[220] Sir Francis Bigod’s Confession: Rolls House MS. first series, 416. Confession of George Lumley: Rolls House MS. The MSS. relating to the later commotions are very imperfect, and much injured.

[221] Lumley’s Confession.

[222] Examination of John Hallam: Rolls House MS. A 2, 29.

[223] “The King’s Highness hath declared by his own mouth unto Robert Aske, that he intendeth we shall have our parliament at York frankly and freely for the ordering and reformation of all causes for the commonwealth of this realm, and also his frank and free convocation for the good stay and ordering of the faith and other spiritual causes, which he supposes shall come down under his great seal by my Lord of Norfolk, who comes down shortly with a mean company after a quiet manner to the great quietness and comfort of all good men. Wherefore, good and loving neighbours, let us stay ourselves and by no means follow the wilfulness of such as are disposed to spoil and to undo themselves and you both, but to resist them in all that ye may, to the best of your power; and so will I do for my part, and so know I well that all good men will do; and if it had not been for my disease which hath taken me so sore that I may neither go nor ride, I would have come and have shewed you this myself for the good stay and quietness of you all, and for the commonwealth of all the country. The parliament and the convocation is appointed to be at York at Whitsuntide, and the coronation of the Queen’s Highness about the same time.

“Written in Spaldingmore this 16th day of January.

“Robert Constable, of Flamborough.”

—Letter of Sir R. Constable to the Commons of the North on Bigod’s Insurrection: Rolls House MS. first series, 276.

[224] For this matter see Rolls House MS. first series, 276, 416, 1144, and State Papers, Vol. I. p. 529.

[225] “Captain Aske was at London, and had great rewards to betray the commons; and since that he came home they have fortified Hull against the commons, ready to receive ships by the sea to destroy all the north parts.”—Demands of the Rebels who rose with Sir F. Bigod: Rolls House MS. first series, 895.

[226] “Robert Aske, in a letter which he sent to Bigod, shewed that he would do the best he could for the delivery of Hallam. And that he spoke not that feignedly, it should appear that the said Aske, after that Bigod was fled, came to the king’s commissioners then sitting at Hull about Hallam’s examination, and shewed them how that he had heard of a great commotion that should be in the bishoprick and other places, and therefore advised them not to be hasty in proceeding to the execution of the said Hallam.

“Also divers that had been with Bigod in his commotion came to the said Aske, whom he did not apprehend, but bade them not fear, for he would get their pardon.”—Deposition on the Conduct of Robert Aske, MS. much injured, Rolls House, first series, 416.

[227] Rolls House MS. A 2, 28.

[228] In the first surprise in October, the Privy Council had been obliged to levy men without looking nicely to their antecedents, and they had recruited largely from the usual depôts in times of difficulties, the sanctuaries. Manslayers, cutpurses, and other doubtful persons might have liberty for a time, and by good conduct might earn their pardon by taking service under the crown. On the present, as on many other occasions, they had proved excellent soldiers; and those who had been with Lord Shrewsbury had been rewarded for their steadiness. Under the circumstances he had perhaps been better able to depend upon them than on the more creditable portion of his force. After the pacification at Doncaster, Norfolk was ashamed of his followers; he proposed to disband them, and supply their place with penitent volunteers from Yorkshire and Lincolnshire. The king, who was already displeased with Norfolk for his other proceedings, approved no better of his present suggestion. “His Majesty,” wrote the Privy Council, “marvels that you should be more earnest in the dissuasion of the retainder of them that have been but murderers and thieves (if they so have been), than you were that his Grace should not retain those that have been rebels and traitors. These men have done good rather than hurt in this troublous time, though they did it not with a good mind and intent, but for their own lucre.... What the others did no man can tell better than you. If these men may be made good men with their advancement, his Highness may think his money well employed. If they will continue evil, all the world shall think them the more worthy punishment for that they have so little regarded the clemency of his Highness calling them from their evil doings to honest preferment.”—Hardwicke State Papers, p. 33.

[229] Duke of Norfolk to the Earls of Sussex: State Papers, Vol. I. p. 534.

[230] MS. State Paper Office, first series, Vol. IV.

