The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of the Reformation (Vol. 1 of 2) by Thomas M. Lindsay

Sources: Apparatus super quinque libris decretalium (Strassburg, 1488); Burchard, Diarium (ed. by Thuasne, Paris, 1883-1885), in 3 vols.; Brand, Narrenschiff (ed. by Simrock, Berlin, 1872); Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum, quæ de rebus fidei et morum a conciliis æcumenicis et summis pontificibus, emanarunt (Würzburg, 1900), 9th ed.; Erler, Der Liber Cancellariæ Apostolicæ vom Jahre 1480 (Leipzig, 1888); Faber, Tractatus de Ruine Ecclesie Planctu (Memmingen); Murner, Schelmenzunft and Narrenbeschwörung (Nos. 85, 119-124 of Neudrucke deutschen Litteraturwerke); Mirbt, Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums (Freiburg i. B. 1895); Tangl, Die päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen von 1200-1500 (Innsbruck, 1894); and Das Taxwesen der päpstlichen Kirche (Mitt. des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, xiii. 1892).

Later Books: “Janus,” The Pope and the Council (London, 1869); Harnack, History of Dogma (London, 1899), vols. vi. vii.; Thudichen, Papsitum und Reformation (Leipzig, 1903); Haller, Papsitum und Kirchen-Reform (1903); Lea, Cambridge Modern History (Cambridge, 1902), vol. i. xix.

“In hac (sc. ecclesia) ejusque potestate duos esse gladios, spiritualem videlicet et temporalem, evangelicis dictis instruimur.... Ille sacerdotis, is manu regum et militum, sed ad nutum et patienciam sacerdotis”; Boniface viii. in the Bull, Unam Sanctam.

A succinct account of these forgeries will be found in “Janus,” The Pope and the Council (London, 1869), p. 94.

Harnack, History of Dogma, vi. 132 n. (Eng. trans.).

Compare his Opuscula contra errores Græcorum; De regimine principum. (The first two books were written by Thomas and the other two probably by Tolomeo (Ptolomæus) of Lucca.)

Apparatus super quinque libris Decretalium (Strassburg, 1488).

Full quotations from the Bulls, Unam Sanctam and Inter cætera divinæ, are to be found in Mirbt's Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums (Leipzig, 1895), pp. 88, 107. The Bulls, Execrabilis and Pastor Æternus, are in Denzinger, Enchiridion (Würzburg, 1900), 9th ed. pp. 172, 174.

The Deed of Gift of the American Continent to Isabella and Ferdinand is in the 6th section of the Bull, Inter cætera divinæ. It is as follows:—“Motu proprio ... de nostra mera liberalitate et ex certa scientia ac de apostolicæ potestatis plenitudine omnes insulas et terras firmas inventas et inveniendas, detectas et detegendas versus Occidentem et Meridiem fabricando et construendo unam lineam a Polo Artico scilicet Septentrione ad Polum Antarticum scilicet Meridiem, sive terræ firmæ et insulæ inventæ et inveniendæ sint versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcumque partem, quæ linea distet a qualibet insularum, quæ vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azores y cabo vierde, centum leucis versus Occidentem et Meridiem; ita quod omnes insulæ et terræ firmæ, repertæ et reperiendæ, detectæ et detegendæ, a præfata linea versus Occidentem et Meridiem per alium Regem aut Principem Christianum non fuerint actualiter possesse usque ad diem nativitatis Domini Nostri Jesu Christi proximi præteritum ... auctoritate omnipotentis Dei nobis in Beato Petro concessa, ac vicarius Jesu Christi, qua fungimur in terris, cum omnibus illarum dominiis, civitatibus, castris, locis et villis, juribusque et jurisdictionibus ac pertinentiis univeris, vobis hæredibusque et successoribus vestris in perpetuum tenore præsentium donamus.... Vosque et hæredes ac successores præfatos illarum dominos cum plena, libera et omnimoda potestate, auctoritate et jurisdictione facimus, constituimus et deputamus.”

The excommunication, with its consequences, was used to threaten Queen Elizabeth by the Ambassador of Philip ii. in 1559 (Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English affairs preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, i. 62, London, 1892).

Scottish Historical Review, i. 318-320.

The two English statutes of Præmunire are printed in Gee and Hardy, Documents illustrative of English Church History (London, 1896), pp. 103, 122.

For information about the English annates and the valor ecclesiasticus, cf. Bird, Handbook to the Public Records, pp. 100, 106.

H. C. Lea, Cambridge Modern History, i. 670.

J. Haller, Papsttum und Kirchen-Reform (1903), i. 116, 117.

Sebastian Brand, Das Narrenschiff, cap. ciii. l. 63-66. Barclay paraphrases these lines:

“Suche counterfayte the kayes that Jesu dyd commyt
Unto Peter: brekynge his Shyppis takelynge,
Subvertynge the fayth, beleuynge theyr owne wyt
Against our perfyte fayth in euery thynge,
So is our Shyp without gyde wanderynge,
By tempest dryuen, and the mayne sayle of torne,
That without gyde the Shyp about is borne.”

—The Ship of Fools, translated by Alexander Barclay, ii. 225 (Edinburgh, 1874).

Cambridge Modern History, i. iii, vii, viii, ix, xi, xii, xiv; Lavisse, Histoire de France depuis les Origines jusqu' à la Révolution. iv. i, ii.

Sources: Boccaccio, Lettere edite e inedite, tradotte et commentate con nuovi documenti da Corrazzini (Florence, 1877); Francisci Petrarchæ, Epistolæ familiares et variæ (Florence, 1859); Cusani, Opera (Basel, 1565); Böcking, Ulrici Hutteni Opera, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1871); Supplement containing Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1864, 1869); Gillert, Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Mutianus (Halle, 1890); Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (1552).

Later Books: Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilisation of the Period of the Renaissance (Eng. trans., London, 1892); Geiger, Humanismus und Renaissance in Italien und Deutschland (Berlin, 1882); Michelet, Histoire de France, vol. vii., Renaissance (Paris, 1855); Lavisse, Histoire de France, v. i. p. 287 ff.; Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy (London, 1877); H. Hallam, Introduction to the Literature of Europe during the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Centuries, 6th ed. (London, 1860); Kamptschulte, Die Universität Erfurt in ihrem Verhältniss zu dem Humanismus und der Reformation, 2 vols. (Trier, 1856, 1860); Krause, Helius Eobanus Hessus, sein Leben und seine Werke, 2 vols. (Gotha, 1879); Geiger, Johann Reuchlin (Leipzig, 1871); Binder, Charitas Pirkheimer, Aebtissin von St. Clara zu Nürnberg (Freiburg i. B., 1893); Höfler, Denkwürdigkeiten der Charitas Pirkheimer (Quellensamml. z. fränk. Gesch. iv., 1858); Roth, Willibald Pirkheimer (Halle, 1874); Scott, Albert Dürer, his Life and Works (London, 1869); Thausing, Dürer's Briefe, Tagebücher, Reime (Vienna, 1884); Cambridge Modern History, i. xvi, xvii; ii. i.

Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, Revival of Letters (London, 1877), p. 13.

There is evidence that Thomas Aquinas was not dependent, as is commonly supposed, for his acquaintance with Greek philosophy on translations into Latin of the Arabic translations of portions of Aristotle, but that he procured Latin versions made directly from the original Greek.

He embraced it, sighed over it, and told it how he longed to hear it speak: Fracassetti, Francisci Petrarchæ, Epistolæ familiares et variæ, ii. 472-475.

Professor Krauss, Cambridge Modern History, ii. 6.

C. H. Delprot, Verhandeling over de Brœderschap van Gerard Groote (Arnheim, 1856).

H. Hartfelder, Der Zustand der deutschen Hochschulen am Ende des Mittelalters. Hist. Zeitschr. lxiv. 50-107, 1890.

Struver, Die Schule von Schlettstadt (Leipzig, 1880).

Kriegk, Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter, neue Folge (Frankfurt a. M. 1868), pp. 77 ff.

Boos, Thomas und Felix Platter (Leipzig, 1878), pp. 20 ff.

H. Boos, Thomas und Felix Platter (Leipzig, 1876); Becker, Chronica des fahrenden Schulers oder Wanderbüchlein des Johannes Butzbach (Ratisbon, 1869).

Scharpff, Der Cardinal und Bischof Nicolaus von Cusa als Reformator in Kirche, Reich und Philosophie (Tübingen, 1871).

Wessel's most important Theses on Indulgences are given in Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1855), ii. 546 f.

Tresling, Vita et Merita Rudolphi Agricola (Gröningen, 1830).

Wiskowatoff, Jacob Wimpheling, sein Leben und seine Schriften (Berlin, 1867).

Roth, Willibald Pirkheimer (Halle, 1887).

Krause, Briefwechsel des Mutianus Rufus (Cassel, 1855), p. 32.

Ibid. p. 94.

Ibid. p. 93.

Ibid. p. 28.

Ibid. p. 427.

Krause, Briefwechsel des Mutianus Rufus (Cassel, 1855), p. 79.

Ibid. p. 175: “Non sit vobiscum in castris (nostris) ulla turpitudo.”

Ibid.; cf. especially Letter to Urban, pp. 352, 353, and pp. 153, 190.

Geiger in his Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland (Berlin, 1882, Oncken's Series) has given a picture of the insignia of the poet laureate on p. 457, and one of Conrad Celtes crowned on p. 459.

De Verbo Mirifico (ed. 1552), p. 71.

Kriegk, Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter, pp. 1 ff., 38-53.

A chronicle and the details of the Reuchlin controversy are to be found in the second volume of the supplement to Böcking's edition of the works of Ulrich von Hutten. Good accounts are to be found in Geiger's Renaissanc und Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland, pp. 510 ff. (Berlin, 1882, Oncken's Series); in Strauss' Ulrich von Hutten: His Life and Times, pp. 100-140 (English translation by Mrs. Sturge, London, 1874); and in Creighton's History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, vol. vi. pp. 37 ff. (London, 1897).

The second edition is entitled Illustrium Virorum Epistolæ Hebraicæ, Grecæ, et Latinæ ad Jo. Reuchlinum; the first edition was entitled Clarorum Virorum, etc. The letters are forty-three in number—the first being from Erasmus, “the most learned man of the age.”

The best edition of the Epistolæ Obscurorum Vivorum is to be found in vol. i. of the Supplement to Böcking's Ulrici Hutteni Opera, 5 vols., with 2 vols. of Supplement (Leipzig, 1864, 1869). The first edition was published in 1515, and consisted of forty-one letters; the second, in 1516, contained the same number; in the third edition an appendix of seven additional letters was added. In 1517 a second part appeared containing sixty-two letters, and an appendix of eight letters was added to the second edition of the second part.

Strauss, Ulrich von Hutten, 2 vols. (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1874), translated and slightly abridged by Mrs. George Sturge (London, 1874).

Sources: Barack, Zimmerische Chronik, 4 vols. (2nd ed., Freiburg i. B. 1881-1882); Chroniken der deutschen Städte, 29 vols. (in progress); Grimm, Weisthümer, 7 vols. (Göttingen, 1840-1878); Haetzerlin, Liederbuch (Quedlinburg, 1840); Liliencron, Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom dreizehnten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1865-1869); Sebastian Brand's Narrenschiff (Leipzig, 1854); Geiler von Keysersberg's Ausgewählte Schriften (Trier, 1881); Hans Sachs, Fastnachspiele (Neudrucke deutschen Litteraturwerke, Nos. 26, 27, 31, 32, 39, 40, 42, 43, 51, 52, 60, 63, 64); Hans von Schweinichen, Leben und Abenteuer des schlessischen Ritters, Hans v. Schweinichen (Breslau, 1820-1823); Vandam, Social Life in Luther's Time (Westminster, 1902); Trithemius, Annales Hirsaugienses (St. Gallen, 1590).

