[1] Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. clxxxviii. art. 7. ad 1.

[2] Even the great Franciscan preacher, Berthold of Ratisbon (who died in 1272) will concede only qualified merit to those who labor to save the souls of their fellow-creatures, and such labors can easily be carried to excess. The duty which a man owes to his own soul, in prayer and devotion, is of much greater moment.—Beati Fr. Bertholdi a Ratisbona Sermones (Monachii, 1882, p 29). See also his comparison of the contemplative with the active life. The former is Rachael, the latter is Leah, and is most perilous when wholly devoted to good works (Ib. pp. 44-5).

So the great Spiritual Franciscan, Pierre Jean Olivi—“Est igitur totius rationis summa, quod contemplatio est ex suo genere perfectior omni alia actione,” though he admits that a lesser portion of time may allowably be devoted to the salvation of fellow-creatures.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 503.

[3] Thom. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Coll. v.—S. Francis. Testament. (Opp. 1849, p. 48).—Nicolai. PP. III. Bull. Exiit qui seminat (Lib. v. Sexto xii. 3).—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, 303.

[4] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1326 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 319).—Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1228.

[5] Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 9, 14, 17, 31, 50 (Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1885, I. 4-6, 11, 16).—S. Francis. Testament. (Opp. p. 47); Ejusd. Epistt. vi., vii., viii., (Ib. 10-11).—Amoni Legenda S. Francisci, p. 106 (Roma, 1880).—Wadding. ann. 1229, No. 2.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1227 (Analect. Franciscana II. p. 45).

[6] Thomæ de Eccleston Collat. XII.—Jordani Chron. c. 61 (Analecta Franc. I. 19).—Chron. Anon. (Ib. I. 289).

[7] Gregor. PP. IX. Bull.Quo elongati (Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 164-5).—Rodulphii op. cit. Lib. II. fol. 177.—Chron. Glassberger, ann. 1230, 1231 (Analecta II. 50, 56).—Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 18, 19, 61 (Analecta I. 7, 8, 19).—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 123).—Wadding, ann. 1239, No. 5.

The ingenious casuistry with which the Conventuals satisfied themselves that the device of Gregory IX. enabled them to grow rich without transgressing the Rule is seen in their defence before Clement VI., in 1311, as printed by Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, pp. 107-8).

[8] Jordani Chron. c. 62, 63 (Analecta I. 18-19).—Thomæ de Eccleston Collat. XII.—Chron. Glassberger, ann. 1239 (Analecta II. 60-1).—Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. p. DIII.; Ib. VI. 69-70.

Elias still managed to excite disturbance in the Order; he died excommunicate, and a zealous Franciscan guardian had his remains dug up and cast upon a dunghill. Frà Salimbene gives full details of his evil ways, and the tyrannous maladministration which precipitated his downfall. After his secession to Frederic II. a popular rhyme was current throughout Italy—

Salimbene Chronica, Parma, 1857, pp. 401-13.

Affò, however, asserts that he was absolved on his death-bed.—Vita del Beato Gioanni di Parma, Parma, 1777, p. 31. Cf. Chron. Glassberger ann. 1243-4.

[9] Thomæ de Ecclest. Collat. VIII., XII.—Wadding, ann. 1242, No. 2; ann. 1245, No. 16.—Potthast No. 10825.—Angeli Clarinens. Epist. Excusator (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 535; 1886, pp. 113, 117, 120).—Hist. Tribulation. (Ib. 1886, pp. 256 sqq.).

The Historia Tribulationum reflects the contempt of the Spirituals for human learning. Adam was led to disobedience by a thirst for knowledge, and returned to grace by faith and not by dialectics, or geometry or astrology. The evil industry of the arts of Aristotle, and the seductive sweetness of Plato’s eloquence are Egyptian plagues in the Church (Ib. 264-5). It was an early tradition of the Order that Francis had predicted its ruin through overmuch learning (Amoni Legenda S. Francisci, App. cap. xi.).

