About the same time, to wit, the 25. of June, the Generall Assembly of the whole Church convened at Edinburgh. The Earles of Argyle and Murray assisted at the Assembly: Paul Methven, who before, as we heard, was excommunicate, gave in his Supplication, and desired to be heard, as he had done divers times; for the said Paul had written oft times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to divers others, most earnestly desiring to be received again into the fellowship of the Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was finally granted, that he should be heard: And so being before the Assembly, and falling upon his knees, burst out with teares, and said, He was not worthy to appeare in their presence; alwayes he desired them, for the love of God, to receive him to the open expression of his repentance. Shortly after, they appointed certaine of the ministers to proscribe to him the forme of his declaration of repentance, which was thus in effect; First, That he should present himselfe bare-foot and bare-head, arayed in sack-cloth, at the principall entry of Saint Gyles Kirk in Edinburgh, at seven hours in the morning, upon the next Wednesday, and there to remain the space of an hour, the whole people beholding him, till the prayer was made, psalmes sung, and [the] text of Scripture was read, and then to come into the place appointed for expression of repentance, and tarry the time of sermon; and to do so likewise the next Friday following, and also upon the Sunday; and then, in the face of the whole church, to declare his repentance with his owne mouth. The same forme and manner he should use in Jedwart and Dundie: And that being done, to present himself again at the next Generall Assembly following in winter, where he should be received to the communion of the Church. When the said Paul had received the said Ordinance, he took it very grievously, alleadging, they had used over-great severity: Neverthelesse, being counselled and perswaded by divers notable personages, he began well in Edinburgh to proceed, whereby a great number were moved with compassion of his state; and likewise in Jedwart: but he left his duty in Dundie, and passing againe into England, the matter, not without offence to many, ceased.

The Ministers complaining that they could not be payed their stipends, were licensed by the Assembly to passe to other churches to preach, but in no wise to leave the ministery. And because that the Queen's Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy, it was thought expedient that supplication should be yet made, as before, That the Queen's Majestie should cause such order to be taken, that the poore ministers might be payed their stipends. The Bishop of Galloway, who was brother to the Earle of Huntley, and now a great man in the Court, travelled much with the Queen's Majesty in that matter, and got of her a good answer, and faire promises. A few years before, the said Bishop of Galloway desired of the Generall Assembly to be made Superintendent of Galloway; but now being promoted to great dignity, as to be of the number of the Lords of the Privy Councell, and likewise one of the Session,[1126] he would no more be called Over-looker, or Over-seer of Galloway, but Bishop: Alwayes truth it is, that he laboured much for his nephew the Earle of Huntley, that he might be restored to his lands and honours; for the said Earle was new Chancellor,[1127] since the slaughter of David Rizio, and had for his clawback the Bishop of Rosse, Master John Lesley, one of the chief Councellors to the Queen: But of all men the Earle Bothwell was most in the Queen's favour, so far, that all things past by him; yea, by his meanes the most part of all those that were partakers in the slaughter of David Rizio, got remission and relief. But from that day he was not present at any sermon, albeit before he professed the Evangel by outward speaking, yet he never joyned to the Congregation. But this time the Earle of Cassils[1128] was contracted with the Lord of Glames sister, by whose perswasion he became a Protestant, and caused, in the moneth of August, to reforme his churches in Carrick, and promised to maintaine the doctrine of the Evangell.

The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David, caused in August to be apprehended a man called Hary,[1129] who sometime had been of her Chapell-Royall, but afterward became an exhorter in a Reformed Church; and for want of stipend, or other necessaries, past in service to my Lord Ruthven, and chanced that night to be present when the said David was slaine; and so, finally, he was condemned, and hanged, and quartered.

