[570] XXXth Injunction of 1559: “Item, Her Majesty being desirous to have the prelacy and clergy of this realm to be had as well in outward reverence, as otherwise regarded for the worthiness of their ministries, and thinking it necessary to have them known to the people in all places and assemblies, both in the church and without, and thereby to receive the honour and estimation due to the special messengers and ministers of Almighty God, wills and commands that all archbishops and bishops, and all other that be called or admitted to preaching or ministry of the sacraments, or that be admitted into any vocation ecclesiastical, or into any society of learning in either of the Universities or elsewhere, shall use and wear such seemly habits, garments, and such square caps as were most commonly and orderly received in the latter year of the reign of King Edward VI.; not meaning thereby to attribute any holiness or special worthiness to the said garments, but as St. Paul writeth: ‘Omnia decenter et secundum ordinem fiant’ (1 Cor. xiv. cap.).” Cf. Gee’s Elizabethan Prayer Booke and Ornaments (London, 1902); Tomlinson, The Prayer Book, Articles and Homilies (London, 1897); Parker, The Ornaments Rubric (Oxford, 1881).

[571] The Advertisements are printed in Gee and Hardy; Documents, etc. p. 467; the Injunctions, at p. 417.

[572] Copes were used in the cathedrals and sometimes in collegiate churches in the years between 1559 and 1566, when it was desired to add some magnificence to the service; but it ought to be remembered that the cope was never a sacrificial vestment. It was originally the cappa of the earlier Middle Ages—the mediæval greatcoat. Large churches were cold places, the clergy naturally wore their greatcoats when officiating, and the homely garment grew in magnificence. It never had a doctrinal significance like the chasuble or casula.

[573] Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, 1558-67, p. 89.

[574] Machyn’s Diary (Camden Society, London, 1844), p. 108.

[575] Peacock’s Church Furniture, p. 87.

[576] Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, 1558-67, p. 105: “The crucifixes and vestments that were burnt a month ago publicly are now set up again in the royal chapel, as they soon will be all over the kingdom, unless, which God forbid, there is another change next week. They are doing it out of sheer fear to pacify the Catholics; but as forced favours are no sign of affection, they often do more harm than good.” Cf. Zurich Letters, i. 63, etc.

[577] Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, i. pp. 76, 79.

[578] Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, i. 130.

[579] The Injunctions are printed in Gee and Hardy, Documents, etc. p. 417.

[580] Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, i. pp. 180, 183, 187.

[581] For the history of these Articles, see Hardwick, A History of the Articles of Religion; to which is added a Series of Documents from A.D. 1536 to A.D. 1615, etc. (Cambridge, 1859).

[582] Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, i. 190.

[583] The Consensus Tigurinus (1549) dates the disappearance.

[584] The Zurich Letters, 1558-79, First Series (Parker Society, Cambridge, 1842), pp. 123, 127, 135, 100, 139. Bishop Jewel, writing to Peter Martyr (p. 100), says: “As to matters of doctrine, we have pared everything away to the very quick, and do not differ from your doctrine by a nail’s breadth” (Feb. 7th, 1562); and Bishop Horn, writing to Bullinger (Dec. 13th, 1563, i.e. after the Queen’s alterations), says,: “We have throughout England the same ecclesiastical doctrine as yourselves” (ibid. p. 135).

[585] The deleted clause was: “Christus in cœlum ascendens, corpori suo immortalitatem dedit, naturam non abstulit, humanæ enim naturæ veritatem (juxta Scripturas), perpetuo retinet, quam uno et definito loco esse, et non in multa, vel omnia simul loca diffundi oportet. Quum igitur Christus in cœlum sublatus, ibi usque ad finem seculi permansurus, atque inde, non aliunde (ut loquitur Augustinus) venturus sit, ad judicandum vivos et mortos, non debet quisquam fidelium, et carnis eius, et sanguinis, realem et corporealem (ut loquuntur) presentiam in Eucharistia vel credere, vel profiteri.”

