paris ann. 1255, pp. 611, 616.—Wadding. Annal. ann. 1255, No. 4; ann. 1256, No. 20-37.—Fasciculus Rer. Expetend. II. 18 sqq. Ed. 1690.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 112.—D’Argentré Collect. Judicior. de nov. Error. I. I. 170 sqq.—Guill. Nangiac. Gesta S. Ludov. ann. 1255.—Grandes Chroniques, IV. 373-4.—Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 698).

[256] Ripoll I. 346, 348, 349, 352-3, 372, 375-9.—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1256, No. 38; ann. 1257, No. 1-4, 6; ann. 1259, No. 3-6; ann. 1260, No. 10.—Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Virtute conspicuos, ann. 1265.—Dupin, Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T.X. ch. vii.

When, in 1632, an edition of St. Amour’s works was published in Constance (Paris) the Dominicans had sufficient influence with Louis XIII. to obtain its suppression in a savage edict. All the copies were seized: to retain one was punishable with a fine of three thousand livres, and it was declared a capital offence for a bookseller to have a single copy for sale (Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 27). The “Pericula Novissimorum Temporum” had, however, been printed, with two of St. Amour’s sermons, by Wolfgang of Weissenburg in his “Antilogia Papæ,” Basle, 1555, and this was reprinted in London in 1688, and embodied by Brown in his edition of the “Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum” in 1690.

[257] Bonavent. Apol. Pauperum. Resp. I. c. 1.—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1269, No. 6-8.

[258] Ripoll I. 338.

[259] Clement PP. IV. Bull. Providentia, ann. 1268.—Ripoll I. 341, 344.—Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIII. c. 21, 24-5.—Henr. Steronis Annal. ann. 1287, 1299.—Annal. Dominican. Colmariens. ann. 1277.—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1291, No. 97; ann. 1303, No. 32.—Concil. Valentin. ann. 1255.—Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1259.—Martene Ampliss. Collect. II. 1291.—Concil. Remens. ann. 1287.—Salimbene Chronica, pp. 371, 378-9.—Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1298; Ejusd. Continuat. ann. 1351.—Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. VI. c. 63; cf. Lib. I. c. 41.—c. 2 Extravagant. Commun. III. vi.—c. 1. Ejusd. v. 7.—Ripoll II. 92-3.—P. de Herenthals Vit. Joann. XXII. ann. 1233.—Martene Thesaur. I. 1368.—c. 2 Extravagant. Commun. v. iii.—Alph. de Spina Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 61a (Ed. 1494).—Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages, p. 30 (Babington’s Transl.).—Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 466 (Ed. 1690).—Theiner Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 634, p. 313.—Cosentino, Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1886, p. 336.—Concil. Salisburgens. ann. 1386, c. 8.—Gudeni Cod. Diplom. III. 603.—D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de Novis Error, I. II. 178.

During the Black Death, of one hundred and forty Dominicans at Montpellier, but seven survived; in Marseilles, of a hundred and sixty, not one. The mortality in the Franciscan Order was reckoned at one hundred and twenty-four thousand four hundred and thirty-four members, which is a manifest exaggeration.—Hoffman, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 374-5.

[260] D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. II. 180-4, 242, 251, 340, 347, 352, 354, 356.—Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI., Liv. XXIX. ch. 10.—Gersoni Sermo contra Bullam Mendicantium.—Alph. de Spina Fortalicium Fidei. fol. 61 (Ed. 1494).—C. 2 Extravagant. I. 9.—Ripoll III. 206, 256, 268.—Wadding. ann. 1457, No. 61.—H. Cornel. Agrippæ Epistt. II. 49.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1515, No. 1.—Concil. Lateran. Sess. XI. (Harduin. IX. 1832).—Erasmi Epist. 10 Lib. XII. (Ed. 1642, pp. 585-6).

[261] Potthast Regest. No. 8326, 9172, 11299.—Martene Thesaur. V. 1816, 1820.

[262] S. Francis. Collat. Monast. Collat. XXI., XXV.—Ejusd. Prophet. XIV., XV.—Ejusd. Epist. 6, 7.—Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 177-8.—Th. de Eccleston de Adv. Minorum Collat. XII.—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1253, No. 30.—S. Bonavent. Opp. Ed. 1584, T.I. pp. 485-6.—Matt. Paris. ann. 1243 (p. 414).—S. Brigittæ Revelat. Lib. IV. c. 33.

[263] Bonavent. Vit. S. Francis, c. 9.—Lacordaire, Vie de S. Dominique, pp. 182-3.—Potthast Regest. No. 7429, 7490, 7537, 7550, 9130, 9139, 9141, 10350, 10383, 10421, 11297.—Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 22, 23; ann. 1237, No. 88.—Hist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 8 (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 338).—Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 3 (Ibid. 350-1).—Waddingi Annal. ann. 1258, No. 1; ann. 1278, No. 10, 11, 12; ann. 1284, No. 2; ann. 1288, No. 3, 36; ann. 1289, No. 1; ann. 1294, No. 10-12; ann. 1492, No. 2; ann. 1493, No. 2-8.—Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 120.—Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisit. p. 238.

In 1246 Innocent IV. received a very civil letter from Melik el-Mansur Nassir, the ruler of Edessa, expressing his regret that mutual ignorance of each others’ language prevented his engaging in theological disputation with the Dominicans sent for his conversion.—Berger, Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 3031.