The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queene cared not for him, he went sometime to the Lenox to his father, and sometime to Sterlin, whither the Prince was carried a little before. Alwayes he was destitute of such things as were necessary for him, having scarcely six horses in trayn. And being thus desolate, and halfe desperate, he sought means to go out of the countrey: and, about the same time, by the advice of foolish cagots, he wrote to the Pope, to the King of Spaine, and to the King of France, complaining of the state of the countrey, which was all out of order, all because that Masse and Popery were not againe erected, giving the whole blame thereof to the Queen, as not managing the Catholike cause aright. By some knave, this poore Prince was betrayed, and the Queen got a copie of these letters into her hands, and therefore threatened him sore; and there was never after that, any appearance of love betwixt them.

The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basill, with other Reformed Churches of Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of Scotland the sum of the Confession of their Faith,[1130] desiring to know if they agreed in uniformity of doctrine, alleadging, that the Church of Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them: Wherefore the Superintendents, with a great part of the other most qualified Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading the said letters, made answer, and sent word again, That they agreed in all points with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them: albeit in the keeping of some Festivall days, our Church assented not; for only the Sabbath-day was kept in Scotland.

In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of the theeves in Liddisdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief; for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life, and sent word thereof to the Queen's Majestie, who soon after past forth of Jedwart to the Hermitage to visit him,[1131] and give him comfort: And within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme manner, for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without breath, or any sign of life: at length she revived, by reason they had bound small cords about her shackle bones, her knees, and great toes, and speaking very softly, she desired the Lords to pray for her to God. She said the creed in English, and desired my Lord of Murray, if she should chance to depart, that he would not be over extreme to such as was of her Religion; the Duke and he should have been Regents. The bruit went from Jedwart in the month of October 1565, that the Queen was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any time, wherefore there was continually prayers publikely made at the Church of Edinburgh, and divers other places, for her conversion towards God, and amendment. Many were of opinion that she should come to the preaching, and renounce Popery; but all in vain, for God had some other thing to do by her. The King being advertised, rid post from Sterlin to Jedburgh, where he found the Queen somewhat convalesced, but she would scarce speak to him, and hardly give him presence or a good word; wherefore he returned immediately to Sterlin, where the Prince was, and after to Glasgow to his father.

There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and especially in the countreys near the Borders, if the Queen had departed at that time. As she began to recover, the Earl Bothwell was brought in a charriot from the Hermitage to Jedburgh, where he was cured of his wounds; in whose presence the Queen took more pleasure then in all the rest of the world: always by his means, most part of all that were outlawed for the slaughter of David Rizzio, got relief, for there was no other means, but all things must needs pass by him; wherefore, every man sought to him, where immediately favour was to be had, as before to David Rizio.

Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came within the bounds of Barwick, where she viewed the town at her pleasure afar off, being within half a mile and less. All the ordnance within Barwick were discharged; the Captain came forth, with fourscore horses bravely arrayed, to do her honour, and offer her lawfull service. Then she came to Craigmiller, where she remained in November, till she was advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors to the baptisme of the Prince; and for that purpose there was great preparation made, not without the trouble of such as were supposed to have money in store, especially of Edinburgh; for there was borrowed a good round summe of money for the same businesse. All her care and solicitude was for that triumph. At the same time arrived the Counte de Briance, Ambassadour of the King of France, who had a great train. Soon after the Earl of Bedford went forth of England, with a very gorgious company, to the number of fourscore horses, and passing to Sterlin, he was humanly received of the Queen's Majestie, and every day banquetted. The excessive expences, and superfluous apparell, which was prepared at that time, exceeded farr all the preparation that ever had been devised or set forth afore that time in this countrey.

The 17. of December 1566, in the great hall of the Castle of Sterling, was the Prince baptized[1132] by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, at five a clock at even, with great pomp, albeit with great pain could they find men to beare the torches, wherefore they took boyes. The Queen laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the salt, grease, and candle, and such other things, but all refused; she found at last the Earls of Eglington, Athole, and the Lord Seaton, who assisted at the baptisme, and brought in the said trash. The Counte de Briance, (being the French Ambassadour,) assisted likewise. The Earl of Bedford brought for a present from the Queen of England a font of gold, valued to be worth three thousand crowns. Soon after the said baptisme, as the Earl was in communing with the Queen, who entertained him most reverently, he began to say merrily to her, amongst other talking, "Madame, I rejoyce very greatly at this time, seeing your Majestie hath here to serve you so many Noblemen, especially twelve Earls, whereof two only assist at this baptisme to the superstition of Popery." At the which saying the Queen kept good countenance. Soon after they banquetted in the said great hall, where they wanted no prodigality. During the time of the Earl of Bedford's remaining at Sterlin, the Lords, for the most part, waited upon him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and after to banquetting.