[586] “Cette reine est extremement sage, et a des yeux terribles.” Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth, 1595-97, p. xxi.

[587] Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, i. 61, 62.

[588] Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1558-80, p. 449.

[589] The Zurich Letters, etc., First Series, p. 91.

[590] The Zurich Letters, etc., First Series, p. 74; cf. 55, 63, 64, 66, 68, 100, 129, 135. Bishop Jewel called clerical dress the “relics of the Amorites” (p. 52), and wished that he could get rid of the surplice (p. 100); and “the little silver cross” in the Queen’s chapel was to him an ill-omened thing (p. 55); cf. Strype, Annals, etc. I. i. 260.

[591] Annals, etc. I. ii. 562.

[592] The Advertisements of Archbishop Parker, issued and enforced on the authority of the Primate, to which the royal imprimatur was more than once refused, may be looked on as an exception. For these rules, meant to control the Church in the vestiarian controversy, see Gee and Hardy, Documents, etc. p. 467; and for the vexed question of their authority, Moore, History of the Reformation, p. 266.

[593] Maitland, Cambridge Modern History, ii. 569 ff.

[594] Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, 1547-80, p. 159.

[595] Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, etc. p. 247.

[596] Ibid. p. 177; Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, i. 77, 118, 119.

[597] The story of Francis Yaxley, Mary’s agent, of his dealings with Philip II., of Philip’s subsidy to Scotland of 20,000 crowns, of its loss by shipwreck, and how the money was claimed as treasure-trove by the Duke of Northumberland, Roman Catholic and a pledged supporter of Mary as he was, may be traced in the Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas, pp. lix, 499, 506, 516, 523, 546, 557; and how the Pope also gave aid in money, p. 559.

[598] For example, the Nikolsburger Articles say: “Cristus sei in der erbsunden entphangen; Cristus sei nit Got sunder ein prophet, dem das gesprech oder wort Gottes bevollen worden” (Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterischen Aufruhrs, ii. 279, 280).

[599] Servede was born in 1511, in the small town of Tudela, which then belonged to Aragon. He came from an ancient family of jurists, and was at first destined to the profession of law. His family came originally from the township of Villanova, which probably accounts for the fact that Servede sometimes assumed that name. He was in correspondence with Oecolampadius (Heusgen) in 1530; and from the former’s letters to and about Servede, it is evident that the young Spaniard was then fully persuaded about his anti-Trinitarian opinions. No publisher in Basel would print his book, and he travelled to Strassburg. When his first theological book became known, its sale was generally interdicted by the secular authorities. His great book, which contains his whole theological thinking, was published in 1553 without name of place or author. Its full title is: Christianismi Restitutio, Totius ecclesiæ apostolicæ ad sua limina vocatio, in integrum restituta cognitione Dei, fidei Christi, justificationis nostræ, regenerationis baptisimi et cœnæ domini manducationis, Restituto denique nobis regno cœlesti, Babylonis impiæ captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo. He entered into correspondence with Calvin, offered to come to Geneva to explain his position; but the Reformer plainly indicated that he had no time to bestow upon him. The account of his trial, condemnation, and burning at Geneva is to be found in the Corpus Reformatorum, xxxvi. 720 ff. The sentence is found on p. 825: “Icy est este parle du proces de Michiel Servet prisonnier et veu le sommairre dycelluy, le raport de ceux esquelz lon a consulte et considere les grands erreurs et blaffemes—est este arreste Il soit condampne a estre mene en Champel et la estre brusle tout vyfz et soit exequente a demain et ses livres brusles.” This trial and execution is the one black blot on the character of Calvin. He was by no means omnipotent in Geneva at the time; but he thoroughly approved of what was done, and had expressed the opinion that if Servede came to Geneva, he would not leave it alive. “Nam si venerit modo valeat mea auctoritas, virum exire nunquam patiar” (Corpus Ref. xi. 283).

