[649] Lea, Chapters from the Religious History of Spain (Philadelphia, 1890); Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella (London, 1887); V. de la Fuente, Historia eclesiastica en Espana (Madrid, 1873, etc.); Menendezy Palayo, Los Heterodoxos Espanoles (Madrid, 1880); Hefele, The Cardinal Ximenes (London, 1860); Paul Rousselot, Les Mystiques Espagnols (Paris, 1867).

[650] Cf. paper read by Charles V. to the Estates of Germany at Worms—Wrede, Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V. (Gotha, 1896) ii. 595.

[651] “Is Cæsaris consanguineus, legatus missus a Wormacia, festinando ad Hispanos pro sedando quodam tumultu. Is in profesto vigiliæ natalicii dominici superveniens eques, cum ministris, biduo manens integro et tribus noctibus, mihi multum loquebatur de causa Lutherana, quæ magna ex parte arridebat viro bono et docto, præter librum de captivitate Babel, quem legerat Wormatiæ cum mœrore et displicentia, quem ego nondum videram.” Riggenbach, Das Chronikon des Konrad Pellikan, p. 77 (Basel, 1877).

[652] Carvajal’s speech and Egidio’s memoir are given in Höfler, “Analecten z. Geschich. Deutschlands und Italiens” (Abhandlungen der Münch. Akad. IV. iii. 57-89).

[653] An indult can be best explained by an example: according to the Council of Bourges (1438), the selection of French Bishops was left exclusively in the hands of the Chapters of the Cathedrals; but Pope Eugenius IV. permitted Charles VII. the right to appoint to several specified bishoprics; such a papal grant was called an indult.

[654] Cf. vol. i. 12 f.

[655] Sources: Contarini, Opera (Paris, 1571); Correspondenz Contarinis, ed. by L. Pastor (1880); Cortese, Epistolarum familiarum liber (Venice, 1573); Ghiberti, Opera (Verona, 1740); Sadoleto, Epistolarum libri sexdecim (Lyons, 1560); Pole, Epistolæ, et aliorum ad ipsum (Brescia, 1744-57), Carteggio di Vittoria Colonna (Turin, 1889); Vergerio, Briefwechsel (edited for the Bibliothek des literarischen Vercius, Stuttgart, 1875).

Later Books: Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilisation of the Period of the Renaissance (Eng. trans., London, 1892); Symonds, Renaissance in Italy. The Catholic Reaction (London, 1886); Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia (Turin, 1865-67); Braun, Cardinal Gasparo Contarini (1903); Dittrich, Gasparo Contarini (Braunsberg, 1883); Duruy, Le Cardinal Carlo Caruffa (Paris, 1882); Gothein, Ignatius Loyola und die Geyenreformation, pp. 77-207 (Halle, 1895); v. Reumont, Vittoria Colonna (Freiburg i. B. 1881).

[656] Mediæval songs tell us that this hatred of the peasantry is much older than the Renaissance:

Carmina Medii Æri (Florence, 1883), p. 34; the song belongs to the thirteenth century.

[657] Herminjard, Correspondance, etc. viii. 161.

[658] The name went beyond the original foundation. The Jesuits were sometimes called Theatines both in Spain and in France.

[659] They are to be found in Bibliotheca Maxima Pontificia (Rome, 1790), pp. 178 ff. The contents of the second letter are condensed in the phrase which occurs near the end: “in legibus voluntas non debet regula esse” (p. 183). The first letter urges the Pope to make an end of the scandals caused by the sale of dispensations: “Dispensator non potest vendere id quod non suum est sed Domini. Neque etiam potest transgredi in dispensatione mandatum Domini.... Expresse Christus in Evangelio præcipit: Gratis accepistis, Gratis date” (p. 79). It closes with an urgent appeal: “Pater Sanctissime ingressus es viam Christi, audacter age.... Dens onmipotens diriget gressus tuos, et tuorum omnium. Familiæ tuæ Protector crit, et super omnia bona sua constituet te, ut ipse in Evangelio pollicetur servo fideli, quem constituit super familiam suam. Dominus diu nobis servet Sanctitatem tuam incolumem.”

[660] Kawerau, Johann Agricola (1881), p. 100.

[661] The Regensburg article said: Creata libertas per hominis lapsum est amissa; the decree of Trent declared: Si quis liberum hominis arbitrium post Adæ peccatum amissum et extinctum esse dixerit, anathema sit (Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum, etc., 9th ed. p. 192).