Later Books: Alwyn Schulz, Deutsches Leben im 14ten und 15ten Jahrhundert (Prague, 1892); Kriegk, Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter (Frankfurt, 1868, 1871); Freytag, Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit, ii. ii. (Leipzig, 1899—translation by Mrs. Malcolm of an earlier edition, London, 1862); the series of Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte edited by Steinhausen (Leipzig, 1899-1905), are full of valuable information and illustrations; Aloys Schulte, Die Fugger in Rom (Leipzig, 1904); Gothein, Politische und religiöse Volksbewegungen vor der Reformation (Breslau, 1878); Cambridge Modern History, i. i. xv; v. Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation (Berlin, 1890); Genée, Hans Sachs und seine Zeit (Leipzig, 1902); Janssen, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, seil dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, i. (1897); Roth v. Schreckenstein, Das Patriziat in den deutschen Städten (Freiburg i. B., no date).

Daenell, Geschichte der deutschen Hanse in der zweiten Hälfte des 14 Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1897).

These figures have been taken from Dr. F. von Bezold (Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, Berlin, 1890, p. 36). When the Chron. Episc. Hildesheim. says that during a visitation of the plague 10,000 persons died in Nürnberg alone, the territory as well as the city must be included.

Hans von Schweinichen, i. 185.

Zimmerische Chronik, ii. 68, 69.

Ephrussi, Les Bains des Femmes d'Albert Dürer (Nurnberg, no date).

It has recently become a fashion among some Anglican and Roman Catholic writers to dwell on the “coarseness” of Luther displayed in his writings. One is tempted to ask whether these writers have ever read the Zimmer Chronicle, if they know anything about the Fastnachtspiele in the beginning of the sixteenth century, of the Rollwagen, of Thomas Murner and Bebel, Humanists; above all, if they have ever heard of the parable of the mote and the beam?

The most complete collection of the Weisthümer is in seven volumes. Volumes i.-iv. edited by J. Grimm, and volumes v.-vii. edited by R. Schroeder, Göttingen, 1840-1842, 1866, 1869, 1878. Important extracts are given by Alwin Schultz in his Deutsches Leben im 14 und 15 Jahrhundert, Vienna, 1892, pp. 145-178 (Grosse Ausgabe).

In the interesting collection of mediæval songs, of date 1470 or 1471, Liederbuch der Clara Hätzlerin (Quedlinburg and Leipzig, 1840), No. 67 (p. 259), entitled Von Mair Betzen, describes a peasant wedding, and tells us what each of the pair contributed to the “plenishing.” The bridegroom, Betze or Bartholomew Mair, gave to his bride an acre (juchart) of land well sown with flax, eight bushels of oats, two sheep, a cock and fourteen hens, and a small sum of money (fünff pfunt pfenning); while Metze Nodung, the bride, brought to the common stock two wooden beehives, a mare, a goat, a calf, a dun cow, and a young pig. It is perhaps worth remarking that, according to the almost universal custom in mediæval Germany, and in spite of ecclesiastical commands and threats, the actual marriage ceremony consisted in the father of the bride demanding from the young people whether they took each other for man and wife, and in their promising themselves to each other before witnesses. It was not until the morning after the marriage had been consummated that the wedded pair went to church to get the priest's blessing on a marriage that had taken place.

Barack, Zeitschrift für deutsche Culturgeschichte, iv. (1859) 36 ff.

Droysen, Geschichte der preussischen Politik, ii. i. p. 309 ff. (5 vols., Berlin, 1855-1886); Boos, Thomas und Felix Platter (Leipsic, 1876), p. 21.

These quotations have been taken from Seebohm, The Era of the Protestant Revolution, pp. 57, 58 (London, 1875).

Liliencron, Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom dreizchuten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert, ii. No. 146 (Leipzig, 1865-1869); cf. also 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138-147. Konrad Stolle, pastor at Erfurt, collected all the information he could from “priests, clerical and lay students, merchants, burghers, peasants, pilgrims, knights and other good people,” and wove it all into a Thuringian Chronicle which forms the 33rd volume of the Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart. It reflects the opinions of the time almost as faithfully as the folk-songs do, and contains the above quoted saying of Charles; cf. pp. 61 ff.

The best account of this movement is to be found in an article contributed to the Archiv des historischen Vereins von Unterfranken und Aschaffenburg, xiv. iii. 1, where Hans Böhm's sayings have been carefully collected. Pastor Konrad Stolle's Chronicle, published in the library of the Stuttgart Literary Society (Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, xxxiii.), is also valuable. A list of authorities may also be found in Ullmann's Reformers before the Reformation (Eng. trans.), i. 377 ff.

Narrenschiff, c. xi. l. 14-18.

Die historischen Volkslieder der Deutschen vom 13 bis 16 Jahrhundert, ii. No. 148.

Omnium Gentium Mores, iii, xii. (first printed in 1576).

Landsknecht or lanzknecht (for the words are the same) is often transliterated lance-knight in English State Papers of the sixteenth century. The English word, suggesting as it does cavalry armed with lances, is very misleading. The victories of the Swiss peasants, and their reputation as soldiers, suggested to the Emperor Frederick, and especially to his son, the Emperor Maximilian, the formation of troops of infantry recruited from the peasantry and from the lower classes of townsmen. Troops of cavalry of a like origin were also formed, and they were called reiters or reisiger. These mercenaries frequently gained much money both from pay and from plunder, and were regarded as heroes by the members of the classes from whom they had sprung. Liliencron's Die historischen Volkslieder vom 13ten bis zum 16ten Jahrhundert contains many folk-songs celebrating their prowess. The history of the gradual rise and growing importance of these peasant soldiers is given in Schultz, Deutsches Leben im 14ten und 15ten Jahrhundert, pp. 589 f. (Grosse Ausgabe), and in the authorities there quoted.

Willibald Pirkheimer in his book on the Swiss war, chap. ii. (German ed., Basel, 1826).

Gothein, Politische und religiöse Volksbewegungen vor der Reformation (Breslau, 1878), p. 78.

To Sources given to Chapter IV. add: Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zum Anfang des 17 Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1864-1877) vols. i. ii.; “Rainerii Sachoni Summa de Catharis et Leonistis” in the Magna Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. xiii. (Col. Agrip. 1618), cf. “Comm. Crit. de Rainerii Sachoni Summa” (Göttingen Osterprogramm of 1834); Habler, Das Wallfahrtbuch des Hermann von Vach, und die Pilgerreisen der Deutschen nach Santiago de Compostella (Strassburg, 1899); Mirabilia Romæ (reprint by Parthey, Berlin, 1869); Munzenberger, Frankfurter und Magdeburger Beichtbuchlein (Mainz, 1883); Hasak, Die letzte Rose, etc. (Ratisbon, 1883); Hasak, Der christliche Glaube des deutschen Volkes beim Schluss des Mittelalters (Ratisbon, 1868); Höfler, Denkwürdigkeiten der Charitas Pirckheimer (Quellensamml. z. fränk. Gesch. iv., 1858); Konrad Stolle, Thüringische Chronik (in Bibliothek d. lit. Vereins (Stuttgardt), xxxiii.).

Later Books: v. Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation (Berlin, 1890); Janssen, Geschichte des deutschen Volkesseit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (17th ed., 1897), vol. i.; Brück, Der religiöse Unterricht für Jugend und Volk in Deutschland in der zweiten Hälfte des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts; Cruel, Geschichte der deutschen Predigt im Mittelalter (Detwold, 1879); Dacheux, Jean Geiler de Keysersberg (Paris, 1876); Walther, Die deutsche Bibelübersetzung des Mittelalters (Brunswick, 1889); Uhlhorn, Die christliche Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 1887); Wilken, Geschichte der geistlichen Spiele in Deutschland (Göttingen, 1872).

Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander, etc. (Halle a. S. 1897), pp. 26, 45-48.

No fewer than six editions of his Postilla were published between 1471 and 1508.

v. Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, p. 91 f.

Heinzel, Beschreibung des geistlichen Schauspiels im deutschen Mittelalter (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1898); F. J. Mone, Schauspiele des Mittelalters, 2 vols. (Karlsruhe, 1846).

Hampsen, Medii Ævi Kalendarium (London, 1841), i. 140 f.

Tilliot, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de la fête dts fous (Lausanne, 1751); cf. Floegel's Geschichte des Grotesk-Komischen (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1886), pp. 199-242.

The old Scottish version is, “To us is borne a barne of bliss,” Gude and Godlie Ballates (Scot. Text Society, Edinburgh, 1897), pp. 51, 250.

This may be translated:

“Oh Jesus, Master, meek and mild,
Since Thou wast once a little child,
Wilt Thou not give this baby mine
Thy Grace and every blessing thine?
Oh Jesus, Master mild,
Protect my little child.

Now sleep, now sleep, my little child,
He loves thee, Jesus, meek and mild:
He'll never leave thee nor forsake,
He'll make thee wise and good and great.
Oh Jesus, Master mild,
Protect my little child.”

The old Scotch version was:

“In dulci jubilo,
Now let us sing with mirth and jo!
Our hartis consolation
Lies in præsepio;
And schynis as the Sonne
Matris in gremio.
Alpha es et O,
Alpha es et O!

O Jesu parvule,
I thirst sair after Thee;
Comfort my hart and mind,
O Puer optime!
God of all grace so kind,
Et Princeps Gloriæ,
Trahe me post Te,
Trahe me post Te!

Ubi sunt gaudia
In any place but there,
Where that the angels sing
Nova cantica,
But and the bellis ring
In Regis curia!
God gif I were there,
God gif I were there!”

—(Gude and Godlie Ballates (Scot. Text Society, Edinburgh, 1897), pp. 53. 250.)

There is a variety of English versions: “Let Jubil trumpets blow, and hearts in rapture flow”; “In dulci jubilo, to the House of God we'll go”; “In dulci jubilo, sing and shout all below.” Cf. Julian, Dictionary of Hymnology, p. 564.

Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, etc., ii. 483 ff.

The song began:

“Wöllent ir geren hören
Von sant Michel's wunn;
In Gargau ist er gsessen
Drei mil im meresgrund.

‘O heilger man, sant Michel,
Wie hastu dass gesundt,
Dass du so tief hast buwen
Wol in des meres grund?’ ”

—(Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, etc. ii. 1003.)

Konrad Stolle, Thüringische Chronik, pp. 128-131 (Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, xxxiii.).

Kolde, Friedrich der Weise und die Anfänge der Reformation, p. 14.

Lucas Cranach, Wittenberger Heiligenthumsbuch vom Jahre 1509, in Hirth's Liebhaber-Bibliothek alter Illustratoren in Facsimilien-Reproduktion, No. vii. (Munich, 1896).

Mirabilia Romæ, ed. by G. Parthey: the quotations are from an old German translation.

The title is Hæ sunt reliquiæ quæ habentur in hac sanctissima ecclesia Compostellana in qua corpus Beati Jacobi Zebedei in integrum.

No. i. of Drucke und Holzschnitte des 15 und 16 Jahrhunderts (Strassburg, 1899).

“Zway par schuech der darff er wol,
Ein schüssel bei der flaschen;
Ein breiten huet den sol er han,
Und an mantel sol er nit gan
Myt leder wol besezet;
Es schnei oder regn oder wehe der wint,
Dass in die lufft nicht nezet;
Sagkh und stab ist auch dar bey.”

—(Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der aeltesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des 17 Jahrhunderts, ii. 1009.)

The hospital at Romans is much praised:

“Da selbst eyn gutter spital ist,
Dar inne gybt mann brot und wyn
Auch synt die bett hubsch und fyn.”

On the other hand, although the hospital at Montpelier was good enough, its superintendent was a sworn enemy to Germans, and the pilgrims of that nation suffered much at his hands. These hospitals occupy a good deal of space in the pilgrimage song, and the woes of the Germans are duly set forth. If the pilgrim asks politely for more bread:

“Spitelmeister, lieber spitelmeister meyn,
Die brot sein vil zu kleine”;

or suggests that the beds are not very clean:

“Spitelmeister, lieber spitelmeister meyn,
Die bet sein nit gar reine,”

the superintendent and his daughter (der spitelmeister het eyn tochterlein es mocht recht vol eyn schelckin seyn) declared that they were not going to be troubled with “German dogs.”—Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, etc., ii. 1009-1010.