[600] Ritschl, A critical History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation (Eng. trans., Edin. 1872), p. 295.

[601] “Circa annum 1546 instituerat (Lælius Socinus) cum sociis suis iisdem Italis, quorum numerus quadragenarium excedebat, in Veneta ditione (apud Vincentiam) collegia colloquiaque de religione, in quibus potissimum dogmata vulgaria de Trinitate ac Christi Satisfactione hisque similia in dubium revocabant” (Bibl. Antit. p. 19—I have taken the quotation from Fock, Der Socinianismus nach seiner Stellung in der Gesammtentwickelung des christlichen Geistes, etc., Kiel, 1847, i. 132).

[602] Sources: Magna Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), xiii. 299-307; Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Augsburg, 1565), pt. iii.; Hans Denck, Von der waren Lieb, etc. (1527—republished by the Menonitische Verlagsbuchhandlung, Elkhart, Indiana, U.S.A.); Bouterwek, Zur Literatur und Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Bonn, 1864—gives extracts from the rarer Anabaptist writings such as the works of Hübmaier); Ausbund etlicher schöner christlicher geseng, etc. (1583); Liliencron, “Zur Liederdichtung der Wiedertäufer” (in the Abhandlungen der könig. Bair. Akad. der Wissenschaften Philosophische Klasse, 1878); von Zezschwitz, Die Katechismen der Waldenser und Bömischen Bruder (Erlangen, 1863); Beck, Geschichts-Bücher der Wiedertäufer in Österreich-Ungarn, 1526 bis 1785 (Vienna, 1883), printed in the Fontes Rer. Austr. Diplom. et Acta, xliii.; Kessler, Sabbata, ed. by Egli and Schoch (St. Gall, 1902); Bullinger, Der Wiedertäuferen Ursprung, Secten, etc. (Zurich, 1560); Egli, Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Züricher Reformation (Zurich, 1879), Die Züricher Wiedertäufer (Zurich, 1878); Leopold Dickius, Adversus impios Anabaptistarum errores (1533); Cornelius, Berichte der Augenzeugen über das Münsterische Wiedertäuferreich, forming the 2nd vol. of the Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums Münster (Münster, 1853) and the Beilage in his Geschichte des Münsterischen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1855); Detmer’s edition of Kerssenbroch, Anabaptistici furoris Monasterium inclitam Westphaliæ metropolim evertentis historica, narratio, forming vols. v. and vi. of the Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums Münster (Münster, 1899, 1900); Chroniken der deutschen Städte, Nürnberg Chronik, vols. i. and iv.

Later Books: Keller, Geschichte der Wiedertäufer und ihres Reichs zu Münster (Münster, 1880), Ein Apostel der Wiedertäufer; Hans Denck (Leipzig, 1882), and Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885—Keller is apt to make inferences beyond his facts); Heath, Anabaptism, from its rise at Zwickau to its fall at Münster, 1521-1536 (London, 1895); Belfort Bax, Rise and Fall of the Anabaptists (London, 1903); Rörich, “Die Gottesfreunde und die Winkeler am Oberrhein” (in Zeitschrift für hist. Theol. i. 118 ff., 1840); Zur Geschichte der strassburgischen Wiedertäufer (Zeitschrift für hist. Theol. xxx. 1860); S. B. ten Cate, Geschiedenis der doopgezinden in Groningen, etc., 2 vols. (Leeuwarden, 1843); Geschiedenis der doopgezinden in Friesland (Leeuwarden, 1839); Geschiedenis der doopgezinden in Holland en Guelderland, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1847); Tileman van Braght, Het bloedig Toenecl of Martclaars Spiegel der doopgesinde (Amsterdam, 1685); E. B. Underhill, Martyrology of the Churches of Christ commonly called Baptist (translated from Van Braght); H. S. Burrage, A History of the Anabaptists in Switzerland (founded on Egli’s researches, Philadelphia, 1881); Newman, A History of Anti-Pedobaptism (Philadelphia, 1897); Detmer, Bilder aus den religiösen und sozialen Unruhen in Münster während des 16 Jahrhunderts: i. Johann von Leiden (Münster, 1903), ii. Bernhard Rothmann (1904), iii. Ueber die Auffassung von der Ehe und die Durchführung der Vielweiberei in Münster während der Täuferherrschaft (1904); Heath, Contemporary Review, lix. 389 (“The Anabaptists and their English Descendants”), lxii. 880 (“Hans Denck the Baptist”), lxvii. 578 (Early Anabaptism, what it meant, and what we owe to it), lxx. 247 (“Living in Community—a sketch of Moravian Anabaptism”), 541 (“The Archetype of the Pilgrim’s Progress”), lxxii. 105 (“The Archetype of the Holy War”).