The King, who remained at Sterlin all that time, (never being present,) kept his chamber: His father hearing how he was used, writ to him to repaire unto him; who soon after went (without good-night) toward Glasgow, to his father. He was hardly a mile out of Sterlin, when the poyson (which had been given him) wrought so upon him, that he had very great pain and dolour in every part of his body. At length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters brake out, of a blewish colour; so the Physitians presently knew the disease to come by poyson: He was brought so low, that nothing but death was expected; yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the poison.

During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberall in all things that were demanded of her: amongst other things, she subscribed a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reasonable proportion, which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices: which writing being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway, was presented at the Generall Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh, the five and twentieth day of December 1566, where were conveened the Superintendents, and other Ministers in reasonable number, but very few Commissioners. The first matter that was there proposed, was concerning the said writing lately obtained; and the most part of the Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter, after advice, and passing a little aside, they answered very gravely, That it was their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly and sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary for their sustentation, as of duty the Pastour might justly crave of their flock; and, further, it became them not to have any care. Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into consideration, that the said gifts granted by the Queen's Majestie was not to be refused, they ordained, That certain faithfull men of every Shire should meet, and do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn and money; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lowthian, and Master John Row,[1133] to waite upon the Bishop of Galloway, and concurre and assist him for further expedition in the Court, that the said gift might be dispatched through the Seales.

In the same Assembly, there was presented a remonstrance by writ, by some gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect, That inasmuch as the Tythes ought to be given only to the Ministers of the Word, and Schools, and for maintenance of the poore, that therefore the Assembly would statute and ordain, That all the Professors of the Evangell should keep the same in their own hands, to the effects aforesaid, and no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This writing took no effect at that time, for there was none else but the gentlemen of Kyle of that opinion. It was statuted in the said Assembly, That such publike fornicators, and scandalous livers, as would not confesse their offences, nor come to declare their repentance, should be declared by the Minister to be out of the Church, and not of the body thereof, and their names to be declared publikely upon the Sunday.

After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Superintendent of Lowthian and Master John Row) passing to Sterlin, obtained their demands in an ample manner at the Queen's Majesties hand, according to their desire; and likewise, they obtained for every borough, a gift or donation of the altarages, annuals, and obites, which before were given to the Papists, now to be disposed for the maintenance of the Ministers and Schools within the boroughs, and the rest to the Poor, or hospitall.

[It was ordained[1134] that humble supplication should be made to the Lords of Secret Councell concerning the Commission of Jurisdiction supposed to be granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews, to the effect their honours may stay the same, in respect that the causes for the most part judged by his usurped authoritie, pertaine to the true Kirk; and also, because in respect of that coloured Commission, he might assume againe his old usurped authoritie, and the same might be a mean to oppresse the whole Kirk. The tenour of the Supplication followeth.

"The Generall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of December 1566, to the Nobilitie of this Realme that professe the Lord Jesus with them, and have renounced that Romane Antichrist, Desires constancie in faith, and the spirit of righteous judgement.

John Knox his supplication to the Councell, to recall the commission granted to the Archbishop of Saint Andrews.