[662] The Regensburg article says: Etsi post laptismiun negare remanens materiale peccatum, etc., the second heresy of Luther condemned in the Bull is: In puero post baptismum negare remanens peccatum, est Paulum et Christum simul conculcare (ibid. p. 176).

[663] Calvin, who was present at the conference, sums up the results so far in a letter to Farel as follows: Delecti nostri de peccato originali non difficulter transegerunt: sequuta est disputatio de libero arbitrio, quæ ex Augustini sententia composita fuit: nihil in utroque nobis decessit. De justifcatione acriores fuerunt contentiones. Tandem conscripta est formula, quam adhibitis certis correctionibus utrinque receperunt. Miraberis, scio, adversarios tantum concessisse, quum legeris exemplar, ita ut postrema manu correctum fuit, quod literis inclusum reperies. Retinuerunt enim nostri doctrinæ veræ summam: ut nihil illic comprehensum sit, quod non exstet in scriptis nostris: scio, desiderabis clariorem explicationem, et in ca re me tibi assentientem habebis. Verum, si reputes quibuscum hominibus negotium nobis sit, agnosces multum esse effectum (Corpus Reformatorum, xxxix. 215). Calvin had been somewhat suspicious of Contarini at the outset: Contarenus sine sanguine subigere nos cupit; proiude tentat omnes vias confieiendi ex sua utilitate negotii citra arma (ibid. xxxix. 176).

[664] In the dedication of the fourth portion of Melanchthon’s Works to Joachim II. of Brandenburg, the editor Pencer says: Granvellus ... Eccium, cum descriptæ formulæ testimonium chirographi addendum esset, tergiversantem et astute renuentem facere id coegit. Eck with his great coarse body, his loud harsh voice, his bullying habits, and his insincerity, was universally disliked; ista a bestia, gehobelter Eck, he had been nicknamed by Pirkheimer of Nürnberg.

[665] Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli, S. R. E. Cardinalis (Brixiae, 1744-57), iii. 25-30.

[666] Calvin says: Ventum est deinde ad ecclesium: in definitione congruebant sententiæ: in potestate dissidere cœperunt. Quum nullo modo possent conciliari, visum est articulum illum omittere.

[667] Nunquam Legatum assensurum, ut conspicua fidei decreta tot sæculis culta in dubium adducerentur.

[668] The proceedings of the conference are given in full in the Acta Ratisbonensia. By far the most succinct account is to be found in Calvin’s letter to Farel of date 11th May 1541. He says of the discussion about the sacraments: In sacramentis rixati sunt nonnihil: sed quum nostri suas illis cæremonias, ut res medias, permitterent, usque ad cænam progressi sunt. Illic fuit insuperabilis scopulus. Repudiata transubstantiatio, repositio, circumgestatio, et reliqui superstitiosi cultus. Hæc adversariis nequaquam tolerabilia. Collega meus (Bucer), qui totus ardet studio concordiæ, fremere et indignari, quod intempestive fuissent motæ eiusmodi quæstiones, Philippus (Melanchthon) in adversam partem magis tendere, ut rebus exulceratis omnem pacificationis spem præcideret. Nostri habita consultatione, nos convocarunt. Jussi sumus omnes ordine dicere sententias: fuit una omnium vox, transubstantiationem rem esse fictitiam, repositionem superstitiosam, idololatricam esse adorationem, vel saltem periculosam, quum fiat sine verbo Dei. Me quoque exponere latine oportuit quid sentirem. Tametsi neminem ex aliis intellexeram (because they spoke in German), libere tamen sine timore offensionis, illam localem præsentiam damnari: adorationem asserui mihi esse intolerabilem. Crede mihi, in eiusmodi actionibus opus est fortibus animis, qui alios confirment.... Scriptum deinde a Philippo compositum, quod ubi Granvellano oblatum est, asperis verbis repudiavit, quod illi tres delecti ad nos retulissent. Hæc quum fiant in ipso limine, cogita quantum adhuc supersit difficultatis, in missa privata, sacrificio, in communicatione calicis. Quid si ad apertam præsentiæ confessionem veniretur? quanti tumultus effervescerent? (Corpus Reformatorum, xxxix. 215, 216)

[669] Sources: Monumenta historica Societatis Jesu, nunc primum edita a Patribus ejusdem Societatis (Madrid, 1894, etc.); Cartas de San Ignacio de Loyola, fundador de la Compañía de Jesús (Madrid, 1874, etc.); G. P Maffei, De vita et moribus Ignatii Loyolæ, qui Societatem Jesu fundavit (Cologne, 1585); Ribadeneyra, Vida del P. Ignacio de Loyola (Madrid, 1594); Orlandino, Historia Societatis Jesu, pars prima sive Ignatius, etc. (Rome, 1615); Braunsberger, Petri Canisii Epistolæ et Acta (Freiburg i. B. 1896); Decreta, etc., Societatis Jesu (Avignon, 1827); Constitutiones Societatis Jesu (Rome, 1558).