Karl Müller (Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, 1885, p. 180) asserts that the election of Crescenzio was a triumph of the Puritans, and that he was known for his flaming zeal for the rigid observance of the Rule. So far from this being the case, on the very night of his election he scolded the zealots (Th. Eccleston Collat. XII.), and the history of his generalate confirms the view taken of him by the Hist. Tribulationum. Affò (Vita di Gioanni di Parma, pp. 31-2) assumes that he endeavored to follow a middle course, and ended by persecuting the irreconcilables.

[10] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 267-8, 274).—Affò, pp. 38-9, 54, 97-8.—Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 2.

[11] Tocco, L’Eresia nel Medio Evo, Firenze, 1884, pp. 265-70.—Profetie dell’ Abate Gioachino, Venezia, 1646, p. 8.

[12] Tocco. op. cit. pp. 271-81.—Cœlestin. PP. III. Epist. 279.

[13] Lib. Concordiæ Præf. (Venet. 1519).—Fr. Francisci Pipini Chron. (Muratori S.R.I. IX. 498-500).—Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1190.—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 260-2.—Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 388.—Lechler’s Wickliffe, Lorimer’s Translation, II. 321.—Lib. Conformitat. Lib. I. Fruct. i. P. 2; Fruct. ix. P. 2 (fol. 12, 91).—Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus Prœem.—Henric. de Hassia contra Vaticin. Telesphori c. xi. (Pez Thesaur. I. II. 521).—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 331).—P. d’Ailly Concord. Astron. Veritat. c. lix. (August. Vindel. 1490).—H. Cornel. Agripp. de Occult. Philosoph. Lib. II. c. ii.

The Vaticinia Pontificum of the pseudo-Joachim long remained a popular oracle. I have met with editions of Venice issued in 1589, 1600, 1605, and 1646, of Ferrara in 1591, of Frankfort in 1608, of Padua in 1625, and of Naples in 1660, and there are doubtless numerous others.

Dante represents Bonaventura as pointing out the saints—

[14] Pseudo-Joachim de Oneribus Ecclesiæ c. iii., xv., xvi., xvii., xx., xxi., xxii., xxiii., xxx.—Ejusd. super Hieremiam c. i., ii., iii., etc.—Salimbene p. 107.—Monumenta Franciscana p. 147 (M.R. Series).

The author of the Commentary on Jeremiah had probably been disciplined for freedom of speech in the pulpit, for (cap. i.) he denounces as bestial a license to preach which restricts the liberty of the spirit, and only permits the preacher to dispute on carnal vices.

[15] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 2.—Theiner Monument Slavor. Meridional. I. 63.—Lib. I. Sexto, 1, 2 (Cap. Damnamus).—Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 8, 9.—Salimbene Chron. p. 103.

Nearly half a century later Thomas Aquinas still considered Joachim’s speculations on the Trinity worthy of elaborate refutation, and near the close of the fourteenth century Eymerich reproduces the whole controversy.—Direct. Inquisit. pp. 4-6, 15-17.

[16] Joachimi Concordiæ Lib. IV. c. 31, 34, 38; Lib. V. c. 58, 63, 65, 67, 68, 74, 78, 89, 118.

Joachim was held to have predicted the rise of the Mendicants (v. 43), but his anticipations looked wholly to contemplative monachism.

[17] Joachimi Concordiæ Lib. I. Tract. ii. c. 6; IV. 25, 26, 33; V. 2, 21, 60, 65, 66, 84.

The Commission of Anagni in 1255 by a strained interpretation of a passage in the Concordia (II. i. 7) accused Joachim of having justified the schism of the Greeks (Denifle, Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 120). So far was he from this that he never loses an occasion of decrying the Oriental Church, especially for the marriage of its priests (e.g., V. 70, 72). Yet when he asserted that Antichrist was already born in Rome, and it was objected to him that Babylon was assigned as the birthplace, he had no hesitation in saying that Rome was the mystical Babylon.—Rad. de Coggeshall Chron. (Bouquet, XVIII. 76).

[18] Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.—Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.—Cæsar. Heisterb. dist. v. c. xxii.

[19] Salimbene Chron. pp. 97-109, 124, 318-20.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1286.—Vie de Douceline (Meyer, Recueil d’anciens Textes, pp. 142-46).

Salimbene, in enumerating the special intimates of John of Parma, characterizes several of them as “great Joachites.”

