[418] He stated the annual expenditure of the government, including the interest on the foreign debt, at £260,000 (currency), and then showed that, in the three States of Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania, £160,000 or £180,000 per annum had been raised by impost.

[419] Fragments only of the debates in the convention of Connecticut are known to be preserved. They may be found in the second volume of Elliot's collection.

[420] Three of them, Widgery, Thompson, and Nason, were from Maine; there was a Dr. Taylor from the county of Worcester, and a Mr. Bishop from the county of Bristol. These gentlemen carried on the greater part of the discussion against the Constitution.

[421] Theophilus Parsons, afterwards the celebrated Chief Justice of Massachusetts.

[422] Yeas, 187; nays, 168.

[423] This was the first of a series of similar pageants, which took place in the other principal cities of the Union, in honor of the ratification of the Constitution.

[424] The form of ratification and the amendments introduced by Hancock into the convention of Massachusetts were drawn by Theophilus Parsons. They were probably communicated to General Sullivan, the President of the New Hampshire convention, by his brother, James Sullivan, an eminent lawyer of Boston, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts. The reader should compare the Massachusetts amendments with those of the other States whose action followed that of Massachusetts, for the purpose of seeing the influence which they exerted. (All the amendments may be found in the Journals of the Old Congress, Vol. XIII., Appendix.) See also post, Chap. III., as to the effect of the course of Massachusetts on the mind of Jefferson.

[425] This little vessel sailed from Baltimore on the 1st of June, and arrived at Mount Vernon, "completely rigged and highly ornamented," on the 8th. It was a fine specimen of the then state of the mechanic arts. See an account of it in Washington's Works, IX. 375, 376.

[426] There was then no land communication between the two places, that could have carried intelligence in less than a month. A letter written by General Pinckney to General Washington on the 24th of May, announcing the result in South Carolina, was more than four weeks on its way to Mount Vernon. (Washington's Works, IX. 389.) General Washington had received the same news by way of Baltimore soon after its arrival there.

[427] See the course of argument of Edward Rutledge, General Pinckney, Robert Barnwell, Commodore Gillon, and others, as given in Elliot, IV. 253-316.

[428] See the Amendments, Journals of the Old Congress, Vol. XIII., Appendix.

[429] Notice of Henry, in the National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, Vol. II. Mr. Jefferson has said that Henry's power as a popular orator was greater than that of any man he had ever heard, and that Henry "appeared to speak as Homer wrote." (Jefferson's Works, I. 4.)

[430] It is said in the newspapers of that period that Henry was on his legs in one speech for seven hours. I think it must have been the one from which I have made the abstract in the text. But he made a great many speeches, quite as earnest.

[431] There has been, I am aware, a modern scepticism concerning Patrick Henry's abilities; but I cannot share it. He was not a man of much information, and he had no great breadth of mind. But he must have been, not only a very able debater, but a good parliamentary tactician. The manner in which he carried on the opposition to the Constitution in the convention of Virginia, for nearly a whole month, shows that he possessed other powers besides those of great natural eloquence.

[432] Elliot, III. 152, Debates in the Virginia Convention.

[433] Under date of February 7, 1788, Mr. Jefferson wrote from Paris, in a private letter to a gentleman in Virginia, as follows:—"I wish, with all my soul, that the nine first conventions may accept the new Constitution, because this will secure to us the good it contains, which I think great and important. But I equally wish that the four latest conventions, whichever they be, may refuse to accede to it till a Declaration of Rights be annexed. This would probably command the offer of such a Declaration, and thus give to the whole fabric, perhaps, as much perfection as any one of that kind ever had. By a Declaration of Rights, I mean one which shall stipulate freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of commerce against monopolies, trial by juries in all cases, no suspensions of the habeas corpus, no standing armies. These are fetters against doing evil, which no honest government should decline. There is another strong feature in the new Constitution which I as strongly dislike. That is, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. Of this, I expect no amendment at present, because I do not see that anybody has objected to it on your side the water. But it will be productive of cruel distress to our country, even in your day and mine. The importance to France and England to have our government in the hands of a friend or foe, will occasion their interference by money, and even by arms. Our President will be of much more consequence to them than a king of Poland. We must take care, however, that neither this nor any other objection to the new form produces a schism in our Union. That would be an incurable evil, because near friends falling out never reunite cordially; whereas, all of us going together, we shall be sure to cure the evils of our new Constitution before they do great harm." (Jefferson's Works, II. 355.) That Mr. Jefferson intended this letter should be used as it was in the convention of Virginia, is not probable; but it would seem from the care he took to state a plan of proceeding in the adoption of the Constitution, that he intended his suggestions should be known. His subsequent opinion will be found in a note below.

[434] Alluding, evidently, to Washington.

[435] See the speeches of Pendleton and Madison, in reply to Henry. Elliot, III. 304, 329.

[436] Elliot, III. 314.