"Seeing that Satan, by all our negligences, (Right Honourable,) hath so far prevailed within this Realme of late dayes that we do stand in extream danger, not onely to losse our temporall possessions, but also to be deprived of the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ, and so we and our posterity to be left in damnable darknesse; We could no longer contain our selves, nor keep silence, lest by so doing we might be accused as guilty of the blood of such as shall perish for lack of admonition, as the Prophet threatneth. We therefore, in the fear of our God, and with grief and anguish of our heart, complain unto your Honours, (yea, we must complain unto God, and to all his obedient creatures,) that that conjured enemie of Jesus Christ, and cruell murtherer of our dear brethren, most falsly styled Archbishop of Saint Andrews, is reponed and restored, by signature past, to his former tyrannie: For not only are his ancient jurisdictions (as they are termed) of the whole Bishoprick of Saint Andrews granted unto him, but also the execution of judgement, confirmation of testaments, and donation of benefices, as more amply in his signature is expressed. If this be not to cure the head of that venomous beast, which once within this Realm, by the potent hand of God, was so broken downe and banished, that by tyranny it could not have hurt the faithfull, judge ye. His ancient jurisdiction was, that he with certaine colleagues collaterals, might have damned of heresie upon probation as pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected of heresie. What they have judged to be heresie heretofore, ye cannot be ignorant of; and whether they remaine in their former malice or not, their fruits and travels openly declare. The danger may be feared, say ye. But what remedie? It is easie, and at hand, (Right Honourable,) if ye will not betray the cause of God, and leave your brethren, who will never be more subject to that usurped tyrannie then they will be to the Devill himselfe. Our Queene belike is not well informed: She ought not, nor justly may not break the laws of this Realm; and so consequently, she may not set up against us, without our consents, that Romane Antichrist againe: For in a lawfull and the most free Parliament that ever was in this Realm before, was that odious beast deprived of all jurisdiction, office and authority within the Realm. Her Majestie at her first arryvall, and by divers proclamations sensyne, hath expressly forbidden any other forme and face of Religion, then that which she found publikely established at her arryvall: Therefore she may not bring us (the greatest part of the subjects of this Realm) back again to bondage, till that as lawfull and free a Parliament as justly damned that Antichrist and his usurped tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us and him. If hereof, and of other things which no lesse concerne your selves then us, ye plainly and boldly admonish our Soveraigne, and without tumult only crave justice, the tyrants dare no more be seen in lawfull judgment, then dare the owles in day light. Weigh this matter as it is, and ye will finde it more weighty then it appeareth to many. Farther at this present we complain not, but humbly crave of your Honours a reasonable answer what ye will doe, in case such tyrants and devouring wolves begin to invade the flocke of Jesus Christ within this Realm, under what title soever it be: For this we boldly professe, That we will never acknowledge such either pastors to our soules, or yet judges to our causes. And if [that], for denyall thereof, we suffer either in body or in goods, we doubt not but we have not only a Judge to punish them that unjustly trouble us, but also an Advocate and strong Champion in Heaven to recompense them, who for his name's sake suffer persecution: Whose Holy Spirit rule your hearts in his true fear to the end.

"Given in the Generall Assembly and third Session thereof,
at Edinburgh, the 27. of December, 1566."

Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned (as appeareth by the style) by John Knox, a Letter was written by John Knox in particular to the Professors, to advertise them of the danger of this commission or power granted to the said bastard, Bishop of Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth follow.

"The Lord cometh, and shall not tarrie; Blessed shall he
be whom he shall finde fighting against impietie.