[20] Protocoll. Commiss. Anagniæ (Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 111-12).

[21] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 178-9).—Salimbene, pp. 102, 233.

According to the exegesis of the Joachites, Frederic II. was to attain the age of seventy. When he died, in 1250, Salimbene refused to believe it, and remained incredulous until Innocent IV., in his triumphal progress from Lyons, came to Ferrara, nearly ten months afterwards, and exchanged congratulations upon it. Salimbene was present, and Frà Gherardino of Parma turned to him and said, “You know it now; leave your Joachim and apply yourself to wisdom” (Ib. pp. 107, 227).

[22] Renan, Nouvelles Études, p. 296.

Joachim had already used the term Everlasting Gospel to designate the spiritual interpretation of the Evangelists, which was henceforth to rule the world. His disciple naturally considered Joachim’s commentaries to be this spiritual interpretation, and that they constituted the Everlasting Gospel to which he furnished a Gloss and Introduction. The Franciscans were necessarily the contemplative Order intrusted with its dissemination. (See Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-etc., 1885, pp. 54-59, 61.) According to Denifle (pp. 67-70) the publication of Gherardo consisted only of the Introduction and the Concordia. The Apocalypse and the Decachordon were to follow, but the venturesome enterprise was cut short.

[23] Protocol. Commiss. Anaguiæ (H. Denifle Archiv für Litt.-etc., 1885, pp. 99-102, 109, 126, 135-6).

It appears to me that Father Denifle’s laborious research has sufficiently proved that the errors commonly ascribed to the Everlasting Gospel (D’Argentré I. i. 162-5; Eymeric. Direct. Inq. P. II. Q. 9; Hermann. Korneri Chron. ap. Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi. II. 849-51) are the strongly partisan accusations sent to Rome by William of St. Amour (ubi sup. pp. 76-86) which have led to exaggerated misconceptions of its rebellious tendencies. Father Denifle, however, proceeds to state that the result of the commission of Anagni (July, 1255) was merely the condemnation of the views of Gherardo, and that the works of Joachim (except his tract against Peter Lombard) have never been condemned by the Church. Yet when the exaggerations of William of St. Amour are thrown aside, there is in reality little in principle to distinguish Joachim from Gherardo; and if the former was not condemned it was not the fault of the Commission of Anagni, which classed both together and energetically endeavored to prove Joachim a heretic, even to showing that he never abandoned his heresy on the Trinity (ubi sup. pp. 137-41).

Yet if there was little difference in the letter, there was a marked divergence in spirit between Joachim and his commentator—the former being constructive and the latter destructive as regards the existing Church. See Tocco, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886.

[24] Matt. Paris ann. 1256 (Ed. 1644, p. 632).—Salimbene, p. 102.—Bern. Guidon. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R. I. III. i. 593). Cf. Amalr. Auger. Vit. Alex. PP. IV. (Ib. III. ii. 404).

For the authorship of the Everlasting Gospel, see Tocco, L’Heresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 473-4, and his review of Denifle and Haupt, Archivio Storico Italiano, 1886; Renan, pp. 248, 277; and Denifle, ubi sup. pp. 57-8.

One of the accusations brought against William of Saint Amour was that he complained of the delay in condemning the Everlasting Gospel, to which he replied with an allusion to the influence of those who defended the errors of Joachim.—Dupin. Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T.X. ch. vii.

Thomas of Cantimpré assures us that Saint Amour would have won the day against the Mendicant Orders but for the learning and eloquence of Albertus Magnus.—Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. ix.

[25] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 2.—Affò (Lib. 11. c. iv.) argues that John of Parma’s resignation was wholly spontaneous, that there were no accusations against him, and that both the pope and the Franciscans were with difficulty persuaded to let him retire. He quotes Salimbene (Chronica p. 137) as to the reluctance of the chapter to accept his resignation, but does not allude to the assertion of the same authority that John was obnoxious to Alexander and to many of the ministers of the Order by reason of his too zealous belief in Joachim (Ib. p. 131).