[437] On the 27th of May, 1788, Mr. Jefferson wrote from Paris to Colonel Carrington, as follows:—"I learn with great pleasure the progress of the new Constitution. Indeed, I have presumed it would gain on the public mind, as I confess it has on my own. At first, though I saw that the great mass and groundwork was good, I disliked many appendages. Reflection and discussion have cleared off most of those. You have satisfied me as to the query I had put to you about the right of direct taxation. My first wish was that nine States would adopt it, and that the others might, by holding off, produce the necessary amendments. But the plan of Massachusetts is far preferable, and will, I hope, be followed by those who are yet to decide," &c. (Jefferson's Works, II. 404.) Colonel Carrington, the person to whom this letter was addressed, was a member of Congress, and received it at New York, about the 2d of July, when it was seen by Madison. (See a letter from Madison to E. Randolph of that date, among the Madison papers. Elliot, V. 573.)

[438] See an account of this matter, ante, Vol. I. Book III. Chap. V. pp. 309-327.

[439] They meant the four New England States and New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. New Jersey and Delaware were supposed to be with the four Southern States on this question.

[440] Ten would be two thirds of the constitutional quorum of fourteen; so that the argument supposed only a quorum to be present.

[441] See Mr. Madison's explanation in the convention of Virginia. Elliot, III. 346.

[442] Ante, Book III. Chap. V., Vol. I. pp. 324-327.

[443] Debates in the Virginia Convention, Elliot, III. 344-347.

[444] He thought at this moment that if the Constitution should be lost, the Mississippi question would be the cause. The members from Kentucky were then generally hostile. (See a letter from Madison to Hamilton, of June 16th, Hamilton's Works, I. 457.)

[445] See his correspondence with Madison, Works, I. pp. 450-469.

[446] Works, I. 462.

[447] See the latest letter which he had then received from Madison. Ibid. 461.

[448] It has been supposed that this was not so, but that Hamilton's messenger arrived at Richmond before the final action of the Virginia convention, and so that the decision of New Hampshire had an important influence. I think this is clearly a mistake. I have traced the progress of the messenger in the newspapers of that time, and find his arrival at New York and Philadelphia chronicled as it is given in the text. The dates are therefore decisive. It appears also from Mr. Madison's correspondence with Hamilton, that he did not receive the despatch about New Hampshire until the 31st. (Hamilton's Works, I. 463.) The ratification passed the Virginia convention on the 25th, and that body was dissolved on the 27th. There is no trace in the Virginia debates of any authentic news from New Hampshire. On the contrary, it was assumed by one of the speakers, Mr. Innes, on the day of their ratification, that the Constitution then stood adopted by eight States. (Elliot, III. 636.)

[449] The form of ratification embraced the recitals given in the text respecting the powers of Congress. It was adopted by a vote of 89 to 79, on the 25th of June, 1788. I do not go into the particular consideration of the amendments proposed by several of the State conventions, because the present work is confined to the origin, the formation, and the adoption of the Constitution, and no State that ratified the instrument proposed by the national Convention made amendments a condition. The examination of the amendments proposed, therefore, belongs to the history of the Constitution subsequent to its inauguration. They may all be found in the Appendix to the thirteenth volume of the Journals of the Old Congress.

[450] Debates in Virginia Convention, Elliot, III. 652.

[451] Madison's letters to Hamilton, Works of Hamilton, I. 462, 463.

[452] Letter to Madison, Works of Hamilton, I. 464.

[453] Ibid. 465.

[454] It was reported in the newspapers of that period that the Constitution was adopted in this convention by 30 yeas against 25 nays. But the official record gives the several votes as they are stated in the text; from which it appears that, on the critical question of a conditional or unconditional ratification, the majority was only 2. In truth, the ratification of New York barely escapes the objection of being a qualified one, if it does in fact escape it.

[455] Works of Washington, IX. 408.

[456] Madison's letter to Washington, August 24, 1788, Works of Washington, IX. 549.

[457] See his letter to Governor Livingston of New Jersey, August 29, 1788, Works, I. 471.

[458] Some of the most elaborate of these devices were borne by the "Block and Pump Makers" and the "Tallow-Chandlers."

[459] This resolution was adopted August 2, 1788, by 184 yeas to 84 nays. North Carolina Debates, Elliot, IV. 250, 251.

[460] North Carolina Debates, Elliot, IV. 250, 251.

[461] The march of the country people upon Providence, on the 4th of July, 1788, and the manner in which they compelled the inhabitants of the town to abandon their purpose of celebrating the adoption of the Constitution by nine States,—dictating even their toasts and salutes,—reads more like a page in Diedrich Knickerbocker's History of New York than like anything else. But it is a veracious as well as a most amusing story. (See Staples's Annals of Providence, pp. 329-335.)

[462] There were 2,708 votes thrown against it, and 232 in its favor. This occurred in March, 1788.

[463] This copy of the Constitution has been compared with the Rolls in the Department of State, and is punctuated and otherwise printed in exact conformity therewith.

[464] Altered by the 12th Amendment.

[465] Although this work does not embrace the history of the Amendments, they are printed here in connection with the Constitution, for the convenience of the reader.