Zimmerische Chronik (Freiburg i. B. 1881-1882), ii. 314.

Ibid. iii. 474-475 iv. 201.

Predigten, i. 448.

Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, etc., ii. 554, 1016-1022.

Schwaumkell, Der Cultus der heiligen Anna am Ausgange des Mittelalters (Freiburg, 1893).

xix. p. 397 ff., xx. p. 159 ff., 329 ff., xxi. p. 43 ff.

The Romance of the Rose, ii. p. 168 (Temple Classics edition).

v. Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, pp. 95 f.

Kriegk, Deutsches Bürgerthum im Mittelalter. Nach urkundlichen Forschungen und mit besonderer Bezichung auf Frankfurt a. M., pp. 161 ff. (Frankfurt, 1868). Uhlhorn, Die christliche Liebesthätigkeit im Mittelalter, pp. 431 ff. (Stuttgart, 1854).

Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, ii. 768-769; it began:

“Ein zeyt hort ich mit gütter mer
von einem schyfflin sagen,
Wie es mit tugenden also gar
kostlichen war beladen:
Zu dem schyfflin gewan ich ein hertz,
Ich fand dar yn vil güter gemertz
in mancher hande gaden.”

The strongest prohibition of the vernacular Scriptures comes from the time of the Albigenses: “Prohibemus etiam, ne libros veteris Testamenti aut novi permittantur habere; nisi forte psalterium, vel brevarium pro divinis officiis, aut horas B. Mariæ aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne præmissos libros habeant in vulgari translatos, arctissime inhibemus” (Conc. of Toulouse of 1229, c. xiv.). The Constitutiones Thomæ Arundel, for the mediæval Church of England, declared: “Ordinamus ut nemo deinceps aliquem textum S. Scripturæ auctoritate sua in linguam Anglicanam vel aliam transferat per viam libri, libelii aut tractatus” (Art. VII., 1408 a.d.).

Pope Innocent iii. reprobated the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular, because ordinary laymen, and especially women, had not sufficient intelligence to understand them (Epistolæ, ii. 141); and Berthold, Archbishop of Mainz, in his diocesan edict of 1486, asserted that vernaculars were unable to express the profundity of the thoughts contained in the original languages of the Scriptures or in the Latin of the Vulgate.

Maima Bibliotheca Patrum (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), xiii. 299.

Walther, Die deutsche Bibelübersetzung des Mittelalters (Brunswick, 1889).

Gudenaus, Codex Diplomatic. Anecdota, iv. 469-475 (1758).

Walther, Die deutsche Bibelübersetzungen des Mittelalters (Brunswick, 1889).

Sebastian Brand, Narrenschiff, Preface, lines 1-4:

“Alle Land ist jetz voll heilger Schrift,
Und was der seelen Heil betrifft
Bibel und heilger Vater Lehr
Und andrer frommen Bücher mehr.”

Magna Bibliotheca Patrum (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), vol. xiii. pp. 290-301.

Sources: Casanova and Guasti, Poesie di G. Savonarola (Florence, 1862); Scella di Prediche e Scritti di Frà G. Savonarola, con nuovi Documenti intorno alla sua Vita, by Villari and Casanova (Florence, 1898); Bayonne, Œuvres Spirituelles choisies de Jerome Savonarola (Paris, 1879); The Workes of Sir Thomas More ... written by him in the Englyshe tonge (London, 1557); Erasmus, Opera Omnia, ed. Le Clerc (Leyden, 1703-1706); Nichols, The Epistles of Erasmus from his earliest letters to his fifty-first year, arranged in order of time (London, 1901); Enchiridion Militis Christiani (Cambridge, 1685); The whole Familiar Colloquies of Erasmus (London, 1877); Sir Thomas More, Utopia (Temple Classics Series).

Later Works: Villari, Girolamo Savonarola, 2 vols. (Florence, 1887-1888; Eng. trans., London, 1890); Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More, etc. (London, 1887); Drummond, Erasmus, his life and character (London, 1873); Woltmann, Holbein and his Time (London, 1872); Fronde, Life and Letters of Erasmus (London, 1894); Amiel, Un libre penseur du 16 siècle: Érasme (Paris, 1889); Emmerton, Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam (New York. 1899).

The Workes of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellour of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge (London, 1557), p. 6 C.

The Works of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellor of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge (London, 1557), p. 13 C.

Ibid. 5 A.

Ibid. 6 B.

Ibid. 6 C.

Ibid. 8 D.

Ibid. 6 D.

The Works of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometyme Lorde Chancellour of England, Wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge (London, 1557), 13 F.

Ibid. 12 D.

Ibid. 7 D.

Life and Times of Girolamo Savonarola, p. 771 (Eng. trans., London, 1897).

Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More; being a history of their fellow-work, 2nd ed. p. 125 (London, 1869). Mr. Seebohm seems to think that the Reformers clung to the mediæval conception of the inspiration of Scripture. Calvin held the same ideas as Colet, and expressed them in the same way. Cf. his comments on Matt. xxvii. 9: “Quomodo Hieremiæ nomen obrepserit, me nescire fateor, nec anxie laboro: certe Hieremiæ nomen errore positum esse pro Zacharia, res ipsa ostendit”; and his comment on Acts vii. 16: “quare his locus corrigendus est.”

Colet's abstracts of the Celestial and of the Terrestrial Hierarchies have been published by the Rev. J. H. Lupton (London, 1869), from the MS. at St. Paul's School. Mr. Lupton has also published Colet's treatise On the Sacraments of the Church (London, 1867). The best edition of the works of the pseudo-Dionysius is that of Balthasar Corderius, S.J., published at Venice in 1755. The actual writings of the pseudo-Dionysius are not extensive; the editor has added translations, notes, scholia, commentaries, etc., and his folio edition contains more than one thousand pages.

“The radical conception is most often due to Dionysius; the passages represent the effervescence produced by the Dionysian conceptions in Colet's mind.... The fire was indeed very much Colet's. I find passages which burn in Colet's abstract, freeze in the original.”—Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers, p. 76 (2nd ed., London, 1869). My knowledge of Colet's sermons comes from the extracts in Mr. Seebohm's work.

Cf. Mr. Lupton's translation of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchies, c. ii. If it be permissible to adduce evidence from the Utopia of Sir Thomas More, the anti-sacerdotal views of the Oxford Reformers went much further. In Utopia confession was made to the head of the family and not to the priests; women could be priests; divorce from bed and board was permitted. Cf. the Temple Classics edition, p. 116 (divorce), p. 148 (women-priests), p. 152 (confession).

Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers, p. 221 (2nd ed. 1869).

Erasmus, Opera Omnia (Leyden, 1703-1706), v. 140.

Erasmus, Opera Omnia (Leyden, 1703-1706), v. 26. The sarcasm of Erasmus finds ample confirmation in Kerler's Die Patronate der Heiligen (Ulm, 1905), where St. Rochus, with fifty-nine companion saints, is stated to be ready to hear the prayers of those who dread the plague; St. Apollonia, with eighteen others, takes special interest in all who are afflicted with toothache; the holy Job, with thirteen companions, is ready to cure the itch; and St. Barbara with St. George figure as protectors against a violent death; cf. pp. 266-273, 419-422, 218-219, 358-359.

Erasmus, Opera Omnia, v. 35-36.

Ibid. iv. 465.

Erasmus, Opera Omnia, iv. 481-484.

Ibid. iv. 471-474.

Ibid. iv. 445.

Leitschuh, Albrecht Dürer's Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande (Leipzig, 1884), p. 84.

Sources: Melanchthon, Historia de vita et actis Lutheri (Wittenberg, 1545, in the Corpus Reformatorum, vi.); Mathesius, Historien von ... Martini Lutheri, Anfang, Lere, Leben und Sterben (Prague, 1896); Myconius, Historia Reformations 1517-1542 (Leipzig, 1718); Ratzeberger, Geschichte über Luther und seine Zeit (Jena, 1850); Kilian Leib, Annales von 1503-1523 (vols. vii. and ix. of v. Aretin's Beiträge zur Geschichte und Litteratur, Munich, 1803-1806); Wrampelmeyer, Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther, geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus, 1537 (Halle, 1885); Caspar Cruciger, Tabulæ chronologicæ actorum M. Lutheri (Wittenberg, 1553); Förstemann, Neues Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-reformation (Hamburg, 1842); Kolde, Analecta Lutherana (Gotha, 1883); G. Loesche, Analecta Lutherana et Melanchthoniana (Gotha, 1892); Löscher; Vollstündige Reformations-Acta und Documenta (Leipzig, 1720-1729); Enders, Dr. Martin Luther's Briefwechsel, 5 vols. (Frankfurt, 1884-1893); De Wette, Dr. Martin Luther's Briefe, Sendschreiben und Bedenken, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1825-1828); J. Cochlæus (Rom. Cath.), Commentarius de actis et scriptis M. Lutheri ... ab anno 1517 usque ad annum 1537 (St. Victor prope Moguntiam, 1549); V. L. Seekendorf, Commentarius ... de Lutheranismo (Frankfurt, 1692); Constitutiones Fratrum Heremitarum Sancti Augustini (Nürnberg, 1504); Cambridge Modern History, ii. iv.

Later Books: J. Köstlin, Martin Luther, sein Leben und seine Schriften, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1889); Th. Kolde, Martin Luther. Eine Biographie, 2 vols. (Gotha, 1884, 1893); A. Hausrath, Luther's Leben, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1904); Lindsay, Luther and the German Reformation (Edinburgh, 1900); Kolde, Friedrich der Weise und die Anfänge der Reformation mit archivalischen Beilagen (Erlangen, 1881), and Die deutsche Augustiner-Congregation und Johann v. Staupitz (Gotha, 1879); A. Hausrath, M. Luther's Romfahrt nach einem gleichzeitigen Pilgerbuche (Berlin, 1894); Oergel, Vom jungen Luther (Erfurt, 1899); Jürgens, Luther von seiner Geburt bis zum Ablassetreil, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1846-1847); Krumhaar, Die Grafschaft Mansfeld im Reformationszeitalter (Eisleben, 1845); Buchwald, Zur Wittenberg Stadt- und Universitätsgeschichte in der Reformationszeit (Leipzig, 1893); Kampschulte, Die Universität Erfurt in ihrem Verkältniss zu dem Humanismus und der Reformation (Trier, 1856-1860).

Albrecht Dürer's Tugebuch der Reise in die Niederlande. Edited by Dr. Fr. Leitschuh (Leipzig, 1884), pp. 28-84.

Nicholas, born at Lyre, a village in Normandy, was one of the earliest students of the Hebrew Scriptures; he explained the accepted fourfold sense of Scripture in the following distich:

“Litera gesta docet, quid credas Allegoria,
Moralis quid agas, quo tendas Anagogia.”

Luther used his commentaries when he became Professor of Theology at Wittenberg, and acknowledged the debt; but it is too much to say:

“Si Lyra non lyrasset,
Lutherus non saltasset.”

There is one persistent contemporary suggestion, that Luther was finally driven to take the step by the sudden death of a companion, for which a good deal may be said. Oergel has shown, from minute researches in the university archives, that a special friend of Luther's, Hieronymus Pontz of Windsheim, who was working along with him for his Magister's degree, died suddenly of pleurisy before the end of the examination; that a few weeks after Luther had taken his degree, another promising student whom he knew died of the plague; that the plague broke out again in Erfurt three months afterwards; and that Luther entered the convent a few days after this second appearance of the plague.—Cf. Georg Oergel, Vom jungen Luther (Erfurt, 1899), pp. 35-41.

Cf. above, pp. 127 ff.

In my chapter on Luther in the Cambridge Modern History, ii. p. 114, where notes were not permitted, I have said with too much abruptness that John of Paltz was “the teacher of Luther himself.” Luther was certainly taught the theology of John of Paltz, and the latter was residing in the monastery during two years of Luther's stay there; but it is more probable that Luther's actual instructor was Nathin.

In the Tischreden (Preger, Leipzig, 1888), i. 27, the saying is attributed to Bartholomæus Usingen, who is erroneously called Luther's teacher in the Erfurt convent. Usingen did not enter the convent before 1512. He was a professor in the University of Erfurt, not in the convent.