[26] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 3-5.—Salimbene, pp. 102, 233-6.—Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 285).—Although Salimbene prudently abandoned Joachitism, he never outgrew his belief in Joachim’s prophetic powers. Many years later he gives as a reason for suspecting the Segarellists, that if they were of God, Joachim would have predicted them as he did the Mendicants (Ib. 123-4).

The silence of the Historia Tribulationum with respect to the Everlasting Gospel is noteworthy. By common consent that dangerous work seems to be ignored by all parties.

[27] Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 6; ann. 1289, No. 26.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 285).—Salimbene Chron. pp. 131-33, 317.—Tocco, pp. 476-77.—P. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 117.—Affò, Lib. III. c. x.

[28] Lib. de Antichristo P. I. c. x., xiii., xiv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. IX. 1273, 1313, 1325-35).—Thomæ Aquinat. Opusc. contra Impugn. Relig. c. xxiv. 5, 6.—Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1260 (1265) c. 1 (Harduin. VII. 509-12).—Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Métropole d’Aix, p. 577.—Renan, p. 254.

[29] S. Bonavent. de Paup. Christi Art. I. No. i., ii.—Ejusd. Mystic. Theol. cap. I. Partic. 2; cap. II. Partic. 1, 2; Cap. III. Partic. 1.

[30] Wadding. Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 39-41; Annal. ann. 1262, No. 36.—Salimbene, p. 122.

[31] Wadding. ann. 1256, No. 4; Regest. Alex. PP. IV. No. 66.—Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 68.—H. Denifle, Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 649.

To the true Franciscan the Rule and the gospel were one and the same. According to Thomas of Celano, “Il perfetto amatore dell’ osservanza del santo vangelio e della professione della nostra regola, che non è altro che perfetta osservanza del vangelio, questo [Francesco] ardentissimamente amava, e quelli che sono e saranno veri amatori, donò a essi singular benedizione. Veramente, dicea, questa nostra professione a quelli che la seguitano, esser libro di vita, speranza di salute, arra di gloria, melodia del vangelio, via di croce, stato di perfezione, chiave di paradiso, e patto di eterna pace.”—Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, App. c. xxix.

[32] S. Bonavent. Opp. I. 485-6 (Ed. 1584).—Wadding. ann. 1257, No. 9; Regest. Clem. PP. IV. No. I.

Pierre Jean Olivi states that he himself heard Bonaventura declare in a chapter held in Paris that he would, at any moment, submit to be ground to powder if it would bring the Order back to the condition designed by St. Francis.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 517.

[33] Lib. v. Sexto xii. 3.—Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 11.

[34] Concil. Lugdunens. II c. 23 (Harduin. VII. 715).—Salimbene, pp. 110-11.

[35] Angel. Clarinens. Epist. Excusat. (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 523-4).—Histor. Tribulation. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 302-4).—Ubertini Responsio (Ibid. 1887, p. 68).—Cf. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 180.

For the first time the development and history of the Spiritual Franciscans can now be traced with some accuracy, thanks to Franz Ehrle, S.J., who has printed the most important documents relating to this schism in the Order, elucidated with all the resources of exact research. My numerous references to his papers show the extent of my indebtedness to his labors.

[36] Histor. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, p. 305).—Ubertim Responsio (Ibid. 1887, pp. 69, 77).—Articuli Transgressionum (Ibid. 1887, pp. 105-7).—Wadding, ann. 1289, No. 22-3.—Ubertini Declaratio (Archiv, 1887, pp. 168-9).—Dante contrasts Acquasparta with Ubertino da Casale, of whom we shall see more presently—

[37] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 306-8).—Angel. Clarineus. Epist. (Ibid. 1885, pp. 524-5).—Wadding. ann. 1292, No. 14.

[38] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, p. 526); Hist. Tribulationum (Ib. 1885. pp. 308-9).

[39] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 309-10).—Faucon et Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 37, 1232, 1233, 1292, 1825.—Wadding. ann. 1295, No. 14.

[40] Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, pp. 157-8.

[41] Raynald. ann. 1297, No. 55.—Jordani Chron. cap. 236, Partic. 3 (Muratori, Antiq XI. 766).

So far was Pierre Jean Olivi from participating in these rebellious movements that he wrote a tract to prove the legality of Celestin’s abdication and Boniface’s succession (Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. L. u. K. 1887, p. 525).