Later Books: Huber, Der Jesuit-Orden nach seiner Verfassung und Doctrin, Wirksamkeit und Geschichte characterisirt (Berlin, 1873); Gothein, Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation (Halle, 1895); Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, The Catholic Reaction (London, 1886); Cretinau-Joly, Histoire religieuse politique et littéraire de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1845-46); Maurice Martel, Ignace de Loyola, Essai de psychologie religieuse (Paris).

[670] “The residence of Ignatius Loyola in the College of Ste. Barbe is connected with au incident which is at once illustrative of his own spirit and of the manners of the time. He had come to Paris for the purpose of study; but he could not resist the temptation to make converts to his great mission. Among these converts was a Spaniard named Amador, a promising student in philosophy in Ste. Barbe. This Amador, Loyola had transformed from a diligent student into a visionary as wild as himself, to the intense indignation of the University, and especially of his own countrymen. About the same time Loyola craved permission to attend Ste. Barbe as a student of philosophy. He was admitted on the express condition that he should make no attempt on the consciences of his fellows. Loyola kept his word as far as Amador was concerned, but he could not resist the temptation to communicate his visions to others. The Regent thrice warned him of what would be the result, and at length made his complaint to the Principal (Jacques de Gouvéa). Gouvéa was furious, and gave orders that next day Loyola should be subjected to the most disgraceful punishment the College could inflict. This running of the gauntlet, known as la salle, was administered in the following manner. After dinner, when all the scholars were present, the masters, each with his ferule in his hand, ranged themselves in a double row. The delinquent, stripped to the waist, was then made to pass between them, receiving a blow across the shoulders from each. This was the ignominious punishment to which Loyola, then in his fortieth year, as a member of the College, was bound to submit. The tidings of what was in store for him reached his ears, and in a private interview he contrived to turn away Gouvéa’s wrath.... This was in 1529, the year of Buchanan’s entrance into Ste, Barbe” (P. Hume Brown, George Buchanan, Humanist and Reformer, Edinburgh, 1890, pp. 62 f.).

[671] Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de Protestantisme Français, xii. 129.

[672] One of Loyola’s earliest biographers, Ribadeneyra, dwells on the eagerness with which Ignatius welcomed the slightest details of the life of his disciples in the Indies, and how he one day said: “I would assuredly like to know, if it were possible, how many fleas bit them each night.”

[673] Loyola had long abandoned the vow of poverty; his faithful disciples, the circle of Barcelona ladies, sent him supplies of money, and e received sums from Spanish merchants in France and the Low Countries.

[674] The Exercitia Spiritualia S. P. Ignatii Loyola, Fundatoris Ordinis Societatis Jesu, and their indispensable companion the Directorium in Exercitia Spiritualia B. P. N. Ignatii, are to be found in vol. iv. of the Insti. Soc. Jesu. The editions used here are, of the Exercises, that of Antwerp, 1676, and of the Directory, that of Rome, 1615.

[675] A careful study of the Exercises, of the Directory, of Loyola’s correspondence, and of his sayings recorded by early and contemporary biographers, has convinced me that the book was mainly constructed out of the abundant notes which Loyola took of his own inward experiences at Manresa, and that the only book he used in compiling it was the De Imitatione Christi of Thomas à Kempis—a book which Ignatius believed to have been written by Gerson. We know otherwise how highly Ignatius prized the De Imitatione. When he visited the Abbey of Monte Cassino he took with him as many copies as there were monks in the monastery; it was the one volume which he kept on the small table at his bedside; and it was the only book which the neophyte was permitted to read during the first week of the Exercises: “si tamen instructori videbitur, posset in prima hebdomada legere librum Gersonis de Imitatione Christi” (Directory, iii. 2).

[676] Cf. Directory, i. ii. v.