[603] The difference in treatment may be seen at a glance by comparing the articles on Anabaptism in the second (1877) and in the third (1896) edition of Herzog’s Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche. Some eminent historians, however, still cling to old ideas; for example, Edward Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. (London, 1902), who justifies the treatment his hero meted out to the Anabaptists—roasting them to death before slow fires—by saying that “whenever they momentarily gained the upper hand, they applied the practical methods of modern Anarchism or Nihilism to the professed principles of Communism” (ii. 342). No one who has examined the original sources could have penned such a sentence.

[604] Magna Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), xiii. 299, 300, 307 (the Summa of Raiverus Sacchonus). Cf. i. 152.

[605] These are the dates at which town chronicles incidentally show that such communities existed, not the dates of their origin.

[606] Vedder, Balthasar Hübmaier (New York, 1905).

[607] Liliencron, “Zur Liederdichtung der Wiedertäufer,” in the Transactions of the Königl. Bair. Akad. der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 1877.

[608] Chronica (Augsburg edition, 1565), f. 164.

[609] Der Wiedertäuferen Ursprung, Furgang, Secien, etc. (Zurich, 1560).

[610] Chronica (3 pts., Strassburg, 1531).

[611] Sabbata (ed. by Egli and Schoch, St. Gall, 1902).

[612] C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterischen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1855), ii. 49.

[613] Ibid. ii. 49.

[614] Magna Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (Coloniæ Agrippinæ, 1618), Rainerii Socchoni, Summa, c. vii.

[615] Egli, Die Züricher Wiedertäufer (Zurich, 1878), p. 96.

[616] Folio 158^b of the Augsburg edition of 1565.

[617] The Swiss Anabaptists have been selected because we have very full contemporary documentary evidence in their case. Cf. Egli, Actensammlung zur Geschicht der Züricher Reformation (Zurich, 1879); Die Zuricher Wiedertäufer (Zurich, 1878); Die St. Gallen Wiedertäufer (Zurich).

The documentary evidence given in Egli’s works has been condensed and summarised by H. S. Burrage, A History of the Anabaptists in Switzerland (Philadelphia, 1881).

[618] The scene is described in Beck, Die Geschichts-Bücher der Wiedertäufer in Österreich-Ungarn von 1526 bis 1785 (Vienna, 1883).

[619] The history of the persecution in the Tyrol is to be found in J. Loserth, Anabaptismus in Tirol; and in Kirchmayr, Denkwürdigkeiten seiner Zeit, 1519-53, pt. i. in Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, i. 417-534.

[620] Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterischen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1855), ii. 58.

[621] The disease was known as the English plague or the sweating sickness. It is thus described by Hecker (Epidemics of the Middle Ages, p. 181): “It was violent inflammatory fever, which, after a short rigour, prostrated the powers as with a blow; and amidst painful oppression at the stomach, headache, and lethargic stupor, suffused the whole body with fœtid perspiration. All this took place within the course of a few hours, and the crisis was always over within the space of a day and a night. The internal heat that the patient suffered was intolerable, yet every refrigerant was death.”