[42] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 522-3, 527-9).—Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 314-18).—Franz Ehrle (Ibid. 1886, p. 335.)

Franz Ehrle identifies the refuge of the Spirituals with the island of Trixonia in the Gulf of Corinth (Ibid. 1886, pp. 313-14).

[43] Angel. Clarin. Epist. (op. cit. 1885, 529-31).—Hist. Tribulat. (Ib. 1886, 320-6).—Wadding. ann. 1302, No. 8; 1307, No. 2-4.

[44] Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, I. 129.—Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 314.

A specimen of Jacopone’s attacks on Boniface will show the temper of the times—

There is doubtless foundation for the story related by Savonarola in a sermon, that Jacopone was once brought into the consistory of cardinals and requested to preach, when he solemnly repeated thrice, “I wonder that in consequence of your sins the earth does not open and swallow you.”—Villari, Frà Savonarola, II. Ed. T. II. p. 3.

[45] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 311-13).

[46] Wadding. ann. 1302, No. 1-3, 7; ann. 1310, No. 9.—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt-u. K. 1886, p. 385).

[47] Wadding, ann. 1278, No. 27-8.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv f. L. u. K. 1887, pp. 505-11, 528-9.

When Geronimo d’Ascoli attained the papacy he was urged to prosecute Olivi, but refused, expressing the highest consideration for his talents and piety, and declaring that his rebuke had been merely intended as a warning (Hist. Trib. loc. cit. 1886, p. 289).

[48] Wadding, ann. 1282, No. 2; ann. 1283, No. 1; ann. 1285, No. 5; ann. 1290, No. 11; ann. 1292, No. 13; ann. 1297, No. 33-4.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1283.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 294-5).—Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1886, pp. 383, 389; 1887, pp. 417-27, 429, 433, 438, 534.—Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 15).

Olivi’s death is commonly assigned to 1297, but the Transitus Sancti Patris, which was one of the books most in vogue among his disciples, states that it occurred on Friday, March 14, 1297 (Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.); Friday fell on March 14 in 1298, and the common habit of commencing the year with Easter explains the substitution of 1297 for 1298.

His bones are generally said to have been dug up and burned a few months after interment, by order of the general, Giovanni di Murro (Tocco, op. cit. p. 503). Wadding, indeed, asserts that they were twice exhumed (ann. 1297, No. 36). Eymerich mentions a tradition that they were carried to Avignon and thrown by night into the Rhone (Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 313). The cult of which they were the object shows that this could not have been the case, and Bernard Gui, the best possible authority, in commenting on the Transitus states that they were abstracted in 1318 and hidden no one knows where—doubtless by disciples to prevent the impending profanation of exhumation.

[49] Wadding. ann. 1291, No. 13; 1297, No. 35; 1312, No. 4.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 306, 319.—Coll. Doat. XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.—Lib. I. Clement, i. 1.—Tocco, op. cit. pp. 509-10.—MSS. Bib. Nat. No. 4270, fol. 168.—Franz Ehrle (ubi sup. 1885, p. 544; 1886, pp. 389-98, 402-5; 1887, pp. 449, 491).—Raymond de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 17).

The traditional wrath of the Conventuals was still strong enough in the year 1500 to lead the general chapter held at Terni to forbid, under pain of imprisonment, any member of the Order from possessing any of Olivi’s writings.—Franz Ehrle (ubi sup. 1887, pp. 457-8).

[50] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 288-9).—Coll. Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 306, 308.—Bernard. Guidon. Practica P.Y.

[51] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 300-1).—Tocco, pp. 489-91, 503-4.

Wadding (ann. 1297, No. 33-5) identifies Pons Botugati with St. Pons Carboneth, the illustrious teacher of St. Louis of Toulouse. Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 300) says he can find no evidence of this, and the author of the Hist. Tribulat., in his detailed account of the affair, would hardly have omitted a fact so serviceable to his cause.

[52] Baluz. et Mansi II. 249-50.—Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.—Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.—Bern. Guidon. Vit. Johann. PP. XXII. (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 491).—Wadding. ann. 1325, No. 4.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. 59.—Baluz. et Mansi II. 266-70.