N. Selneccer, Historia . . . D. M. Lutheri: “Jussus est omissis Sacris Bibliis ex obedientia legere scholastica et sophistica scripta.”

Modern Romanists describe all this as the self-torturing of an hysterical youth. They are surely oblivious to the fact that the only great German mediæval Mystic who has been canonised by the Romish Church, Henry Suso, went through a similar experience; and that these very experiences were in both cases looked on by contemporaries as the fruits of a more than ordinary piety.

Resolutiones, Preface.

Acts viii. 4.

Rom. xiii. 14.

Matt. x. 9.

Prov. ii. 1.

“If we review all the men and women of the West since Augustine's time, whom, for the disposition which possessed them, history has designated as eminent Christians, we have always the same type; we find marked conviction of sin, complete renunciation of their own strength, and trust in grace, in the personal God who is apprehended as the Merciful One in the humility of Christ. The variations of this frame of mind are innumerable—but the fundamental type is the same. This frame of mind is taught in sermons and in instruction by truly pious Romanists and by Evangelicals; in it youthful Christians are trained, and dogmatics are constructed in harmony with it. It has always produced so powerful an effect, even where it is only preached as the experience of others, that he who has come in contact with it can never forget it; it accompanies him as a pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night; he who imagines that he has long shaken it off, sees it rising up suddenly before him again.”—Harnack's History of Dogma, v. 74 (Eng. trans., London, 1898).

The Wolfenbüttel Library contains the Psalter (Vulgate) used by Luther in lecturing on the Psalms. The book was printed at Wittenberg in 1513 by John Gronenberg, and contains Luther's notes written on the margin and between the printed lines.

Luther's indebtedness to Gerson (Jean Charlier, born in 1363 at Gerson, a hamlet near Rethel in the Ardennes, believed by some to be the author of the De Imitatione Christi) has not been sufficiently noticed. It may be partially estimated by Luther's own statement that most experimental divines, including Augustine, when dealing with the struggle of the awakened soul, lay most stress on that part of the conflict which comes from temptations of the flesh; Gerson confines himself to those which are purely spiritual. Luther, during his soul-anguish in the convent, was a young monk who had lived a humanly stainless life, sans peur et sans reproche; Augustine, a middle-aged professor of rhetoric, had been living for years in a state of sinful concubinage.

It is commonly said that Luther made use of the mystical passages found in these and other authors; but mystical is a very ambiguous word. It is continually used to express personal or individual piety in general; or this personal religion as opposed to that religious life which is consciously lived within the fellowship of men called the Church, provided with the external means of grace. These are, however, very loose uses of the word. The fundamental problem, even in Christian Mysticism, appears to me to be how to bridge the gulf between the creature and the Creator, while the problem in Reformation theology is how to span the chasm between the sinful man and the righteous God. Hence in mysticism the tendency is always to regard sin as imperfection, while in the Reformation theology sin is always the power of evil and invariably includes the thought of guilt. Luther was no mystic in the sense of desiring to be lost in God: he wished to be saved through Christ.

Of course, Luther's intense individuality appeared in his language from the first. Take as an example a note on Ps. lxxxiv. 4: “As the meadow is to the cow, the house to the man, the nest to the bird, the rock to the chamois, and the stream to the fish, so is the Holy Scripture to the believing soul.”

The expression is interesting, because it shows that Luther's influence had made at least two of his colleagues change their views. Nicholas Amsdorf and Andrew Bodenstein of Carlstadt had come to Wittenberg to teach Scholastic Theology, and Amsdorf had made a great name for himself as an exponent of the older type of that theology.

An illustrated catalogue of Frederick's collection of relics was prepared by Lucas Cranach, and published under the title, Wittenberger Heiligthumsbuch vom Jahre 1509. It has been reprinted by G. Hirth of Munich in his Liebhaber-Bibliothek alter Illustratoren in Facsimile-Reproduktion, No. vi.

“Amore et studio elucidandæ veritatis hæc subscripta disputabuntur Wittenbergæ, præsidente R. P. Martino Lutther, artium et sacræ theologiæ magistro eiusdemque ibidem lectore ordinario. Quare petit, ut qui non possunt verbis præsentes nobiscum disceptare, agant id literis absentes. In nomine Domini nostri Hiesu Christi. Amen.”

Sources: Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiæ, Supplementum Tertiæ Partis, Quæstiones xxv.-xxvii.; Alexander of Hales, Summa Theologiæ, iv.; Bonaventura, Opera Omnia; In Librum Quartum Sententiarum, dist. xx.; vol. v. 264 tf. (Moguntiæ, 1609); Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum, quæ de rebus fidei et morum a conciliis œcumenicis et summis pontificibus emanarunt, 9th ed. (Würzburg, 1900), p. 175; Köhler, Documenta zum Ablassstreit von 1517 (Tübingen, 1902).

Later Books: F. Beringer (Soc. Jes.), Der Ablass, sein Wesen und Gebrauch, 12th ed. (Paderborn, 1898); Bouvier, Treatise on Indulgences (London, 1848); Lea, A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgence in the Latin Church, 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1896); Brieger, Das Wesen des Ablasses am Ausgange des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1897); Harnack, History of Dogma, vi. pp. 243-270; Götz, “Studien zur Geschichte des Buss-sacraments” in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, xv. 321 ff., xvi. 541 ff.; Schneider, Der Ablass (1881); Cambridge Modern History, ii. iv.

The use of the word satisfaction to denote an outward sign of sorrow for sin which was supposed to be well-pleasing to God and to afford reasonable ground for the congregation restoring a lapsed member, is very old—much older than the use of the word to denote the work of Christ. It is found as early as the time of Tertullian and Cyprian.

Tertullian was no believer in any indulgence shown to penitent sinners, and his account of the way in which penitents appeared before the congregation to ask for a remission or mitigation of the ecclesiastical sentence pronounced against them is doubtless a caricature, but it may be taken as a not unfair description of what must have frequently taken place: “You introduce into the Church the penitent adulterer for the purpose of melting the brotherhood by his supplications. You lead him into the midst, clad in sackcloth, covered with ashes, a compound of disgrace and horror. He prostrates himself before the widows, before the elders, suing for the tears of all; he seizes the edges of their garments, he clasps their knees, he kisses the prints of their feet. Meanwhile you harangue the people and excite their pity for the sad lot of the penitent. Good pastor, blessed father that you are, you describe the coming back of your goat in recounting the parable of the lost sheep. And in case your ewe lamb may take another leap out of the fold ... you fill all the rest of the flock with apprehension at the very moment of granting indulgence.”—(De Pudicitia, 13.)

In one book of discipline a man who has committed certain sins is ordered either to go on pilgrimage for ten years, or to live on bread and water for two years, or to pay 12s. a year. Detailed information may be found in Schmitz, Die Bussbücher und die Bussdisziplin der Kirche.

Summa, iv. 23.

Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiæ, iii., Supplementum, Quæs. xxv. 1.

“Du sprichst ‘So ich am letsten in todes not,
Ain yeder priester mich zu absolviren not’:
Von Schuld ist war, noch mitt von pein, so du bist tod,
Ja für ain stund in fegfeür dort.
Gabst du des Kaysers güte.”

—(Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied, etc. ii. 1068.)

Bonaventura, In Librum Quartum Sententiarum, Dist. xx. Quæst. 5. Alexander of Hales, Summa, iv. Quæst. 59; Thomas Aquinas, Summa, iii., Suppl. Quæst. i. 2.

Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiæ, iii., Supplem. Quæstio xxv. 1: “Ecclesia universalis non potest errare ... ecclesia universalis indulgentias approbat et facit. Ergo indulgentiæ aliquid valent ... quia impium esset dicere quod Ecclesia aliquid vanè faceret.”

Cf. the hymn, “Der guldin Ablass,” of the fifteenth century, in Wackernagel, ii. 283-284.

Sources: Köhler, Luthers 95 Theses samt seinen Resolutionen sowie den Gegenschriften von Wimpina-Tetzel, Eck, und Prierias und den Antworten Luthers darauf (Leipzig, 1903); Emil Reich, Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History (London, 1905).

Later Books: J. E. Kapp, Sammlung einiger zum päpstlichen Ablass, überhaupt ... aber zu der ... zwischen Martin Luther und Johann Tetzel hiervongeführten Streitigkeit gehörigen Schriften, mit Einleitungen und Anmerkungen versehen (Leipzig, 1721), and Kleine Nachlese einiger ... zur Erläuterung der Reformationsgeschichte nützlicher Urkunden (Four parts, Leipzig, 1727-1733); Bratke, Luthers 95 Theses und ihre dogmenhistorischen Voraussetzungen (Göttingen, 1884); Dieckhoff, Der Ablassstreit dogmengeschichtlich dargestellt (Gotha, 1886); Gröne, Tetzel und Luther (Soest, 1860).

The Obelisks of Eck were printed and circulated privately long before they were published; a copy was in Luther's hand on March 4th, 1518; it was answered by him on March 24th, and was published in the August following.

Köhler has collected together the Ninety-five Theses, the Resolutiones, and the attacks on the Theses by Wimpina-Tetzel, Eck, and Prierias, and published them in one small book (Leipzig, 1903). It is a handbook of reference, and the text of the documents has been carefully examined.

The arguments were all founded on Thomas Aquinas, Summa, iii., Supplementum, Quæstio xxv. l.

Thomas de Vio was born at Gæta, a town situated on a promontory about fifty miles north of Naples, and was called Cajetanus from his birthplace. His baptismal name was James, and he took that of Thomas in honour of Thomas Aquinas. He had entered the Dominican Order at the age of sixteen; he was a learned man, a Scholastic of the older Thomist type, and not without evangelical sympathies; but he had the Dominican idea that ecclesiastical discipline must be maintained at all costs.

Seidemann, Die Leipziger Disputation im Jahre 1519 (Dresden, 1843).

Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie for 1872, p. 534.

Petri Mosellani, “Epistola de Disput. Lips.” in Löscher's Reformations Acta et Documenta (Leipzig, 1720-1729), i. pp. 242 ff.

Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie for 1872, p. 535. The diarist is M. Sebastian Froscher.

Wace and Buchheim, Luther's Primary Works (London, 1896).

Denzinger, Enchiridion, etc. p. 175.

In a pamphlet written by Eck in 1519, he had asserted that all the theologians in Germany were opposed to Luther save a few unlearned canons. This called forth, towards the end of the year, The Answer of an Unlearned Canon, which was generally ascribed to Bernard Adelmann, a canon of Augsburg, but which was really written by Oecolampadius. Pirkheimer had written a caustic attack on Eck in a satire, in which German coarseness was clothed in elegant latinity, entitled Eccius Dedolatus (The Corner planed off, Eck being the German for “corner”), published in Lateinische Litteraturdenkmüler des 15 und 16 Jahrhundertes (Berlin, 1891). Carlstadt had opposed Eck at Leipzig.

A copy of Luther's notice has been preserved in the MS. “Annals” of Peter Schumann in the Zwickau Ratsschulbibliothek at Zwickau. It has been printed in Kolde's Analecta Lutherana (Gotha, 1883), p. 26: “Quisquis veritatis Evangeliceæ studio teneatur. Adesto sub horam nonam, modo ad templum S. Crucis extra mœnia oppidi, ubi pro veteri et apostolico ritu impii pontificiarum constitutionum et scholasticæ theologiæ libri cremabuntur quandoquidem eo processit audatia inimicorum Evangelii, ut pios ac evangelicos Luteri exusserit. Age pia et studiosa juventus ad hoc pium ac religiosum spectaculum constituito. Fortassis enim nunc tempus est quo revelari Antichristum opportuit.”

Fr. v. Bezold has some excellent pages on this subject in his Geschichte der deutschen Reformation (Berlin, 1890), pp. 278 ff. I have used the material he has collected, and added to it from my own reading.