[677] It is explained that by “week” is meant not a space of time, seven days, but a distinct subject of meditation. The drill may be finished within seven or eight days; it may have to be prolonged beyond the twenty-five. The first meditation is the basis of all, and it may have to be repeated over and over again until the soul is sufficiently bruised (Directory, xi. l).

[678] “Prima continet considerationem peccatorum, ut eorum fœditatem cognoscamus, vereque detestemur cum dolore, et satisfactione convenienti. Secunda propcnit vitam Christi ad excitandum in nobis desiderium ac studium eam imitandi. Quam imitationem ut melius perficiamus, proponitur etiam modus eligendi vel vitæ statum, qui sit maxime ex voluntate Dei; vel si jam eligi non possit, dantur quædam monita ad eum in quo quisque sit, reformandum. Tertia continet Passionem Christi, qua miseratio, dolor, confusio generatur, et illud imitationis desiderium una cum Dei amore vehementius inflammatur. Quarta demum est de Resurrectione Christi, ejusque gloriosis apparitionibus, et de beneficiis, et similibus, quæ pertinent ad Dei amorem in nobis excitandum” (Directory, xi. 2).

[679] “Punctum primum est, spectare per imaginationem vasta inferorum incendia, et animas igneis quibusdam corporibus, velut ergastulis inclusas. Secundum, audire imaginarie, planctus, ejulatus, vociferationes, atque blasphemias in Christum et Sanctos ejus illinc erumpentes. Tertium, imaginario etiam olfactu fumum, sulphur, et sentinae cujusdam seu faecis atque putredinis graveolentiam persentire. Quartum, gustare similiter res amarissimas, ut lachrymas, rancorem, conscientiaeque vermem. Quintum, tangere quodammodo ignes illos, quorum tactu animae ipsae amburuntur” (Exercitia Spiritualia, Quintum Exercitium (pp. 105, 106 in Antwerp edition of 1676)).

[680] Exercitia, Tertia Hebdomada, ii. Contemplatio (p. 157).

[681] Exercitia, Tertia Hebdomada, ii. Contemplatio, pp. 125, 126.

[682] Ibid. p. 121.

[683] J. A. Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy, The Catholic Reaction, i. 289.

[684] These and other declarations of a like kind are to be found in the last chapter of the Exercitia Spiritualia, entitled Regulæ aliquot servandæ ut cum orthodoxa Ecclesia vere sentiamus.

[685] Ibid. “Si quid, quod oculis nostris apparet album, nigrum illa (ecclesia catholica) esse definierit, debemus itidem, quod nigrum sit, pronuntiare” (Regula, 13, p. 267).

[686] Cartas de San Ignacio de Loyola, fundador de la Compañía de Jesús (Madrid, 1874, etc.), No. 14.

[687] Ignatius was fond of recalling these accusations and acquittals. In a celebrated letter to the King of Portugal he said that he had been eight times accused of heresy and as often acquitted, and that these accusations had really arisen, not from any associations he had ever had with schismatics, Lutherans, or Alumbrados (heretical Mystics), but from the astonishment caused by the fact that he, an unlearned man, should presume to speak about things divine (Cartas de San Ignacio, etc., No. 52).

[688] At the time of Ignatius’ death (1556), “the Professed of the Four Vows,” who were the Society in the strictest sense, and who alone had any share in its government, numbered only thirty-five.

[689] The Society came to consist of (1) Novices who had been carefully selected (a) for the priesthood, or (b) for secular work, or (c) whose special vocation was yet undetermined—the Indifferents; (2) the Scholastics, who had passed through a noviciate of two years, and who had to spend five years in study, then five years as teachers of junior classes; (3) Coadjutors, spiritual or temporal—the one set sharing in all the missionary work of the Society, preaching or teaching, the other in the corresponding temporal duties; (4) the Professed of the Four Vows, who were the élite of the Society, and who alone had a share in its government. Heads of Colleges and Residences were taken from the third class.

[690] This diary was used by Yigilio Nolarci in his Compendio della Vita di S. Ignatio di Loiola (Venice, 2nd ed., 1687), pp. 197-211.

[691] Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy, The Catholic Reaction (London, 1886), i. 293, 294.

[692] Cf. vol. i. p. 142.

[693] Many of Loyola’s letters are addressed to these ladies: Cartas, i. pp. 1, 4, 23, to Inés Pascual; pp. 16, 63, 112, 279, to Isabella Roser; pp. 34, 44, 177, to Teresa Rejadella de St. Clara, a nun.