[622] Rothmann was born at Stadtlohn, and received the rudiments of education in the village school there; a relation sent him to the Gymnasium at Münster; he studied afterwards at Mainz, where he received the degree of M.A.; he was made chaplain in the St. Maurice church at Münster about 1525.

[623] His confession of faith, published in Latin and German in 1532, shows this. I know it only by the summary in Detmer (Bernhard Rothmann, Münster, 1904, pp. 41 f.). Detmer says that he knows of only one printed copy, which is in the University Library at Münster.

[624] Bernardin Knipperdolling or Knipperdollinck (both forms are found) was a wealthy cloth merchant, an able and fervent speaker, a man of strong convictions, who had early espoused the people’s cause, and had become the trusted leader of the democracy of Münster.

[625] The details of this Disputation have been published by Detmer in the Monatshefte der Commenius-Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), ix. 273 ff.

[626] Cf., above, ii. 235 ff.

[627] Meister Heinrich Gresbeck’s Bericht von der Wiedertaufe in Münster, p. 20 (edited by Cornelius for Die Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums Münster, vol. ii., Münster, 1853).

[628] Cf. Die Münsterische Apologie, printed by Cornelius in his Berichte der Augenzeugen über das münsterische Wiedertäuferreich, p. 457 (Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums Münster, vol. ii.).

[629] By far the best and most impartial discussion of the institution of polygamy in Münster—one that is based on the very widest examination of contemporary documentary evidence—is that of Dr. Detmer, Ueber die Auffassung von der Ehe und die Durchführung der Vielweiberei in Münster während der Täuferherrschaft (Münster, 1904). It forms the third of his Bilder aus den religiösen und sozialen Unruhen in Münster während des 16. Jahrhunderts.

[630] The tract is to be found in Cornelius, Berichte der Augenzeugen über das münsterische Wiedertäuferreich, which forms the second volume of Die Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums Münster (pp. 445 ff.).

[631] “Die ehe, sagen wir und halten mit der Schrift, das sie ist eins mans und weips vorgaderong und vorpflichtong in dem Herrn ... Got hot den menchen von anfanck geschaffen, ein man und weip hat Er sie geschaffen, di peide in den heiligen estant (ehestat) voreiniget, dos di peide zwo sellen und ein fleische solen sein. Und mage also kein mensche scheiden selche voreinigong” (pp. 457, 458).

[632] The Restitution, written by Rothmann and Kloprys in conjunction with Jan of Leyden and the elders, is published in Bouterwek, Literatur und Geschichte der Wiedertäufer; marriage and polygamy are treated in sections 14-16.

[633] Jan Bockelson, commonly called Jan van Leyden, was the illegitimate son of a village magistrate, and was born near Leyden in 1510. After a brief time of education at a village school he was apprenticed to a tailor, and in his leisure hours diligently educated himself. He travelled more widely than artisans usually did during their year of wandering—visiting England as well as most parts of Flanders. On his return home he married the widow of a shipmaster, and started business as a merchant. He was a prominent member of the literary “gilds” of his town, and had a local fame as a poet and an actor. His conversion through Jan Matthys changed his whole life; there is not the slightest reason to suppose that he was not an earnest and honest adherent of the Anabaptist doctrines as taught by Matthys. He is described as strikingly handsome, with a fine sonorous voice. He had remarkable powers of organisation. His whole brief life reveals him to be a very remarkable man. He was barely twenty-five when he was tortured to death by the Bishop of Münster after the capture of the town.

[634] Sources: Bibliotheca Fratrum Polonorum (Amsterdam, 1656) i. ii. Racovian Catechism (London, 1818).