Sources: Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl v., 3 vols. have been published (Gotha, 1893-1901); Balan, Monumenta Reformationis Lutheranæ ex tabulis S. Sedis secretis 1521-1525 (Ratisbon, 1883-1884); Læmmer, Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam sæculi 16 illustrantia (Freiburg, 1861); Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa (Regensburg, 1875); Brieger, Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormser Reichstag (Gotha, 1894); Calendar of Spanish State Papers (London, 1886); Calendar of Venetian State Papers, vols. iii.-vi. (London, 1864-1884); Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry viii., vols. iii.-xix. (London, 1860-1903); V. E. Loescher, Vollständige Reformations-Acta und Documenta, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1713-1722); Spalatin, Annales Reformationis (Leipzig, 1768); Chronikon 2nd vol. of Mencke's Scriptores rerum Germanicarum præcipae Saxonicarum, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1728-1730); Historischer Nachlass und Briefe (Jena, 1851); also the sources mentioned under the first chapter of this part.

Later Books: Hausrath, Aleander und Luther auf dem Reichstage zu Worms (Berlin, 1897); Kolde, Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms 1521 (Halle, 1883); Friedrich, der Reichstag zu Worms 1521 (Munich, 1871); Ranke, Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation (Leipzig, 1881; Eng. trans., London, 1905); Armstrong, The Emperor Charles v. (London, 1902); v. Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation (Berlin, 1890); Creighton, A History of the Papacy, vol. vi. (London, 1897); Gebhardt, Die Gravamina der deutschen Nation (Breshan, 1895).

Kalkoff, Die Depeschen, etc. pp. 46, 50, 58, 69, etc.

He became Archbishop of Brindisi and Orio, and then a Cardinal.

Breiger, Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen, p. 53 (Gotha, 1884); non superstitiose verax, Erasmus said.

Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander, etc. pp. 19, 20, 23, 24, 265, 266.

Brieger, Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen (Gotha, 1884), Quellen und Furschungen zur Geschichte der Reformation, i.; Friedensburg, Eine ungedrückte Depesche Aleanders von seiner ersten Nuntiatur bei Karl v., in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven, i. (1897); Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage 1521 (Halle, 1897, 2nd ed.); Kolde, Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms 1521 (Halle, 1883); Hausrath, Aleander und Luther auf dem Reichstage zu Worms (Berlin, 1897); Gebhardt, Die Gravamina der deutschen Nation (Breslau, 1895, 2nd ed.).

“Reserved as Charles was, the shock struck out the most outspoken confession of his faith that he ever uttered. Nowhere else is it possible to approach so closely to the workings of his spiritual nature, save in the confidential letters to his brother in the last troubled hours of rule, when he repeated that it was not in his conscience to rend the seamless mantle of the Church.”—Armstrong, The Emperor Charles v., i. 71 (London, 1902). But we have another glimpse in the conversation with his sister Maria, in which he confesses that he had come to think better of the Lutherans, for he had learned to know that they taught nothing outside the Apostles' Creed. Cf. Kawerau, Johann Agricola von Eisleben, p. 100 (Berlin, 1881).

Deutsche Reichstagsakten, etc. ii. 595.

Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, 1509-1525, p. 305 (London, 1866).

For an account of the indirect causes which led to the election of Charles, cf. v. Bezohl, Geschichte des deutschen Reformation, pp. 193 ff. (Berlin, 1890).

Armstrong, The Emperor Charles v., p. 73 (London, 1902).

Charles v. had for his confessor Jean Glapion, who figured largely in the preliminary scenes before Luther arrived at Worms. He had a remarkable conversation with Dr. Brück, the Elector of Saxony's Chancellor, in which he professed to speak for the Emperor as well as for himself. Luther's earlier writings had given him great pleasure; he believed him to be a “plant of renown,” able to produce splendid fruit for the Church. But the book on the Babylonian Captivity had shocked him; he did not believe it to be Luther's; it was not in his usual style; if Luther had written it, it must have been because he was momentarily indignant at the papal Bull, and as it was anonymous, it could easily be repudiated; or if not repudiated, it might be explained, and its sentences shown to be capable of a Catholic interpretation. If this were done, and if Luther withdrew his violent writings against the Pope, there was no reason why an amicable arrangement should not be come to. The Papal Bull could easily be got over, it could be withdrawn on the ground that Luther had never had a fair trial. It was a mistake to suppose that the Emperor was not keenly alive to the need for a reformation of the Church; there were limits to his devotion to the Pope; the Emperor believed that he would deserve the wrath of God if he did not try to amend the deplorable condition of the Church of Christ. Such was Glapion's statement. It is a question how far he was sincere, and how far he could speak for the Emperor. He was a friend and admirer of Erasmus; but the Dutchman had said that no man could conceal his own views so skilfully. The Elector heard that after this conversation Glapion had got from Aleander 400 copies of the Bull against Luther, and had distributed them among Franciscan monks. This made him doubt his sincerity, and he refused to grant him an audience. Cf. Reichstagsakten, ii. 477 ff.

A study of dates throws light on these bargainings. In Oct. 1520, Charles issued an edict ordering the burning of Luther's books within his hereditary dominions. In the following weeks Aleander was pressing Charles to make the edict universal; this was declared to be impossible, but (Nov. 28th) Charles wrote to the Elector of Saxony ordering him to produce Luther at Worms, and to hinder him from writing anything more against the Pope; as it were in answer (Dec. 12th), the Pope intimated to Charles that he had withdrawn his briefs about the Inquisition in Spain. The Emperor reached Worms about the middle of December. On Jan. 3rd (1521) the Pope simplified matters for the Emperor by issuing a new Bull, Decet Romanum, containing the names of Luther and Hutten; the Diet opened Jan. 28th; Aleander made his three hours' speech against Luther on Feb. 13; Feb. 19th, the Estates resolved that Luther should appear before them, and not for the simple purpose of recantation—he was to be heard, and to receive a safe conduct; March 6th, the imperial invitation and safe conduct, beginning with the words, nobilis, derote, nobis dilecte; Aleander protested vehemently against this address; the Emperor drafted a universal mandate ordering the burning of Luther's books; this probably was not published; it was withdrawn in favour of a mandate ordering all Luther's books to be delivered up to the magistrates; this was published in Worms on March 27th, and caused rioting; April 17th and 18th, Luther appeared before the Diet; May 8th, Charles received the Pope's pledge to take his side against Francis; Diet agreed to the ban against Luther on May 25th; Charles dated the ban May 8th.

Calendar of State Papers, Henry viii. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic (London, 1867), iii. i. p. 445.

Kalkoff, Die Depeschen, etc. p. 106.

This was probably the frontispiece of a small book containing four of Hutten's tracts, and entitled Gespräch Büchlin: Herr Ulrichs von Hutten. Feber das Erst: Feber das ander: Vadiscus, oder die Römische Dreifaltigkeit: Die Anschawenden; with the motto, Odivi ecclesiam malignantium. It is figured in v. Bezold's Geschicte der deutschen Reformation, p. 307 (Berlin, 1890).

Reichtstagsakten, ii. pp. 495 ff.

Ibid. 515 ff.

Reichstsakten, ii. pp. 518 ff.

Brieger, Aleander und Luther 1521: Die vervollständigten Aleander-Depeschen nebst Untersuchungen über den Wormses Reichstag (Gotha, 1884), p .19.

Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Carl v. (Gotha, 1896), ii. 466; Brieger, Aleander, etc. pp. 19, 20.

Cf. p. 267, note.

The draft was dated February 15th, and will be found in the Reichstagsakten, ii. 507 ff.

The answer of the Diet was dated February 19th, and is to be found in the Reichstagsakten, ii. 514 ff., and discussions thereanent, pp. 517, 518 f.

The second draft edict proposed to summon Luther to make recantation only, and at the same time ordered his books to be burnt, which was equivalent to a condemnation, Reichstagsakten, ii. 520.

The revised draft edict in its final form was dated March 10th, four days after the citation and safe conduct, and it is probable that it was finally issued by the Emperor for the purpose of frightening Luther, and preventing him obeying the citation and trusting to the safe conduct, Reichstagsakten, ii. 529 ff. and notes.

Luther received three safe conducts, one from the Emperor in the citation, one from the Elector of Saxony, and one from Duke George of Saxony. Reichstagsakten, ii. 526 ff.

Cf. Aleander's letter of April 5th, 1521. Brieger, Aleander und Luther, etc. pp. 119 ff.

Spalatin's Annales Reformationis (Cyprian's edition), p. 38.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 850.

Ibid. p. 850.

Ibid. p. 853, note.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 863.

Lingke, Luther's Reisegeschichte, pp. 83 f.

Every monk when on a journey had to be accompanied by a brother of the Order. Petzensteiner left his convent and married (July 1522), Kolde, Analecta Lutherana, p. 38. For the entry into Worms, cf. Reichstagsakten, ii. 850, 859; Balau, Monumenta, etc. p. 170.

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 143; Zeitschrift f. Kirchengeschichte, iv. 326.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 569; Forstemann, Urkundenbuch, 68 f., Tischreden, iv. 349; Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 146.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 514, 519 f., 526.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 573.

Ibid. p. 891, where it is said that the imperial entourage and the dependants of the Curia hated a public appearance of Luther worse than foreigners dislike “Einbecker beer.”

Cf. Luther's letters to Cranach (April 21st, 1521), and to the Elector Frederick, De Wette, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe, etc. i. 588, 599.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 545.

Ibid. p. 859.

The terms Orator and Official have a great many meanings in Mediæval ecclesiastical Latin. They probably mean here the president of the Archbishop's Ecclesiastical Court. John Eck was a Doctor of Canon Law. Archbishop Parker signed himself the Orator of Cecil (Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign Series, 1559-1560, p. 84).

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 145.

Ibid. p. 145.

This paragraph and the succeeding one are founded on the following sources: The official report written by John Eck of Trier; the Acta Wormaciæ, a narrative in the handwriting of Spalatin; and the statements of fourteen persons, Germans, Italians, and a Spaniard, all present in the Diet on the 17th and 18th of April 1521.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 574.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 547.

Ibid. p. 549.

Ibid.. p. 862.

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 147.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 632.

De Wette, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe, etc. i. 589.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xxiv. 322.

Ibid. lxiv. 369.

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 146.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 633.

Ibid. p. 588.

Ibid. p. 547.

Ibid. p. 633.

The names of the books collected and placed on the table have been curiously preserved on a scrap of paper stored in the archives of the Vatican Library; they were all editions published by Frobenius of Basel (Reichstagsakten, ii. 548 and note). It may be sufficient to say that among them (twenty-five or so) were the appeal To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, the tract On the Liberty of a Christian Man, The Babylonian Captivity of the Church of Christ, Against the Execrable Bull of Antichrist, some commentaries, and some tracts on religious subjects “not contentious,” says the official record.

This was probably an answer to the suggestion made by Glapion to Chancellor Brück, that if Luther would only deny the authorship of the Babylonian Captivity of the Church of Christ, which had been published anonymously, matters might be arranged.

The sentence, “And I have written some others which have not been named,” was an aside spoken in a lower tone, but distinctly (Reichstagsakten, ii. 589, 860).

Reichstagsakten, ii. 548. In Eck's official report Luther's answer is given very briefly; instead of Luther's words the Official says: “As to the other part of the question, whether he wished to retract their contents and to sing another tune (palinodiam canere), he began to invent a chain of idle reasons (causas nectere) and to seek means of escape (diffugias quærere)” (Reichstagsakten, ii. 589).

Reichstagsakten, ii. 851, 863: “Wir habent den Luther nit wol horen reden, dann er mit niederer stim geredet” (Kolde, Analecta, p. 30 n.).

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 146.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 549. Aleander, writing to Rome, says that the Official went on to say in the name of the Emperor that Luther ought to bear it in mind that he had written many things against the Pope and the Apostolic Chair, and had scattered recklessly many heretical statements which had caused great scandal, and which, if not speedily ended, would kindle such a great conflagration as neither Luther's recantation nor the imperial power could extinguish; and that he exhorted Luther to be mindful of this (Brieger, Aleander, p. 147). In Eck's official report these remarks are given as the opinions of those princes who did not wish that Luther's request should be granted; but they must have been included in his speech, for Peutinger confirms the nuncio's report (Reichstagsakten, ii. 589 f., 866).