"To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked dayes (Beloved Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither yet relieve us of our present calamities; and yet utterly to keep silence, cannot lack the suspicion of apostacie, and plain defection from God, and from his truth, once by us publikely professed. For now are matters (that in years bypast have been denyed) so far discovered, that he who seeth not the plaine subversion of all true Religion within this Realm to be concluded, and decreed in the hearts of some, must either confesse himselfe blinde, or else an enemie to the Religion which we professe: For besides the open erecting of Idolatry in divers parts of this Realme, and besides the extreame povertie wherein our Ministers are brought, (by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that which justly appertaineth to such as truely preach Jesus Christ, and rightly and by order minister his blessed Sacraments,) that cruell murtherer of our brethren, falsly called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and against all law, hath presumed to his former tyrannie, as a signature past for his restitution to his ancient jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully doth proport. What end may be looked for of such beginnings, the halfe blinde may see, as we suppose. And yet, we have heard, that a certaine summe of money and victuals should be assigned by the Queen's Majestie for sustentation of our Ministrie. But how that any such assignation, or any promise made thereof, can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman Antichrist (by just laws once banished from this Realme) shall be intrused above us, we can no wise understand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what assurance any within this Realme that have professed the Lord Jesus can have of life or inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured amongst us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of Christ Jesus, crave of you to look into this matter, and to advertise us again, with reasonable expedition of your judgements, that in the feare of God, and with unitie of minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and oppone our selves to such tyrannie, as most unjustly is intended against us: For, if we think not that this last erecting of that wicked man, is the very setting up againe of that Romane Antichrist within this Realme, we are deprived of all right judgement. And what is that else, but to separate us and our posteritie from God; yea, and to cut our selves from the freedome of this Realme. We desire therefore that the wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this cause, which long hath been neglected, partly by our slouth, and partly by believing faire promises, by which to this hour we have been deceived. And therefore we ought to be the more vigilant and circumspect, especially seeing a Parliament is proclaimed.

"We have sent to you the forme of a Supplication and Articles, which we would have presented to the Queen's Majestie. If it please you, we would ye should approve it by your subscriptions; or if you would alter it, we desire you so to do, and we shall allow whatsoever you shall propound, not repugnant to God. If it shall be thought expedient that Commissioners of Countries shall conveene, to reason upon the most weighty matters that now occurr, the time and place being appointed by you, and due advertisement being given to us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us; but as from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor life, so minde we not to faint unto the end, to maintaine the same, so long as we can finde the concurrence of brethren; of whom (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet are we determined never to be subject to that Roman Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyrannie. But when we can doe no further to suppresse that odious beast, we minde to scale with our blood to our posteritie, that the bright knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sinne, and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. Let this our Letter and request beare witnesse before God, before his angels, before the world, and before our own consciences, that we require you that have professed the Lord Jesus within this Realme, as well Nobilitie, as Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Commons, to deliberate upon the estate of things present; and specially whether that this usurped tyrannie of that Romane Antichrist shall be any longer suffered within this Realme, seeing that by just law it is already abolished. Secondly, Whether that we shall be bound to feed idle bellies upon the patrimonie of the Kirk, which justly appertaineth unto Ministers. Thirdly, Whether that Idolatrie, and other abominations, which now are more then evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and defended. Answer us as ye will answer to God, in whose feare we send these letters unto you, lest that our silence should be counted for consent unto such impietie. God take from our hearts the blinde love of our selves, and all ungodly feare. Amen. Let us know your mindes with expedition."]

Notwithstanding the domestick troubles that the Church of God had in Scotland in this turbulent time within the kingdome, yet they were not unmindfull of the affliction of Jacob every where upon the face of the earth; namely, they had before their eyes the state and condition of the Church of God in England: Witnesse this Letter from the Generall Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in England; [wherein they intreat them to deal gently with the preachers their brethren about the Surplice and other apparell. John Knox formed the Letter in name of the Assembly, as follows.[1135]]

"The Superintendents, with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God in the Kingdome of Scotland, to their Brethren, the Bishops and Pastours of God's Church in England, who profess with us in Scotland the truth of Jesus Christ.