[694] Cf. Cartas, i. pp. 291, 470, 471.

[695] Sources: The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent (London, 1851); Theiner, Acta genuina Concilii Tridentini (1875); Dollinger, Ungedruckte Berichte und Tagebücher zur Geschichte des Concils von Trient (Nördlingen, 1876); Grisar, Iacobi Lainez Disputationes Tridentinæ (Innsbruck, 1886); Le Plat, Monumentorum ad historiam Concilii Tridentini potissimum illustrandum spectantium amplissima collectio (Louvain, 1781-87), Paleotto, Acta Concilii Tridentini, 1562-63; Planck, Anecdota ad Historiam concilii Tridentini pertinentia (Göttingen, 1791-1818); Sickel, “Das Reformations-Libell Ferdinands I.” (in Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, xiv., Vienna, 1871), Catechismus Romanus (Paris, 1635); Denzinger, Enchiridion (Würzburg, 1900).

Later Books: Maurenbrecher, “Tridentiner Concil, Vorspiel und Einleitung” (in the Historisches Taschenbuch, sechste Folge, 1886, pp. 147-256), “Begrundung der katholischen Glaubenslehre” (in the Hist. Tasch. 1888, pp. 305-28), and “Die Lehre von der Erbsunde und der Rechtfertigung” (in the Hist. Tasch. 1890, pp. 237-330); Harnack, History of Dogma, vii. (London, 1899); Loofs, Leitfaden zum studium der Dogmengeschichte (Halle, 1893); R. C. Jenkins, Pre-Tridentine Doctrine (London, 1891); Froude, Lectures on the Council of Trent (London, 1896); Sickel, Zur Geschichte des Concils von Trient (Vienna, 1872), and Die Geschäfts-ordnung des Concils von Trient (Vienna, 1871); Milledonne, Journal de Concile de Trente (Paris, 1870); Braunsberger Entstehung und erste Entwicklung der Katechismen des Petrus Canisius (Freiburg i. B. 1893); Dejob, De l’influence du Concile de Trente (Paris, 1884); Paolo Sarpi, History of the Council of Trent (London, 1619); Lettere di Fra Paolo Sarpi (Florence, 1863).

[696] For an account of these negotiations, and for the false start made on Nov. 1st, 1542, see W. Maurenbrecher, “Tridentiner Concil, Vorspiel und Einleitung,” Historisches Taschenbuch, Sechste Folge, 1886, pp. 147-256; also Cambridge Modern History, ii. 660 ff. It seems to be pretty certain that the fear that the Germans might hold a National Council and the possibility that there might result a National German Church independent of Rome on the lines laid down by Henry VIII. of England, was the motive which finally compelled Pope Paul III. to decide on summoning a General Council; cf. i. pp. 378, 379.

[697] The church now contains a picture on the north wall of the choir of the group of theologians who were members of the Council.

[698] The Council sat at Trent from the 13th Dec. 1545 to the 11th March 1547 (Sessions i.-viii.); at Bologna from the 21st of April to the 2nd of June 1547 (Sessions ix.-x.); at Trent from the 1st of May 1551 to the 28th of April 1552 (Session xi.-xvi.); and at Trent from the 18th of Jan. 1562 to the 3rd of Dec. 1563 (Sessions xvii.-xxv.).

[699] It was enough for him that the Protestants held the Twelve Articles (the Apostles’ Creed); cf. i. 264 n.; and ii. 517, 518.

[700] Cf. i. 390.

[701] (Theiner) Acta genuina ss. æcumenici concilii Tridentini, p. 40.

[702] Loofs in his Leitfaden zum studium der Dogmengeschichte (Halle a. S. 1893) declares that the following tendencies within the Roman Catholic Church of the sixteenth century have all to be taken into account as influencing the decisions come to at the Council of Trent: The reorganisation of the Spanish Church in strict mediæval spirit by the Crown under Isabella and Ferdinand; the revival of Thomist theology, especially in the Dominican Order; the fostering of mystical piety, especially in new and in reconstructed Orders; the ennobling of theology by Humanism, and its influence, direct and indirect, in leading theologians back to Augustine; the strengthening of the Papacy in the rise of Curialism; and, lastly, the ecclesiastical interests of temporal sovereigns generally opposed to this Curialism. He declares that the newly-founded Order of the Jesuits served as a meeting-place for the first, third, fourth, and fifth of these tendencies (pp. 333-34).