De Wette, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefe, i. 587.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 862.

Ibid. p. 853.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 549 n.; Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 369.

“I was on my way to the audience to hear (Luther's) speech, but the throng was so dense that I could not get through” (Sixtus Oelhafen to Hector Pömer, Reichstagsakten, ii. 854).

Reichstagsakten, ii. 864.

Walch, xv. 2301.

Ibid. p. 2233.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 853.

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 172.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 549.

Ibid. p. 550.

Myconius, Historia Reformationis (Leipzig, 1718), p. 39.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 578.

Ibid. pp. 550 ff., 557 ff., 591 ff. etc.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370.

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 152.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 530.

Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia (Leyden, 1703), iii. 1095: “Jam audio multis persuasum, ex meis scriptis exstitisse totam hanc Ecclesiæ procellam: cujus verissimi rumoris præcipuus auctor fuit Hieronymus Aleander, homo, ut nihil aliud dicam, non superstitiose verax.”

Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 41.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 860 n.

Ibid. p. 860.

Ibid. p. 853.

Ibid. pp. 550, 551.

Myconius, Historia Reformationis, p. 39.

Walch, xv. 233.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 861.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 555.

Ibid. p. 591.

Ibid. p. 861 n.

Cochlæus, Commentarius, etc. p. 34.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 556-558, 581, 582, 591-594.

Aleander wrote that the Emperor said that he did not wish to hear more: et allora fu detto per Cesar, che bastava et che non volera più udir, ex quo questui negava li Concilii (Brieger, Aleander, etc. p. 153).

Reichstagsakten, ii. 862 (Dr. Peutinger to the Council of Augsburg). The famous ending: Hie stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders thun, Gott helfe mir, Amen, which gives such a dramatic finish to the whole scene, is not to be found in the very earliest records. It first appeared in an account published in Wittenberg without date, but which is probably very early, and also in the 1546 edition of Luther's Works, Various versions are given of the last words Luther uttered—Gott helf mir, Amen, in the Acta Wormaciæ (Reichstagsakten, ii, 557), which are believed to have been corrected by Luther himself; So helf mir Gott, denn kein widerspruch kan ich nicht thun, Amen, is given by Spalatin in his Annales (p. 41). Every description of the scene coming from contemporary sources shows that there was a great deal of confusion; it is most likely that in the excitement men carried away only a general impression and not an exact recollection of the last words of Luther. If it were not for Dr. Peutinger's very definite statement written almost immediately after the event, there seems to be no reason why the dramatic ending should not have been the real one.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 636.

Ibid. p. 862.

Ibid. p. 558.

Reichstagsakten, ii. 636. Aleander says that Luther alone raised his hand and made this gesture; he was not present; the Spaniard who recounts the incident as given above was a spectator of the scene.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), lxiv. 370; Wrampelmeyer, Tagebuch über Dr. Martin Luther, geführt von Dr. Conrad Cordatus, p. 477; et descendi de pretorio conductus, do sprangen Gesellen herfur, die sagten, “Wie, furt yhr yhn gefangen? Das must nicht sein.”

Reichslagsakten, ii. 853.

Selnecker, Historia ... D. M. Lutheri (1575), p. 108.

Cf. p. 264-5. The complete text of the Emperor's declaration is to be found in the Reichstagsakten, ii. 594; Förstemann, Neues Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-Reformation (Hamburg, 1842), i. 75; Armstrong, The Emperor Charles v., i. 70 (London, 1902).

Brieger, Aleander und Luther 1521, p. 154 (Gotha, 1884): Dove molti rimasero più pallidi che se fossero stati morti.

Brieger, Luther und Aleander 1521 (Gotha, 1884), pp. 208 ff.; Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander vom Wormser Reichstage 1521 (Halle, 1897), pp. 235 ff.

Leitschuh, Albrecht Dürer's Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande (Leipzig, 1884), pp. 82-84.

Kolde, Analecta Lutherana (Gotha, 1883), pp. 31, 32: “Quare, mi doctissime Luthere, si me amas, si reliquos, qui adhuc mecum curam tui habent, Evangeliique Dei, per te tanto labore, tanta cura, tot sudoribus, tot periculis prædicati fac sciamus, an vivas, an captus sis.”

Brieger, Luther und Aleander 1521 (Gotha, 1884), p. 158; Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander (Halle, 1897), p. 182.

Cf. Letter of Cochlæus to the Pope (June 19th) in Brieger's Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, xviii. p. 118.

Brieger, Luther und Aleander 1521 (Gotha, 1884), p. 211.

The important clauses in the Edict of Worms are printed in Emil Reich's Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History (London, 1905), p. 209.

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry viii., iii. i. p. cccxxxviii. Letter from Tunstal to Wolsey of date January 21st, 1521.

Brieger, Aleander und Luther 1521 (Gotha, 1884), p. 263; cf. pp. 249 ff.

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry viii., iii. 449, 485.

Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 295.

v. Ranke in his Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1882), ii. 56, and Dr. Burkhardt, archivist at Weimar, in the Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie (Gotha) for 1862, p. 456—both founding on the confessedly imperfect information to be found in Panzer's Annalen der älteren deutschen Litteratur (1788-1802)—have made the following calculations:—the number of printed books issued in the German language, and within Germany, from 1480-1500, did not exceed forty a year; the years 1500-1512 show about the same average; in the year 1513 the number of books and booklets issued from German presses in the German language was 35; in 1514 it was 47; in 1515, 46; in 1516, 55; in 1517, 37; then Luther's printed appeals to the German people began to appear in the shape of sermons, tracts, controversial writings, etc., and the German publications of the year 1518 rose to 71, of which no less than 20 were from Luther's pen; in 1519 the total number was 111, of which 50 were Luther's; in 1520 the total was 208, of which 133 were Luther's; in 1521 (when Luther was in the Wartburg), Luther published 20 separate booklets; in 1522, 130; and in 1523 the total number was 498, of which 180 were Luther's; cf. Weller, Repertorium Typographicum (Nördlingen, 1864-1874), for further information. From Luther's Letter to the Nürnberg Council (Enders, v. 244), it may be inferred that the first edition of each of his writings was usually sold out in seven or eight weeks.

It was Luther's appeal to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation which taught Ulrich von Hutten the powers of the German language; Strauss, Ulrich von Hutten, His Life and Times (London, 1874), p. 241.

A number of the more important of these controversial writings have been reprinted under the title Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit in the very useful series Neudrucke deutscher Litteraturwerke, in the course of publication by Niemeyer of Halle; cf. also Kuczynski, Thesaurus libellorum historiam Reformatorum illustrantium (Leipzig, 1870); O. Schade, Satiren und Pasquillen aus der Reformationszeit, 3 vols. (Hanover, 1856-1858).

Murner was in England in 1523 hoping for an audience from Henry viii., in whose defence he had written against Luther. “The king desires out of pity that he should return to Germany, for he was one of the chief stays against the faction of Luther, and ordered Wolsey to pay him £100.” Cf. Letter of Sir Thomas More to Wolsey: Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry viii., iii. ii. 3270.

Compare chapter on Social Conditions, pp. 96 ff.

Eberlin's most important pamphlets have been edited by Enders and published in Niemeyer's Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit, and form Nos. xi. xv. and xviii. of the series (Halle, 1896, 1900, 1902).

Oecolampadius is thought by Böcking to have been the author of the celebrated pamphlet, Neukarsthans (Summer, 1521), often attributed to Hutten. Sickingen is one of the speakers; the author shows an acquaintance with Scripture and with theology which Hutten could scarcely command; and the idea of ecclesiastical polity sketched seems lo be taken from Marsilius of Padua.

Hulsse, Die Einführung der Reformation in der Stadt Magdeburg (Magdeburg, 1883), p. 46.

The woodcut was first used to illustrate Hans Sachs' poem, “Der gut Hirt und der böss Hirt, Johannis am Zehenden Capitel”; and is given in a facsimile reproduction of several of Hans Sachs' poems, sacred and secular, entitled Hans Sachs im Gewande seiner Zeit, Gotha, 1821. The poems were originally issued as large broad-sheets illustrated with a single woodcut, and were meant to be fixed on the walls of rooms.

Many of these Reformation cartoons are to be found in G. Hirth, Kulturgeschichtliches Bilderbuch aus drei Jahrhunderten, i. ii. (Munich, 1896), and one or two in the illustrations in von Bezold, Geschichte der deutschen Reformation (Berlin, 1890).

The Passional Christi et Antichristi has been reproduced in facsimile by W. Scherer (Berlin, 1885).

H. Barge, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1905).

Cf. Barge, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, i. 357; the letter is printed in ii. 558-559.

The ordinance is printed in Richter's Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1846), ii. 484; and, with a more correct text, in Sehling's Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig), 1902, I. i. 697.

This Instruction will be found in Enders, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel, iii. 292-295. Its effect on Luther's return to Wittenberg is discussed at length by von Bezold (Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, xx. 186 ff.), Kawerau (Luther's Rückkehr, etc., Halle, 1902), and by Barge (Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, Leipzig, 1905, p. 432 ff.).

See his letters to Spalatin in Enders, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel, iii. 271, 286.

Johann Kessler, Sabbata (edited by Egli and Schoch, St. Gall, 1902).

The edict said: “In the first place, we command that all, particularly all princes, estates, and subjects, shall not, after the expiry of the above twenty days, which terminate on the 14th of the present month of May, offer to Luther either shelter, food, or drink, or help him in any way with words or deeds, secretly or openly. On the contrary, wherever you get possession of him, you shall at once put him in prison and send him to me, or, at any rate, inform me thereof without any delay. For that holy work you shall be recompensed for your trouble and expenses. Likewise you ought, in virtue of the holy constitution and ban of our Empire, to deal in the following way with all the partisans, abettors, and patrons of Luther. You shall put them down, and confiscate their estates to your own profit, unless the said persons can prove that they have mended their ways and asked for papal absolution. Furthermore, we command, under the aforesaid penalties, that nobody shall buy, sell, read, keep, copy, or print any of the writings of Martin Luther which have been condemned by our holy father the Pope, whether in Latin or in German, nor any other of his wicked writings.”

The Pope's instructions to his nuncio will be found in Wrede, Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl v., iii. 393 ff.

Compare Gebhardt, Die Gravamina der Deutschen Nation, 2nd ed., Breslau, 1895.

The annates were the first year's stipend of an ecclesiastical benefice, usually reckoned at a fixed rate.

Sources: Baumann, Quellen zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges in Ober-Schwaben (Stuttgart, 1877); Die Zwölf Artikel der oberschwäbischen Bauern (Kempten, 1896); Akten zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges aus Ober-Schwaben (Freiburg, 1881); Beger, Zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges nach Urkunden zu Karlsruhe (in Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, vols. xxi.-xxii., Göttingen, 1862); Ryhiner, Chronik des Bauernkrieges (Basler Chroniken, vi., 1902); Waldau, Materialien zur Geschichte des Bauerkrieges (Chemnitz, 1791-1794); Vogt, Die Korrespondenz des Schwübischen Bundes-Hauptmanns, 1524-1527 (Augsburg, 1879-1883).

Later Books: Zimmermann, Allgemeine Geschichte des grossen Bauernkrieges, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1856); E. Belfort Bax, The Peasants' War in Germany (London, 1899); Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (London, 1897); Stern, Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit (Berlin, 1883). The literature on the Peasants' War is very extensive.

Compare above, p. 106.

Lindsay, Luther and the German Reformation (Edinburgh, 1900), 169 ff.; Stern, Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit, Berlin, 1883.

Friedrich, Astrologie und Reformation, oder die Astrologen als Prediger der Reformation und Urheber des Bauernkrieges, München, 1864.

Cf. “The Twelve Peasant Articles” in Emil Reich, Select Documents illustrating Mediæval and Modern History, p. 212.

After speaking about the duties of the authorities, he proceeds: “In the case of an insurgent, every man is both judge and executioner. Therefore, whoever can should knock down, strangle, and stab such publicly or privately, and think nothing so venomous, pernicious, and devilish as an insurgent.... Such wonderful times are these, that a prince can merit heaven better with bloodshed than another with prayer.”