"By word and letters it is come to our knowledge, (Reverend Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England,) that divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most learned in England,) are deprived from all Ecclesiasticall function, namely, are forbidden to preach, and so by you are stopped to promote the Kingdom of God, because they have a scruple of conscience to use at the command of Authority such garments as idolaters in time of greatest darknesse, did use in their superstitious and idolatrous service; which report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts, considering the sentence of the Apostle, 'If ye bite and devour one another, take heed ye be not consumed one of another.' We intend not at this present to enter into the question, which we hear is agitated and handled with greater vehemency by either partie, then well liketh us, to wit, Whether such Apparell be accounted amongst things indifferent or not; wherefore, (through the bowels of Jesus Christ,) we crave that Christian charitie may so farr prevaile with you, who are the pastors and guides of Christ's flock in England, that ye doe one to another, as ye desire others to do to you. You cannot be ignorant what tendernesse is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that have knowledge are not alike perswaded; the consciences of some of you stirres not, with the wearing of such things; on the other side, many thousands (both godly and learned) are otherwayes perswaded, whose consciences are continually strucken with these sentences, 'What hath Christ to doe with Beliall?' 'What fellowship is there betwixt light and darknesse?' If surplice, corner-cap, and tippet, have been the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry, what hath the preachers of Christian libertie, and the rebukers of superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish Beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear, either to take in his hand, or on his forehead, the prints and mark of that odious Beast? The brethren that refuse such unprofitable apparell, do neither condemn nor molest you who use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these things will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but therein you shall please God, and comfort the hearts of many, which are wounded to see extremitie used against these godly brethren. Humane arguments or coloured rhetorick, we use none to perswade you, only in charity we desire you to mind the sentence of Peter, 'Feed the flock of Christ which is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by constraint, but willingly; not being as lords of God's heritages, but being examples to the flock.' We further desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul, 'Give no offence, neither to Jews, nor Gentiles, nor to the church of God.' In what condition you and we both travell, at least are bound to travell for the promoting of Christ's kingdom, you are not ignorant; therefore we are the more bold to exhort you to deal more wisely, then to trouble the godly for such vanities; for all things which seem lawfull, edifie not. If Authority urge you farther than your consciences can bear, we pray you remember, that the Ministers of the Church are called the 'Light of the world,' and 'Salt of the earth;' all civill authority hath not alwayes the light of God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands, for their affections savour too much of the earth and worldly wisdom: therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose your selves boldly, not only to all power that dare extoll it self against God, but also against all such as dare burthen the consciences of the faithfull, farther than God chargeth them in his own word. But we hope you will excuse our freedom in that we have entered in reasoning farther than we intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our former request, which is, That the brethren among you, who refuse the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge them, such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each one of his members to shew to another, which we look to receive of your courtesie, not only because you will not offend God in troubling your brethren for such vain trifles, but also because you will not refuse the earnest request of us your Brethren, and fellow Ministers; in whom, although there appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem us as God's servants, travelling to set forth his glory against the Roman Antichrist. The dayes are evill, iniquitie aboundeth, and charitie (alas) waxeth cold; wherefore we ought to walk diligently, for the hour is uncertain when the Lord shall come, before whom we must all give an account of our administration. In conclusion, yet once more we desire you to be favourable one to another; the Lord Jesus rule your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to you and us victorie over that conjured enemy of true Religion, (the Pope,) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to cure again; but to destruction shall he go, and all his maintainers, by the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty protection we commit you.

"From our Generall Assembly, Decemb. 27. 1566."

[When John Knox, the penner of this letter wrote thus of the superstitious Apparell as a supplicant for the afflicted Brethren, what would he have written, think you, in another case. It is to be observed, that at the same time our worthy Brethren in England made their state known to Master Beza, who, upon their complaint, wrote a letter in their behalf at the same time to Doctor Grindall, Bishop of London, wherein he findeth fault with the manner of Apparrell appointed for Ministers with kneeling at the communion, and all significant ceremonies; which letter is the eight in order, among his Epistles. But obtaining no favour, he wrote the year following, (which was in Anno 1567,) another letter to this purpose, which is the twelfth in order amongst his Epistles, wherein he giveth his beloved brethren this advice; that rather then they should give their consents to the order of ordaining their Ministers to use the cope and surplice, and to the manner of excommunication that was used in the Church of England, that they should give place to manifest violence, and live as privat men. It is also to be observed, that the sincerer sort of the Ministrie in England had not yet assaulted the jurisdiction and Church government, (which they did not till the year 1572, at which time they published their first and second Admonition to the Parliament,) but only had excepted against superstitious apparell, and some other faults in the Service Booke. By the former Assembly, the Reader of Bathgate was censured for baptizing of infants, and solemnizing of marriage, he being but a simple Reader, and for taking silver for the same from such as were without the parish. Hear you may see that they acknowledge not Reading Ministers, that is, that any administer the Sacraments, but he that was able to preach the word.][1136]