[703] “Nec non traditiones ipsas, tum ad fidem, tum ad mores pertinentes, tanquam vel oretenus a Christo, vel a Spiritu Sancto dictatas, et continua successione in Ecclesia catholica conservatas, pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia suscipit et veneratur.” The references to the decisions of Trent have been taken from Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum quæ de rebus fidei et morum a conciliis œcumenicis et summis Pontificibus emanarunt (Würzburg, 1900), p. 179.

[704] “Statuit et declarat, ut hæc ipsa vetus et vulgata editio, quæ longo tot sæculorum usu in ipsa Ecclesia probata est, in publicis lectionibus, disputationibus, prædicationibus pro authentica habeatur; et ut nemo illam rejicere quovis prætextu audeat vel præsumat” (Denzinger, Enchiridion, etc. p. 179).

[705] “Nemo ... contra cum sensum, quem tenuit et tenet sancta mater Ecclesia, cujus est judicare de vero sensu et interpretatione Scripturarum Sanctarum, autetiam contra unanimem consensum Patrum, ipsam Scripturam Sacram interpretari audeat” (ibid. p. 180).

[706] “Non possum pati synodum pari pietatis affectu suscipere traditiones et libros sanctos: hoc enim, ut vere dicam quod seutio, impium est.”

[707] “Si quis non confitetur, primum hominem Adam, cum mandatum Dei in paradiso fuisset transgressus, statim sanctificationem et justitiam, in qua constitutus fuerat, amisisse.... Anathema sit” (Denzinger, Enchiridion, etc. p. 180).

[708] “Tametsi in eis liberum arbitrium minime extinctum esset, viribus licet attenuatum et inclinatum”; in the first paragraph of the decree on Justification (ibid. p. 182).

[709] “Declarat tamen hæc ipsa sancta Synodus, non esse suæ intentionis comprehendere in hoc decreto, ubi de peccato originali agitur, beatam et immaculatam Virginem Mariam, Dei genitricem; sed observandas constitutiones felicis recordationis Sixti Papæ IV. sub pœnis in eis constitutionibus contentis, quas innovat” (ibid. p. 182).

[710] Cf. above, pp. 520, 521.

[711] History of Dogma (English translation), vii. 57.

[712] Seripando was made a Cardinal in 1561 by Pope Pius IV., who also sent him to the Council of Trent in that year as one of his Legates.

[713] “Cum omnes homines in prævaricatione Adæ innocentiam perdi dissent facti immundi ... ut non modo gentes per vim naturæ, sed ne Judæi quidem per ipsam etiam litteram legis Moysi, inde liberari aut surgere possent” (Denzinger, Enchiridion, etc. 182).

[714] “Hunc proposuit Deus propitiatorem per fidem in sanguine ipsius pro peccatis nostris” (Denzinger, Enchiridion, etc. p. 183).

[715] “Ita nisi in Christo renascerentur, nunquam justificarentur, cum ea renascentia per meritum passionis ejus gratia, qua justi fiunt, illis tribuatur; pro hoc beneficio Apostolus gratias nos semper agere hortatur Patri, qui dignos nos fecit in partem sortis sanctorum in lumine, et eripuit de potestate tenebrarum, transtulitque in regnum Filii dilectionis suæ, in quo habemus redemptionem et remissionem peccatorum” (ibid. 183).

[716] “Translatio ab eo statu in quo homo nascitur ... in statum gratiæ et adoptionis filiorum Dei per ... Jesum Christum, salvatorem nostrum; quæ quidem translatio post Evangelium promulgatum sine lavacro regenerationis, aut ejus voto, fieri non potest” (ibid. p. 183).

[717] “Ut, qui per peccata a Deo aversi erant, per ejus excitantem atque adjuvantem gratiam ad convertendum se ad suam ipsorum justificationem eidem gratiæ libere assentiendo et co-operando, disponantur ...”

[718] Cf. i. 222 f.

[719] He classed Cardinal Pole among heretics; Vittoria Colonna became suspect because she was “tilia spiritualis et discipula Cardinalis Poli, hæretici”; and the nuns of St. Catherine at Viterbo were noted as “suspectæ” from their intimacy with Vittoria (Carteggio di Vittoria Colonna, pp. 433 ff.; Turin, 1889).

[720] “Symbolum fidei quo sancta Romana Ecclesia utitur.”

[721] “Through the mercy of God and the provident care of His own Vicar upon earth.” Session vi. de reform, c. 1.