Luther dissuaded the Landgrave of Hesse from permanently adopting the democratic ecclesiastical constitution drafted by Francis Lambert for the Church of Hesse in 1526. The rejected constitution has been printed by Richter in his Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszschuten Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1846), i. 56.

Sources (besides those given in earlier chapters): Ney, “Analecten zur Geschichte des Reichstags zu Speier im Jahr 1526” (Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, viii. ix. xii.); Friedensburg, Beiträge zum Briefwechsel zwischen Hertzog Georg von Sachsen und Landgraf Philip von Hessen (Neuer Archiv für Sächs. Gesch. vi.); Balan, Clementis vii. Epistolæ (vol. i. of Monumenta Sæculi xvi. Historiam illustrantia, Innsbruck, 1885); Casanova, Lettere di Carlo v. and Clemente vii. 1527-1533 (Florence, 1893); Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl v. (Leipzig, 1845); Bradford, Correspondent of Charles v. (London, 1850).

Later Books: Schomburgk, Die Pack'schen Handel (Maurenbrecher's Hist. Taschenbuch, Leipzig, 1882); Stoy, Erste Bündnisbestrebungen evangelischen Stände (Jena, 1888); Cambridge Modern History, ii. vi.

The Diet was accustomed to appoint a Committee of Princes to put in shape their more important ordinances. The ordinance was called a “recess.”

A description of the changes in organisation and worship introduced after the decision of the Diet of 1526 is reserved for a separate chapter.

Ney, Geschichte des Reichstages zu Speier in 1529 (Hamburg, 1880); Tittmann, Die Protestation zu Speyer (Leipzig, 1829).

Calendars of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the reign of Elizabeth, 1559-1560, p. 84.

Sources: Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte der Religionsgespräches zu Marburg, 1529, und des Reichstages zu Augsburg, 1530 (Gotha, 1876); Bucer, Historische Nachricht von dem Gespräch zu Marburg (Simler, Sammlung, ii. ii. 471 ff.); Rudolphi Collini, “Summa Colloquii Marpurgensis,” printed in Hospinian, Historia sacramentaria, ii. 123b-126b, and in Zwinglii Opera, iv. 175-180 (Zurich, 1841); Brieger in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, i. 628 ff.

Later Books: Ebrard, Das Dogma vom heiligen Abendmahl und seine Geschichte, vol. ii. (Frankfurt a. M. 1846; the author has classified the accounts of the persons present at the conference, and given a combined description of the discussion, pp. 308 n. and 314 ff.); Erichson, Das Marburger Religiongespräch (Strassburg, 1880); Bess, Luther in Marburg, 1529 (Preuss. Jahrbücher; civ. 418-431, Berlin, 1901).

In the Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent the Sacrifice of the Mass is defined in the 22nd Session, and the Eucharist in the 13th Session.

Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten zu der Geschichte des Religionsgespräches zu Marburg und des Reichstages zu Augsburg, 1530, pp. 33, 34.

There are several contemporary accounts of this meeting at the bridge of the Lech, and of the procession; for one, see Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten, etc. pp. 54-57.

It was a somewhat doubtful honour for a city to be chosen as the meeting place of a Diet. The burghers of Augsburg hired 2000 landsknechts to protect them during the session (Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten, p. 52).

Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, etc. i. 268, 271; Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten, etc. p. 59 and note.

Sources: Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten; Förstemann, Urkundenbuch zu der Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg, 2 vols. (Halle, 1833-1835); and Archiv für die Geschichte der kirchl. Reformation (Halle, 1831).

Later Books: Moritz Facius, Geschichte des Reichstags zu Augsburg (Leipzig, 1830).

Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten, etc. p. 90.

The threat is recorded in Archiv für Schweizerische Geschichte und Landeskunde, i. 278.

Armstrong, The Emperor Charles v., i. 244.

Förstemann, Archiv, p. 206.

Schaff, The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Christian Churches (London, 1877), p. 3; cf. History of the Creeds of Christendom (London, 1877), pp. 220 ff.; Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der Reformierten Kirche (Leipzig, 1903), pp. 55-100; Tschakert, Die Augsburgische Konfession, (Leipzig, 1901).

Förstemann, Urkundenbuch, i. 39: the worthy Chancellor thought that the document should be drafted “mit gründlicher bewerung derselbigen aus göttlicher schrifft.”

Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten, etc. p. 98.

Charles knew well that the nuncio would exert all his influence to prevent a settlement. In anticipation of the Diet the Emperor had privately asked Melanchthon to give him a statement of the minimum of concessions which would content the Lutherans. Melanchthon seems to have answered (our source of information is not very definite): the Eucharist in both kinds; marriage of priests permitted; the omission of the canon of the Mass; concession of the Church lands already sequestrated; and the decision of the other matters in dispute at a free General Council. Charles had sent the document to Rome; it had been debated at a conclave of cardinals, who had decided that none of the demands could be granted.

One document says: “Es war aber zum ersten die confutation wol bey zweihundert und achtzig bletter lang gewesen, aber die key. Mäj. hat sie selbst also gereuttert und gerobt, das es nicht mehr denn zwölf bletter geblieben sind. Solchs soll Doctor Eck sehr verdrossen und wee gethan haben.”—(Schirrmacher, Briefe und Acten, etc. p. 167.)

De Wette, Luther's Briefe, etc. iv. 1-182.

Ibid. iv. 41.

De Wette, Luther's Briefe, etc. iv. 128.

The whole time of the members of the Diet was not spent in theological discussions. We read of banquets, where Lutherans and Romanists sat side by side; of dances that went on far into the night; of what may be called a garden party in a “fair meadow,” where a wooden house was built for the accommodation of the ladies; and of tournaments. At one of them, Ferdinand, the Emperor's brother, was thrown and his horse rolled over him; and Melanchthon wrote to Luther that six men had been killed at one of these “gentle and joyous” passages of arms.

The Romanist majority had resolved to fight the Protestant minority, not in the battlefield, but in the law-courts—nicht fechten sondern rechten, was the phrase.

When the religious war did begin in 1545, Charles justified the use of force on the grounds that the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse had violated the constitution of the Empire, had repudiated the decisions of the Reichskammersgericht, and had protested against the decisions of the Diet.

Schmidt, Zur Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Bundes (Forsch. zur Deutschen Geschichte, xxv.); Zangemeister, Die Schmalkaldischen Artikel von 1537 (Heidelberg, 1883); Corpus Reformatorum, iii. 973 ff.

Winckelmann, “Die Verträge von Kadan und Wien” (Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, xi. 212 ff.).

Cf. Kolde, Analecta, pp. 216 ff., 231 f., 262 f., 278 f., etc.

Spiegel, “Johannes Timannus Amsterodamus und die Colloquien zu Worms und Regensburg, 1540-1541” (Zeitschrift für hist. Theologie, xlii. (1872) 36 ff.); Moses, Die Religionsverhandlungen in Hagenau und Worms, 1540-1541 (Jena, 1889).

Heppe, “Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte der Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philip v. Hessen” (Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxii. (1852) 263 ff.), cf. xxxviii. 445 ff.; Schultze, Luther und die Doppelehe des Landgrafen v. Hessen (Paderborn (1869)).

Luther's action is usually attributed to his desire not to offend a powerful Protestant leader. A careful study of the original documents in the case—correspondence and papers—does not confirm this view. To my mind, they show on Luther's part a somewhat sullen and crabbed conscientious fidelity to a conviction which he always maintained. With all his reverence for the word of God, he could never avoid giving a very large authority to the traditions of the Church when they did not plainly contradict a positive and direct divine commandment. The Church had been accustomed to say that it possessed a dispensing power in matrimonial cases of extreme difficulty; and, in spite of his denunciations of the dispensations granted by the Roman Curia, Luther never denied the power. On the contrary, he thought honestly that the Church did possess this power of dispensation even to the length of tampering with a fundamental law of Christian society, provided it did not contradict a positive scriptural commandment to the contrary. The crime of the Curia, in his eyes, was not issuing dispensations in necessary cases, but in giving them in cases without proved necessity, and for money.

Ranke has an interesting study of the character of Maurice in his Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, bk. ix. chap. vi. (vol. v. pp. 161 ff. of the 6th ed., Leipzig, 1882); but perhaps the best is given in Maurenbrecher, Studien und Skizzen zur Geschichte der Reformationszeit (Leipzig, 1874), pp. 135 ff. A man's deep religious convictions can tolerate strange company in most ages, and the fact that we find Romanist champions in France plunging into the deepest profligacy the one week and then undergoing the agonies of repentance the next, or that Lutheran leaders combined occasional conjugal infidelities and drinking bouts with zeal for evangelical principles, demands deeper study in psychology than can find expression, in the fashion of some modern English historians, in a few cheap sneers.

Henninjard, Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue française (Geneva and Paris, 1866-1897), i. 47, 48.

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry viii., iii. 284.

Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Aleander (Halle, 1897), p. 106.

Acts of the Parliament of Scotland for 1525 and 1527.

Maurenbrecher, Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten 1545-1555 (Düsseldorf, 1865): Jahn, Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Krieges (Leipzig, 1837); Lo Mang, Die Darstcllung des Schmalkaldischen Krieges in den Denkwürdigkeiten Karls V. (Jena, 1890, 1899, 1900); Brandenburg, Moritz von Sachsen (Leipzig, 1898).

Schmidt, “Agenda and Letters relating to the Interim,” in Zeitschrift für historisch. Theologie, xxxviii. (1868) pp. 431 ff., 461 ff.; Beutel, Über den Ursprung des Augsburger Interim (Leipzig, 1888); Meyer, Der Augsburger Reichstag nach einem fürstlichen Tagebuch (Preus. Jahrb. 1898, pp. 206-242).

Maurice of Saxony was permitted to make some alterations on the Interim for his dominions, and his edition was called the Leipzig Interim.

One of these broadsides is reproduced in von Bezold's Geschichte der deutschen Reformation (Berlin, 1890), p. 806.

Wolf, Der Augsburger Religionsfriede (Stuttgart, 1890); Brandi, Der Augsburger Religionsfriede (Munich, 1896); Druffel, Beiträge zur Reichsgeschichte, 1553-1555 (Munich, 1896).

These two unsettled questions became active in the disputes which began the Thirty Years' War.

Pollard, Cambridge Modern History, ii. 144.

The Religious Peace of Augsburg had important diplomatic consequences beyond Germany. The Lutheran form of faith was recognised to be a religio licita (to use the old Roman phrase) within the Holy Roman Empire, which, according to the legal ideas of the day, included all Western Christendom; and Popes could no longer excommunicate Protestants simply because they were Protestants, without striking a serious blow at the constitution of the Empire. No one perceived this sooner than the sagacious young woman who became the first Protestant Queen of England. In the earlier and unsettled years of her reign, Elizabeth made full use of the protection that a profession of the Lutheran Creed gave to shield her from excommunication. She did so when the Count de Feria, the ambassador of Philip ii., threatened her with the fate of the King of Navarre (Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, i. 61, 62); she suppressed all opinions which might be supposed to conflict with the Lutheran Creed in the Thirty-eight Articles of 1563; she kept crosses and lights on the altar of her chapel in Lutheran fashion. When the Pope first drafted a Bull to excommunicate the English Queen, and submitted it to the Emperor, he was told that it would be an act of folly to publish a document which would invalidate the Emperor's own election; and when Elizabeth was finally excommunicated in 1570, the charge against her was not being a Protestant, but sharing in “the impious mysteries of Calvin”—the Reformed or Calvinist Churches being outside the Peace of Augsburg.

Sources: Richter, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1846); Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1902); Kins, “Das Stipendiumwesen in Wittenberg und Jena ... im 16ten Jahrhundert” (Zeitschrift für historische Theologie, xxxv. (1865) pp. 96 ff.); G. Schmidt, “Eine Kirchenvisitation im Jahre 1525” (Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol. xxxv. 291 ff.); Winter, “Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise” (Zeitsch. für hist. Theol. xxxiii. (1863) 295 ff.); Muther, “Drei Urkunden zur Reformationsgeschichte” (Zeitschr. für hist. Theol. xxx. (1860) 452 ff.); Albrecht, Der Kleine Catechismus für die gemeine Pfarher und Prediger (facsimile reprint of edition of 1536; Halle a. S. 1905).