At the same time, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of the Earl Bothwell, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, to be obeyed within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes as before in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and therefore to discharge the new Commissioners; and for the same purpose came to Edinburgh in January, having a company of one hundred horses, or more, intending to take possession, according to his gift lately obtained. The Provest being advertised thereof by the Earl of Murray, they sent to the Bishop three or four of the Councell, desiring him to desist from the said matter, for fear of trouble and sedition that might rise thereupon; whereby he was perswaded to desist at that time.

Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained a few days. In the moneth of January she was informed that the King was recovered of the poyson given him at Sterlin, and therefore she past to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him six days, using him wonderfully kindely, with many gracious and good words; and likewise his father, the Earl of Lenox, insomuch that all men marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great contempt and drynesse that had been before so long together. The Queen, notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with a known design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains so far upon the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went in company with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge him at the Church of Field,[1137] in a lodging, lately bought by Master James Balfour, Clerk Register, truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights by him, (although her lodging was in the Palace of Halyrud-house.) Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and sudden change. The ninth of February, the King was murthered, and the house where he lay burned with powder, about twelve of the clock in the night: his body was cast forth in a yard, without the town wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant likewise murthered beside him, who had been also in the chamber with him. The people ran to behold this spectacle; and wondering thereat some judged one thing, some another.

Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men of war, and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next house; where, after a little, the chirurgions being convened at the Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his death; most part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown in the ayre, albeit he had no mark of fire; and truly he was strangled. Soon after,[1138] he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed.

[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the King's corpse, the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Pallace by some pioners. She behold the corpse without any outward shew or signe of joy or sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst themselves that he should be honourablie buried, the Queen caused his corpse to be carried by some pioners in the night without solemnitie, and to be layed beside the sepulchre of David Rizio. If there had been any solemn buriall, Buchanan had wanted wit to relate otherwise, seeing there would have been so many witnesses to testifie the contrair. Therefore the contriver of the late Historie of Queen Marie[1139] wanted policie here to convoy a lee.

The Queen, according to the ancient custom should have keeped herself 40. days within, and the doores and windowes should have been closed in token of mourning; but the windowes were opened, to let in light, the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to Scatoun, Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out to the fields to behold games and pastimes. The King's armour, horse, and household stuffe, were bestowed upon the murtherers. A certain taylour, when he was to reforme the King's apparel to Bothwell, said jestingly, He acknowledged here the custom of the country, by which the clothes of the dead fall to the hangman.][1140]

This tragicall end had Henry Steward, after he had been King eighteen moneths. A Prince of great linage, both by mother and father: He was of a comely stature, and none was like unto him within this island; he died under the age of one and twenty years; prompt and ready for all games and sports; much given to hawking and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on the lute, and also to Venus chamber: He was liberall enough: He could write and dictate well; but he was somewhat given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy; and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all others: He had learned to dissemble well enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery. Thus, within two years after his arriving in this Realm, he was highly by the Queen alone extolled; and, finally, had this infortunate end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other proofs aside, her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner of the King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that the King of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully give her, as other friends did likewise, witness anent their guilt. Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's direction, was Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers, black John Spense, Francis, Sebastien, Jo. de Bourdeau, and Joseph, the brother of David Rizio: These last four were the Queen's domesticks, and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so hastened, because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not bear so long a delay, as the procurement of a bill of divorce required, although the Romish clergie offered their service willingly to the business, namely, Bishop Hamilton, and so he came great again at Court; and he for the advancement of the business, did good offices to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen; yea, some that had been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and Queen, offered the service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's inclination lay: So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be they never so bad or destructive to themselves.