[53] Franz Ehrle (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1886, pp. 368-70, 407-9).—Wadding. ann. 1297, No. 36-47.—Baluz. et Mansi II. 276.

Tocco (Archivio Storico Italiano, T. XVII. No. 2.—Cf. Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 493) has recently found in the Laurentian Library a MS. of Olivi’s Postil on the Apocalypse. It contains all the passages cited in the condemnation, showing that the commission which sat in judgment did not invent them, but as it is of the fifteenth century it does not invalidate the suggestion that his followers interpolated his work after his death.

[54] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299 c. 4 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 226).—Ubertini Declaratio (Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1887, pp. 183-4).

[55] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 450-61, 475, 590-1, 726-7, 772.—M. Flac. Illyr. Cat. Test. Veritatis, pp. 1732 sqq. (Ed. 1603).

[56] Pelayo, I. 454, 458, 464-6, 468-9, 730-1, 779.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, 327-8.

[57] Pelayo, I. 460, 464-8, 739-45.

[58] Pelayo, I. 470-4, 729, 734.—D’Argentré I. II. 417.—Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, Pr. 103.

One of the charges against Bernard Délicieux, in 1319, was that of sending to Arnaldo certain magic writings to encompass the death of Benedict. A witness was found to swear that this was the cause of Benedict’s death.—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 12, 50, 51, 61.

[59] Pelayo, I. 481, 772.

[60] Hist. Tribulationum (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, I. 129).—Pelayo, I. 481-3, 773, 776.—Wadding. ann. 1312, No. 7.—Cf. Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1310; P. Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1320.

[61] Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, pp. 380-1, 384, 386; 1887, p. 36).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 18).—Eymerich p. 316.—Angeli Clarini Litt. Excus. (Archiv, 1885, pp. 531-2).—Wadding. ann. 1210, No. 6.—Regest. Clement. (PP. V.T.V. pp. 379 sqq. Romæ, 1887).

At the same time that the general, Gonsalvo, was seeking to repress the acquisitiveness of the friars they were procuring from the Emperor Henry VII. a decree annulling a local statute of Nuremberg which forbade any citizen from giving them more than a single gold piece at a time, or a measure of corn.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1310.

[62] Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, pp. 93 sqq.—Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. 1886, pp. 130, 132-4).—Ehrle (Ibid. 1866, pp. 366, 380).—Wadding. ann. 1310, No. 1-5.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1310.—Ubertini de Casali Tract. de septem Statibus Ecclesiæ c. iv.

[63] Ubertini Responsio (Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 87).—Baluz. et Mansi II. 278—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für L. u. K. 1885, pp. 541-2, 545; 1886, p. 362).—Hist. Tribulat (Ibid. 1886, pp. 138-41).—C. 1, Clement, v. 11.—Wadding. ann. 1312, No. 9; ann. 1313, No. 1.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1312.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. art. 67.

[64] Jordan. Chron. c. 326 Partic. iii. (Muratori Antiq. XI. 767).—Hist. Tribulat. (Archiv, 1886, 140-1).—Franz Ehrle (Ibid. 1886, pp. 158-64; 1887, pp. 33, 40).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 27).

[65] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. pp. 139-40).—Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 596-99.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1885, pp. 156-8.—Joann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1319 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 479).—Wadding. ann. 1313, No. 4-7.—D’Argentré I. I. 297.—Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv, 1887, p. 31).

Frà Francesco del Borgo San Sepolcro, who was tried by the Inquisition at Assisi in 1311 for assuming gifts of prophecy, was probably a Tuscan Joachite who refused submission (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für L. u. K. 1887, p. 11).

[66] Franz Ehrle (Archiv f. L. u. K. 1885, pp. 534-9, 553-5, 558-9, 561, 563-4, 566-9; 1887, p. 406).—S. Francisci Prophet. XIV. (Opp. Ed. 1849, pp. 270-1).—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1502, 1506, 1517.

[67] Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. K. 1886, pp. 371, 411).—Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. fol. 7 sqq.).

[68] Franz Ehrle (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 160-4).—Wadding. ann. 1316, No. 5.