[231] “I did not dare assemble the people of the country, for I knew not how they be established in their hearts, notwithstanding that their words can be no better.”—Norfolk to Cromwell: MS. State Paper Office.

[232] Norfolk to Cromwell: MS. ibid.

[233] “This night I will send two or three hundred horse to them, and have commanded them to set fire in many places of the rebels’ dwellings, thinking thereby to make them to steal away, and every man to draw near to his own for the safeguard of his house and goods. I have also commanded them that if the traitors so sparkle they shall not spare shedding of blood; for execution whereof I will send such as I am sure will not spare to fulfil my commandment.”—Norfolk to Cromwell: MS. ibid.

[234] Henry VIII. to the Duke of Norfolk: State Papers, Vol. I. p. 537.

[235] Hall says, at Carlisle, but the official reports, as well as the king’s directions, imply that the executions were not limited to one place.

[236] MS. State Paper Office, first series, Vol. II.

[237] “Of the mind of the king towards me I had first knowledge at mine arriving in France; of the which, to shew you the full motive of my mind herein, I was more ashamed to hear, for the compassion I had to the king’s honour, than moved by any indignation that I, coming not only as ambassador, but as legate in the highest sort of embassage that is used among Christian princes, a prince of honour should desire another prince of like honour—‘Betray the ambassador, betray the legate, and give him into mine ambassador’s hands, to be brought unto me.’ This was the dishonourable request, as I understand, of the king, which to me I promise you was no great displeasure, but rather, if I should say truth, I took pleasure therein, and said forthwith to my company that I never felt myself to be in full possession to be a cardinal as when I heard those tidings, whereby it pleased God to send like fortune to me as it did to those heads of the Church whose persons the cardinals do represent. In this case lived the apostles.”—Pole to Cromwell: Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II. p. 326, &c.

[238] The value of Pole’s accusations against Henry depends so much upon his character that I must be pardoned for scrutinizing his conduct rather closely. In his letter to Cromwell, dated the 2d of May, he insists that his actions had been cruelly misunderstood. Besides making the usual protestations of love and devotion to the king with which all his letters to the English court are filled, he declares, in the most solemn way, that, so far from desiring to encourage the insurgents, he had prevented the Pope from taking the opportunity of putting out the censures which might have caused more troubles. “That he had sent at that time his servant purposely to offer his service to procure by all means the king’s honour, wealth, and greatness, animating, besides, those that were chief of his nearest kin to be constant in the king’s service.”—Strype’s Memorials, Vol. II. p. 321.

I shall lay by the side of these words a passage from his letter to the Pope, written from Cambray on the 18th of the same month.

Both the French and Flemish councils, he says, are urging him to return to Italy:—

“Eo magis quod causa ipsa quæ sola me retinere posset, et quæ huc sola traxit, ne spem quidem ullam ostendere videtur vel minimo periculo dignam, cur in his locis diutius maneam, populi tumultu qui causam ipsam fovebat ita sedato ut multi supplicio sint affecti, duces autem omnes in regis potestatem venerint.”

He goes on to say that the people had been in rebellion in defence of their religion. They had men of noble birth for their leaders; and nothing, it was thought, would more inspirit the whole party than to hear that one of their own nation was coming with authority to assist their cause; nothing which would strike deeper terror into their adversaries, or compel them to more equitable conditions.

For the present the tumult was composed, but only by fair words, and promises which had not been observed. A fresh opportunity would soon again offer. Men’s minds were always rather exasperated than conquered by such treatment. The people would never believe the king’s word again; and though for the moment held down by fear, would break out again with renewed fury. He thought, therefore, he had better remain in the neighbourhood, since the chief necessity of the party would be an efficient leader; and to know that they had a leader ready to come to them at any moment, yet beyond the king’s reach, would be the greatest encouragement which they could receive.—Reginald Pole to the Pope: Epist. Reg. Pol. Vol. II. p. 46.

[239] Ibid.

[240] Bishop Hilsey to Cromwell: MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XXXV.

[241] Rolls House MS. first series, 416; much injured.