Later Books: Fock, Der Socinianismus nach seiner Stellung in der Gesammtentwickelung des christlichen Geistes, nach seinem historischen Verlauf und nach seinem Lehrbegriff dargestellt (Kiel, 1847); A. Ritschl, Jahrbücher f. deutsche Theologie, xiii. 268 ff., 283 ff.; A critical History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation (Edinburgh, 1872); Dilthey, Archiv f. Geschichte d. Philos. vi.; Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. 118 ff. (London, 1899).

[635] Pp. 397 ff.

[636] Cf. i. 426 ff.

[637] Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. 167.

[638] Cf. p. 427.

[639] Cf. i. 461.

[640] Erasmus, Opera Omnia, iv. 465.

[641] A very full analysis of the contents of the Racovian Catechism is given in Harnack’s History of Dogma, vii. 137 ff., also in Fock, Der Socinianismus, etc. ii. A. Ritschl has shown that the Unitarianism of the Socinians is simply the legitimate conclusion from their theory of the nature of God and of the work of Christ, in his two essays in the Jahrbücher f. deutsche Theol. xiii, 268 ff., 283 ff.

[642] Sources: Laemmer, Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam seculi 16 illustrantia (Freiburg i. B. 1861); Weiss, Papiers d’État du Cardinal Perronet de Granvelle (in the Collection des documents inédits de l’Histoire de France, 1835-49); Fiedler, Relationen Venetianischer Botschaften über Deutschland und Oesterreich im 16ten Jahrhunderte (in the Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, Diplomatica et Acta, xxx., Vienna, 1870); Friedenburg, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, 1533-39 (Gotha, 1892-93); Carteggio di Vittoria Colonna (Rome, 1889).

Later Books: Maurenbrecher, Geschichte der katholischen Reformation (Nördlingen, 1880—only one volume published, which ends with 1534); also Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten (Düsseldorf, 1865); Ranke, Die römischen Päpste, ihre Kirche und ihr Staat im sechszehnten und siebzehenten Jahrhundert; Gothein, Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation (Halle, 1895); Philippson, La Contre-Revolution religieuse du 16e siècle (Brussels, 1884); Ward, The Counter-Reformation (London, 1889); Dupin, Histoire de l’Église du 16e siècle (Paris, 1701-13); Jerrold, Vittoria Colonna (London, 1906).

[643] Cf. A Relation ... of the Island of England ... about the year 1500 (Camden Society, London, 1847), pp. 34-36, 86-89.

[644] Cf. i. 36.

[645] This had been protested against for a century and a half, not merely by individual moralists, but by such conventions of notables as the English Parliament; cf. Rolls of Parliament, ii. 313-14; Item, “prie la Communeque comme autre foithz au Parlement tenuz a Wyncestre, supplie y fuist par la Commune de remedie de ce que les Prelatz et Ordinares de Seint Esglise pristrent sommes pecuniers de gentz de Seint Esglise et autres pur redemption de lour pecche de jour en jour, et an en an, de ce que ils tiendrent overtement lours concubines; et pur autres pecches et offenses a eux surmys, dount peyne pecunier ne serroit pris de droit: Quele chose est cause, meintenance et norisement de lour pecche, en overte desclandre, et mal ensample de tut la Commune; quele chose issint continue nient duement puny, est desesploit an Roi et a tout le Roialme. Qe pleise a nostre Seigneur le Roi ent ordeiner que touz tiels redemptions soient de tut ousteiz; et que si nul viegne encontre ceste Ordeinance, que le prenour encourge la somme del double issint pris devers la Roi et cely que le paie eit mesme la peyne.”

[646] Cf. i. 166, 213.

[647] Cf. vol. i. 140, 141, 378; vol. ii.

[648] Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII., iv., Preface, p. 485. Cf. Brown, Fasciculus rerum expectendarum et fugiendarum (1690), pp. 19, 20, for the speech of an English Bishop at Rome (Nov. 27th, 1425), saying that if the Curia does not speedily undertake the work of Reformation, the secular powers must interfere.