[69] Villani, Chronica, Lib. XI. c. 20.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1334.—Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. Med. Ævi I. 1806-8).—Friedrich, Statut. Synod. Wratislav., Hannoveræ, 1827, pp. 37, 38, 41.—Grandes Chroniques, V. 300.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1326.—The collection of papal briefs relating to Saxony recently printed by Schmidt (Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, pp. 87-295) will explain the immense sums raised by John XXII. from the sale of canonries. It is within bounds to say that more than half the letters issued during his pontificate are appointments of this kind.

The accounts of the papal collector for Hungary in 1320 show the thoroughness with which the first-fruits of every petty benefice were looked after, and the enormous proportion consumed in the process. The collector charges himself with 1913 gold florins received, of which only 732 reached the papal treasury. (Theiner, Monumenta Slavor. Meridional. I. 147).

[70] Jo. de Ragusio Init. et Prosecut. Basil. Concil. (Monument. Concil. Sæc. XV. T.I. p. 32).—Revelat. S. Brigittæ; Lib. VII. c. viii.

[71] Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 9-14.—Hist. Tribulation. (Archiv für L. u. K. 1886, p. 142).—Joann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1311, 1316 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 460, 478).

[72] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 142-44, 151-2).—Franz Ehrle, Archiv, 1887, p. 546.

[73] Hist. Tribulat. (Ibid. pp. 145-6).—Raym. de Fronciacho (Ib. 1887, p. 29).

[74] Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 147.—Extrav. Joann. XXII. Tit. XIV. cap. 1.

[75] Baluz. et Mansi II. 248-51.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 147).

[76] Raym. de Fronciacho (Archiv f. L. u. K.. 1887, p. 31).—Baluz. et Mansi II. 248-51, 271-2.—Joaun. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1319 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 478-9).—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 188, 262. Bernard, however, in his examination, denied these allegations as well as Olivi’s tenet that Christ was alive when lanced upon the Cross, although he said some MSS. of St. Mark so represented him (fol. 167-8).

Of the remainder of those who were tried at Marseilles the fate is uncertain. From the text it appears that at least some of them were imprisoned. Others were probably let off with lighter penances, for in 1325 Blaise Boerii, a shoemaker of Narbonne, when on trial before the Inquisition of Carcassonne, confessed that he had visited, in houses at Marseilles, three of them at one time and four at another, and had received them in his own house and had conducted them on their way.—Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.

[77] Baluz. et Mansi II. 270-1, 274-6.—Extravagant. Joann. XXII. Tit. VII.—Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 193.

[78] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1317.—Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 170; XXXV. 18.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, 312, 381.

The case of Raymond Jean illustrates the life of the persecuted Spirituals. As early as 1312 he had commenced to denounce the Church as the Whore of Babylon, and to prophesy his own fate. In 1317 he was one of the appellants who were summoned to Avignon, where he submitted. Remitted to the obedience of his Order, he was sent by his superior to the convent of Anduse, where he remained until he heard the fate of his stancher companions at Marseilles, when he fled with a comrade. Reaching Béziers, they found refuge in a house where, in company with some female apostates from the Order, they lay hid for three years. After this Raymond led a wandering life, associating for a while with Pierre Trencavel. At one time he went beyond seas; then returning, he adopted the habit of a secular priest and assumed the cure of souls, sometimes in Gascony and again in Rodez or east of the Rhone. Captured at last in 1325 and brought before the Inquisition of Carcassonne, after considerable pressure he was induced to recant. His sentence is not given, but doubtless it was perpetual imprisonment.—Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.

[79] Raynald ann. 1322, No. 51.—Archivio di Firenze, Prov. del Convento di Santa Croce, Feb. 1322.—S. Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. LXXXVIII. Art. xi.; Q. CLXXXVI. Art. viii. ad 3.—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 156).—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 300, 313, 381-93.—Coll. Doat, XXVII., XXVIII.—Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 499, 632.—Vaissette, IV. 182-3.—Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 45.—Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. p. 149).—Arch. de l’ Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 162).—Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1316-19.

[80] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 320, 325.—Wadding. ann. 1317, No. 23.—Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.

[81] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 298-99, 302-6, 316.—Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v.—Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.—Johann. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1316-19 (Muratori S.R.I. III. II. 478-9).