[242] The Privy Council, writing to the Duke of Norfolk, said: “You may divulge the cause of their activity to the people of those parts, that they may the rather perceive their miserable fortune, that, being once so graciously pardoned, would eftsoons combine themselves for the attempting of new treasons ... not conceiving that anything is done for their former offences done before the pardon, which his Grace will in nowise remember or speak of; but for those treasons which they have committed again since in such detestable sort as no good subject would not wish their punishment for the same.”—Hardwicke State Papers, Vol. I. p. 43.

[243] Rolls House MS. A 2, 28.

[244] Besides his personal interference, Aske, and Constable also, had directed a notorious insurgent named Rudstone, “in any wise to deliver Hallam from Hull.”—Ibid.

[245] Sir Ralph Ellerkar called on Constable to join him in suppressing Bigod’s movement. Constable neither came nor sent men, contenting himself with writing letters.—Ibid.

[246] Part of Pole’s mission was to make peace between France and the Empire. The four sovereigns would, therefore, be the Pope, the King of Scotland, Francis, and Charles. I have gathered these accusations out of several groups among the Rolls House MSS., apparently heads of information, Privy Council minutes, and drafts of indictments. The particulars which I have mentioned being repeated frequently in these papers, and with much emphasis, I am inclined to think that they formed the whole of the case.

[247] The proofs of “an animus” were severely construed.

A few clauses from a rough draft of the indictments will show how small a prospect of escape there was for any one who had not resolutely gone over to the government.

Aske wrote to the commons of the north a letter, in which was written, “Bigod intendeth to destroy the effect of our petition and commonwealth; whereby,” Cromwell concluded, “it appeareth he continued in his false opinion and traitorous heart.” In another letter he had said to them, “Your reasonable petitions shall be ordered by parliament,” “showing that he thought that their petitions were reasonable, and in writing the same he committed treason.”

Again, both Constable and he had exhorted the commons to wait for the Duke of Norfolk and the parliament, telling them that the duke would come only with his household servants; “signifying plainly that, if their unreasonable requests were not complied with, they would take the matter in their own hands again.”

There are fifty “articles” against them, conceived in the same spirit, of more or less importance.

[248] Sir William Parr to Henry VIII.: MS. State Paper Office, Letters to the King and Council, Vol. V. Rolls House MS. first series, 76.

[249] Sir William Parr to Cromwell: MS. State Paper Office, second series Vol. XXXI.

[250] Baga de Secretis.

[251] Lord Hussey may have the benefit of his own denial. Cromwell promised to intercede for him if he would make a true confession. He replied thus:—

“I never knew of the beginning of the commotion in neither of the places, otherwise than is contained in the bill that I did deliver to Sir Thomas Wentworth, at Windsor. Nor I was never privy to their acts, nor never aided them in will, word, nor deed. But if I might have had 500 men I would have fought with them, or else I forsake my part of heaven; for I was never traitor, nor of none counsel of treason against his Grace; and that I will take my death upon, when it shall please God and his Highness.”

In a postscript he added:

“Now at Midsummer shall be three years, my Lord Darcy, I, and Sir Robert Constable, as we sate at the board, it happened that we spake of Sir Francis Bigod, (how) his priest, in his sermons, likened Our Lady to a pudding when the meat was out, with many words more; and then my Lord Darcy said that he was a naughty priest; let him go; for in good sooth I will be none heretic; and so said I, and likewise Sir Robert Constable; for we will die Christian men.”—MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XVIII.

[252] “And whereas your lordship doth write that, in case the consciences of such persons as did acquit Levening should be examined, the fear thereof might trouble others in like case, the King’s Majesty considering his treason to be most manifest, apparent, and confessed, and that all offenders in that case be principals, and none accessories, doth think it very necessary that the means used in that matter may be searched out, as a thing which may reveal many other matters worthy his Highness’s knowledge; and doth therefore desire you not only to signify their names, but also to travel all that you can to beat out the mystery.”—Privy Council to the Duke of Norfolk: Hardwicke State Papers, Vol. I. p. 46.

[253] The list is in the Rolls MS. first series, 284. Opposite the name of each juror there is a note in the margin, signifying his connexions among the prisoners.

[254] Compare Baga de Secretis, pouch X. bundle 2, and Rolls House MS., first series, 284.

[255] Word illegible in the MS.

[256] MS. in Cromwell’s own hand: Rolls House, A 2, 29, fol. 160 and 161.