Later Books: Kästner, Die Kinderfragen: Der erste deutsche Katechismus (Leipzig, 1902); Burkhardt, Geschichte der deutschen Kirchen- und Schulvisitation im Zeitalter der Reformation (Leipzig, 1879); Berlit, Luther, Murner und das Kirchenlied des 16ten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1899).

Cf. for the Wittenberg ordinance, Richter, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1846), ii. 484, and Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1902), r. i. 697; for Leisnig, Richter, i. 10. An account of the Magdeburg ordinance is to be found in Funk, Mittheilungen aus der Geschichte des evangelischen Kirchenwesens in Magdeburg (Magdeburg, 1842), p. 210, and Richter, i. 17.

Luther's early suggestions about the dispensation of the sacraments have been collected by Sehling, i. i. 2, 18. A portion of the hymn-book has been reproduced in facsimile in von Bezold's Geschichte der deutschen Reformation, Berlin, 1890, p. 566.

Schaff, The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches, p. 72.

Winter, “Die Kirchenvisitation von 1528 im Wittenberger Kreise” (Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, xxxiii. pp. 295-322); and Visitations Protocolle in Neuen Mittheilungen des thüring.-sächs. Geschichts-Verein zu Halle, ix. ii. pp. 78 ff.

The Visitation of Bishop Hooper of the diocese of Gloucester, made in 1551, disclosed a worse state of matters in England. The Visitor put these simple questions to his clergy: “How many commandments are there? Where are they to be found? Repeat them. What are the Articles of the Christian Faith (the Apostles' Creed)? Repeat them. Prove them from Scripture. Repeat the Lord's Prayer. How do you know that it is the Lord's? Where is it to be found?” Three hundred and eleven clergymen were asked these questions, and only fifty answered them all; out of the fifty, nineteen are noted as having answered mediocriter. Eight could not answer a single one of them; and while one knew that the number of the commandments was ten, he knew nothing else [English Historical Review for 1904 (Jan.), pp. 98 ff.].

Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1902), i. i. 142 ff.

Ibid. i. i. 49.

The rites and ceremonies of worship in the Lutheran churches are given in Daniel, Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ Lutheranæ in epitomen redactus, which forms the second volume of his Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ Universæ (Leipzig, 1848).

The ordinance establishing the Wittenberg Consistory will be found in Richter, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1846), i. 367; and in Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1902), i. i. 200. Sehling sketches the history of its institution, i. i. 55.

The first half of the first part of Sehling's Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16 Jahrhunderts appeared in 1902, and the second half of the first part in 1904.

Cf. article on “Kirchen-Ordnung” in the 3rd edition of Herzog's Realencyclopädie fur protestantische Theologie.

Richter, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen, etc. i. 56 ff.

Sources: Baazius, Inventarium Eccles. Sveogothorum (1642); Pontoppidan, Annales ecclesiæ Danicæ, bks. ii., iii. (Copenhagen, 1744, 1747).

Later Books: Lau, Geschichte der Reformation in Schleswig-Holstein (Hamburg, 1867); Willson, History of Church and State in Norway (London, 1903); Watson, The Swedish Revolution under Gustavus Vasa (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1889); Wiedling, Schwedische Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation (Gotha, 1882); Cambridge Modern History, ii. xvii. (Cambridge, 1903).

Dorner, History of Protestant Theology (Edinburgh, 1871); Köstlin, Luthers Theologie in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung und in ihrem innern Zusammenhange (Stuttgart, 1883); Theodor Harnack, Luthers Theologie mit besonderer Beziehung auf seine Versöhnungs-und Erlösungslehre (Erlangen, 1862-1886); A. Ritschl, The Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation (Edinburgh, 1872); A. Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. (London, 1899); Loofs, Leitfaden zum Studium der Dogmengeschichte (Halle, 1893); Herrmann, Communion with God (London, 1895); Hering, Die Mystik Luthers in Zusammenhang seiner Theologie (Leipzig, 1879); Denifle, Luther und Lutherthum in der ersten Entwicklung, vol. i. (Mainz, 1904), vol. ii. (1905); Walther, Fur Luther wider Rum (Halle, 1906).

Loofs, Leitfaden, etc. p. 345.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 273; in Die Kleine Antwort auf Herzog Georgen nähestes Buch.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xxxi. 278, 279.

Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. 182.

Loofs, Leitfaden, etc. p. 346.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xxii. 15. Cf. xlviii. 5: “If thou holdest faith to be simply a thought concerning God, then that thought is as little able to give eternal life as ever a monkish cowl could give it.”

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), xiii. 301.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), lxiii. 125.

The case of Bernard of Clairvaux is especially interesting, for we might almost call him a doppel-gänger (as the Germans would say)—two men in one. In his experimental moods, when he is the great revivalist preacher, exhibited in his sermons on the Song of Songs and elsewhere, everything that the Christian can do, say, or think, comes from the revelation of God's grace within the individual, while in his more purely theological works he scarcely ever frees himself from the entanglements of Scholastic Theology. The doubleness in Bernard has been dwelt upon by A. Ritschl in his Critical History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation (Edinburgh, 1872), pp. 95-101.

These annotations, glosses, and notes of lectures have been collected and published in volumes iii. and iv. of the Weimar edition of Luther's Works. The most important phrases have been carefully extracted by Loofs in his Leitfaden, pp. 345-352.

A. Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. 183.

Ibid. vii. 184.

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 540.

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), xv. 542.

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), xiv. 294.

Dilthey, Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, v. ii. 358.

Examen Concilii Tridentini (Geneva, 1641), pp. 134 f.

The mediæval fourfold sense in Scripture was explained by Nicholas de Lyra in the distich:

“Litera gesta docet, quid credas Allegoria,
Moralis quid agas, quo tendas Anagogia.”

It is expounded succinctly by Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiæ, i. i. 10.

Matt. xiii. 31.

Song of Songs, ii. 15.

Lettres à jeunes gens, à Eugene l'hermite (Paris, 1863).

Cf. above, p. 200.

Cf. above, p. 151.

Luther is continually reproached for having called the Epistle of James an Epistle of straw; it is forgotten that he uses the term comparatively (Prefaces to the New Testament; Works (Erlangen edition), lxiii. 115): “Summa, Sanct Johannis Evangelium, und seine erste Epistel, Sanct Paulus Epistel, sonderlich die zu Römern, Galatern, Ephesern, und Sanct Peters erste Epistel, das sind die Bücher, die dir Christum zeigen und alles lehren, das dir zu wissen noth und selig ist, ob du schon kein ander Buch noch Lehre nimmermehr sehest noch hörist. Darumb ist Sanct Jakobs Epistel ein recht strohern Epistel gegen sie, denn sie doch kein evangelisch Art an ihr hat.”

De Libertate (Erlangen edition, Latin), xxxv. 222; Rom. i. 1-3.

Genevan Catechism; Institutio, iii. ii. 6: “The word itself, however conveyed to us, is a mirror in which faith may behold God”; Second Geneva Catechism.

(Dunlop), A Collection of Confessions of Faith, ii. 26.

Zurich Articles of 1523, i. ii.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), lvii. 34.

Scots Confession, Art. xix.; (Dunlop), A Collection of Confessions, p. 73.

Institutio, i. vii. 5.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), lvii. 35.

Ibid. lxii. 132.

Ibid. (2nd Erlangen edition), viii. 23.

It maybe useful to note the statements about the authority of Scripture in the earlier Reformation creeds. The Lutherans, always late in discerning the true doctrinal bearings of their religious certainties, did not deem it needful to assert dogmatically the supreme authority of Scripture until the second generation of Protestantism. The Schmalkald Articles and the Augsburg Confession expressly assert that human traditions are among abuses that ought to be done away with; but they do not condemn them as authorities set up by their opponents in opposition to the word of God, only as things that burden the conscience and incline men to false ways of trying to be at peace with God (Augsburg Confession, as given in Schaff, The Creeds of the Evangelical Protestant Churches, p. 65; Schmalkald Articles, xv.). It was not until 1576, in the Torgau Book, and in 1580 in the Formula Concordiæ, that they felt the necessity of declaring dogmatically and in opposition to the Roman Catholics that “the only standard by which all dogmas and all teachers must be valued and judged is no other than the prophetic and apostolic writings of the Old and of the New Testaments” (§ 1).

Zwingli, with the clearer dogmatic insight which he always showed, felt the need of a statement about the theological place of Scripture very early, and declared in the First Helvetic Confession (1536) that “Canonic Scripture, the word of God, given by the Holy Spirit and set forth to the world by the prophets and apostles, the most perfect and ancient of all philosophies, alone contains perfectly all piety and the whole rule of life.” The various Reformed Confessions, inspired by Calvin, followed Zwingli's example, and the supreme authority of Scripture was set forth in all the symbolical books of the Reformed Churches of Switzerland, France, England, the Netherlands, Scotland, etc.—The Geneva Confession of 1536 (Art. 1), The Second Helvetic Confession of 1562 (Art. 1), The French Confession of 1559 (Arts. 3-6), The Belgic Confession of 1561 (Arts. 4-7), The Thirty-nine Articles of 1563 and 1571 (Art. 6), The Scots Confession of 1560 (Art. 19). It is instructive, however, to note how this is done. The key to the central note in all these dogmatic statements is to be found in the first and second of The Sixty-seven Theses published in 1523 by Zwingli at Zurich, where it is declared that all who say that the Evangel is of no value apart from its confirmation by the Church err and blaspheme against God, and where the sum of the Evangel is “that our Lord Jesus Christ, very Son of God, has revealed to us the will of the heavenly Father, and with His innocence has redeemed us from death and has reconciled us to God.” The main thought, therefore, in all these Confessions is not to assert the formal supremacy of Scripture over Tradition, but rather to declare the supreme value of Scripture which reveals God's good will to us in Jesus Christ to be received by faith alone over all human traditions which would lead us astray from God and from true faith. The Reformers had before them not simply the theological desire to define precisely the nature of that authority to which all Christian teaching appeals, but the religious need to cling to the divinely revealed way of salvation and to turn away from all human interposition and corruption. They desire to make known that they trust God rather than man. Hence almost all of them are careful to express clearly the need for the Witness of the Holy Spirit.

Compare especially the discussions in the first part of the Second Book of the Summa.

Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. 173-174.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), Latin, xxxvi. 506: “Quodsi odit anima mea vocem homoousion, et nolim ea uti, non ero hæreticus, quis enim me coget uti, modo rem teneam, quæ in concilio per scripturas definita est?” It may be remarked that Athanasius himself did not like the word that has become so associated with his name.

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), vi. 358: “Dreyfaltigkeit ist ein recht böse Deutsch, denn in der Gottheit ist die höchste Einigkeit. Etliche nennen es Dreyheit; aber das lautet allzuspöttisch”; he says that the expression is not in Scripture, and adds: “darum lautet es auch kalt and viel besser spräch man Gott denn die Dreyfaltigkeit” (xii. 408).

Ibid. v. 236.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xlvii. 3, 4.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xlix. 183, 184.

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), xii. 244.

Ibid. xii. 259.

Calvin, Opera omnia (Amsterdam, 1667), viii. 38, 39.

Augsburg Confession, Art. xxi.

Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche, pp. 935 f.

Müller, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche, pp. 34 ff.

Luther's gradual progress towards his final view of the Church is traced minutely by Loofs, Leitfaden, pp. 359 ff.

Enders, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel, ii. 345.

Enders, Dr. Martin Luthers Briefwechsel, i. 253.

Luther's Works (Weimar edition), i. 190.

Luther's Works (Erlangen edition), xii. 249.

Calvin, Institutio, iv. i. 12.

Herrmann, Communion with God, p. 149.

Luther's Works (2nd Erlangen edition), x. 162.

Footnotes