[257] Rolls House MS. first series. 207.

[258] MS. ibid. 1401.

[259] Depositions relating to Lord Delaware: Rolls House MS.

[260] MS. State Paper Office, Domestic, Vol. XII.

[261] Ibid.

[262] MS. Cotton. Titus, B 1, 457.

[263] For instance, Sir Thomas Percy’s eldest son inherited the earldom of Northumberland; unfortunately, also his father’s politics and his father’s fate. He was that Earl of Northumberland who rose for Mary of Scotland against Elizabeth.

[264] Lady Bulmer seems from the depositions to have deserved as serious punishment as any woman for the crime of high treason can be said to have deserved. One desires to know whether in any class of people there was a sense of compunction for the actual measure inflicted by the law. The following is a meagre, but still welcome, fragment upon this subject:—

“Upon Whitsunday, at breakfast, certain company was in the chauntry at Thame, when was had speech and communication of the state of the north country, being that proditors against the King’s Highness should suffer to the number of ten; amongst which proditors the Lady Bulmer should suffer. There being Robert Jones, said it is a pity that she should suffer. Then to that answered John Strebilhill, saying it is no pity, if she be a traitor to her prince, but that she should have after her deserving. Then said Robert Jones, let us speak no more of this matter; for men may be blamed for speaking of the truth.”—Rolls House MS. first series, 1862.

[265] MS. State Paper Office: —— to Henry Saville.

[266] A second cause “is our most dear and most entirely beloved wife the queen, being now quick with child, for the which we give most humble thanks to Almighty God, albeit she is in every condition of that loving inclination and reverend conformity, that she can in all things well content, satisfy, and quiet herself with that thing which we shall think expedient and determine; yet, considering that, being a woman, upon some sudden and displeasant rumours and brutes that might be blown abroad in our absence, she might take impressions which might engender danger to that wherewith she is now pregnant, which God forbid, it hath been thought necessary that we should not extend our progress this year so far from her.”—Henry VIII. to the Duke of Norfolk: State Papers, Vol. I. p. 552.

[267] MS. Rolls House, A 2, 28.

[268] A curious drawing of Hull, which was made about this time, with the plans of the new fortifications erected by Henry, is in the Cotton Library. A gallows stands outside the gate, with a body hanging on it, which was probably meant for Constable’s.

[269] “Immediately tofore Sir Robert Constable should receive his rights, it was asked of him if that his confession put in writing was all that he did know. To which he made answer that it was all. Notwithstanding he knew, besides that, sundry naughty words and high cracks that my Lord Darcy had blown out, which he thought not best to shew so long as the said lord was on life, partly because they should rather do hurt than good, and partly because he had no proof of them.

“But what these words were he would not declare, but in generality. Howbeit, his open confession was right good.”—MS. State Paper Office, first series, Vol. I.

[270] A general amnesty was proclaimed immediately after. “The notable unkindness of the people,” Norfolk said, “had been able to have moved his Grace to have taken such punishment on the offenders as might have been terrible for all men to have thought on that should hereafter have only heard the names of sedition and rebellion.

“Yet the king’s most royal Majesty, of his most tender pity and great desire that he hath rather to preserve you from the stroke of justice imminent upon your deserts, than to put you to the extremity of the same, trusting and supposing that the punishment of a few offenders in respect of the multitude, which have suffered only for an example to others to avoid the like attemptations, will be sufficient for ever to make all you and your posterities to eschew semblable offences, of his inestimable goodness and pity is content by this general proclamation to give and grant to you all, every of you, his general and free pardon.”—Rolls House MS. A 2, 28; State Papers, Vol. I. p. 558.

[271] Like Cuthbert Tunstall, for instance, who, when upbraided for denying his belief in the Pope, said “he had never seen the time when he thought to lose one drop of blood therefore, for sure he was that none of those that heretofore had advantage by that authority would have lost one penny to save his life.”—Tunstall to Pole: Burnet’s Collectanea, p. 481.

[272] Epist. Reg. Pol. Vol. II. p. 46.

[273] Ibid. p. 64.

[274] Trials of Lord Montague and the Marquis of Exeter: Baga de Secretis.

[275] Epist. Reg. Pol. Vol. II. p. 73.

[276] Pole to Contarini, Epist. Vol. II. p. 64. I call the rumour wild because there is no kind of evidence for it, and because the English resident at Antwerp, John Hutton, who was one of the persons accused by Pole, was himself the person to inform the king of the story.—State Papers, Vol. VII. p. 703.

[277] See Appendix to Volume IV

[278] Michael Throgmorton to Cromwell: MS. penes me.

[279] Cromwell to Throgmorton: Rolls House MS.

[280] Robert Ward to Cromwell: MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XLVI.

[281] Depositions relating to the Protestants in Yorkshire: MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XVIII.

[282] The monkish poetry was pressed into the service. The following is from a MS. in Balliol College, Oxford. It is of the date, perhaps, of Henry VII.

[283] Ward to Cromwell: MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XLVI.; Miles Coverdale to Cromwell: Ibid. Vol. VII.

[284] William Umpton to Cromwell: MS. State Paper Office, second series Vol. XLV.

[285] MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XLVI.

[286] Crummock Water is a lake in Cumberland. The point of the song must have some play on the name of Cromwell, pronounced as of old, “Crummell.”

[287] Rolls House MS. first series, 683.

[288] MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. XLVIII.

[289] Rolls House MS. A 2, 30.

[290] Ibid.

[291] Very few of these are now known to be in existence. Roy’s Satire is one of the best. It would be excellent if reduced to reasonable length. The fury which the mystery plays excited in the Catholic party is a sufficient proof of the effect which they produced. An interesting letter to Cromwell, from the author of some of them, is among the State Papers. I find no further mention of him:—

“The Lord make you the instrument of my help, Lord Cromwell, that I may have liberty to preach the truth. I dedicate and offer to your lordship a ‘Reverend receiving of the sacrament,’ as a lenten matter declared by six children, representing Christ, the word of God, Paul, Austin, a child, a man called Ignorancy, as a secret thing that shall have an end—once rehearsed afore your eyes. The priests in Suffolk will not receive me into their churches to preach; but have disdained me ever since I made a play against the Pope’s councillors, Error, collyclogger of conscience, and Incredulity. I have made a play called A Rude Commonalty. I am making of another, called The Woman on the Rock, in the fire of faith refining, and a purging in the true purgatory, never to be seen but of your lordship’s eye. Aid me, for Christ’s sake, that I may preach Christ.”—Thomas Wylley, fatherless and forsaken: MS. State Paper Office, second series, Vol. L.

[292] Rolls House MS. A 2, 30.

[293] MS. State Paper Office.

[294] Rolls House MS. first series; MS. Cotton. Cleopatra, E 4.

[295] Answers to Questions on the Sacraments by the Bishops: Burnet’s Collectanea, p. 114.

[296] In one of the ablest and most liberal papers which was drawn up at this time, a paper so liberal indeed as to argue from the etymology of the word presbyter that “lay seniors, or antient men, might to some intents be called priests,” I find this passage upon the eucharist: “As concerning the grace of consecration of the body of our Lord in form of bread and wine, we beseech your Grace that it may be prohibited to all men to persuade any manner of person to think that these words of our Master Christ, when He ‘took bread and blest it and brake it, and gave it to his disciples, and said, Take, and eat ye, this is my body that shall be betrayed for you,’ ought to be understood figuratively. For since He that spake those words is of power to perform them literally, though no man’s reason may know how that may be, yet they must believe it. And surely they that believe that God was of power to make all the world of nought, may lightly believe he was of power to make of bread his very body.”—Theological MSS. Rolls House.

[297] Henry VIII. to the Bishops: Rolls House MS. A 15.

[298] The Iceland fleet is constantly mentioned in the Records. Before the discovery of Newfoundland, Iceland was the great resort of English fishermen. Those who would not venture so long a voyage, fished the coasts of Cork and Kerry. When Skeffington was besieging Dungarvon, in 1535, Devonshire fishing smacks, which were accidentally in the neighbourhood, blockaded the harbour for him. The south of Ireland at the same time was the regular resort of Spaniards with the same object. Sir Anthony St. Leger said that as many as two or three hundred sail might sometimes be seen at once in Valentia harbour.—State Papers, Vol. V. p. 443, &c.