The Earl of Lenox, in the mean time, wrote to the Queen, to cause punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murthering the King. The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lenox his solicitation, did appoint a day for the triall of Bothwell, by an assize;[1141] the members whereof was the Earl of Cathnes, President, the Earl of Cassels, (who at the first refused, but thereafter, being threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, was present by the Queen's command,) John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothok, Lord Rosse, Lord Semple, Lord Boyd, Lord Hereis, Lord Olyphant; the Master of Forbes, the Lairds of Lochinvar, Langton, Cambusnetham,[1142] Barnbougel, and Boyne: They, to please the Queen, and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell not guilty, notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by Bothwell, who, before the tryall, did make himself strong by divers means; namely, by the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh, so that the accusers durst not appear, not being strong enough. The Earl of Marr did retire to Sterlin, and had committed to his charge the young Prince. All this was done in February.

In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had come to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there; and having gained some before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair promises, first of their private state, and then of advancing the Papist's Religion, to consent by their subscriptions to the marriage with the Queen. Then the Queen goes to Sterlin, to see her son: Bothwell makes a shew as if he were going to the Borders to suppresse robbers, and so he raiseth some men of war; which, when he had done, he turneth towards the way to Sterlin, where he meets the Queen, according to appointment betwixt them, and carrieth her to Dumbar, as it had been by force, although every one knew it was with the Queen's liking. The prime Nobility convened at Sterlin, and from thence sent to her, to know whether or not she was taken against her will: She answered, That it was true she was taken against her will, but since her taking, she had no occasion to complain; yea, the courteous entertainment she had, made her forget and forgive all former offences. Those expressions were used by way of preface to the pardon, which was granted immediately thereafter to Bothwell; for, by Letters Patents, he was pardoned by the Queen, for laying violently hands upon her Majestie, and for all other crimes. So by this, &c.,[1143] the murther of the King was pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there was letters of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady, (who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland,) she was sister to the Earl of Huntley. The ground of divorce was, the parties being within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joyned: Next, because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was voyd. The bill of divorce was granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of Saint Androis. And here mark how they juggle in sacred things; for when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as now, and as we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed unto her to have divorce upon the same ground from the King: To which, first ear was given, but after second thoughts, a bill of divorce was too tedious, (as we have now said,) and could not be stayed for, therefore the King must be dispatched.

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a letter of divorce from his lawfull wife, sent a letter signed with her own hand to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding him to publish the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. Master John Craig, the next sermon day thereafter, declared in full congregation, that he had received such a command, but in conscience he could not obey it; the marriage was altogether unlawfull; and of that he would declare the reasons to the parties, if he had audience of them, otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the hearing of the people. Immediately thereafter, Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell, where Master Craig told, first, That by an Act of the Assembly, it was forbidden to allow the marriage of any divorced for adultery: The divorce of Bothwell from his lawfull wife, was by collusion, witnesse the quick dispatch thereof; for it was sought and had within ten days, and his contracting with the Queen instantly thereafter; then his rapt of the Queen, and the guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed by this marriage: withall, he desired the Lords to stop the Queen[1144] from that infamous marriage. The Sunday after, he told publikely to the people, what he had said to the Councell; and he took heaven and earth to witnesse, that he detested that scandalous and infamous marriage; and that he discharged his conscience unto the Lords, who seemed unto him, as so many slaves, what by flattery, what by silence, to give way to that abomination. Upon this, he was called to the Councell again, and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the bounds of his calling. Whereunto he answered, That the bounds of his commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against which he had said nothing; and by all these, offered to prove this marriage to be scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by Bothwell, and sent from the Councell. Notwithstanding all this done and said by Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well to the Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on, and they were married the 15. of May. This makes good the Latino proverb, Mala nubunt mense Maio; and a Bishop must bless the marriage: The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney:[1145] If there be a good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the difference betwixt this worthy minister Master Craig, and this base Bishop.

The Earl of Athole, immediately after the murther of the King, had retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's death: But seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Sterlin, where other honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a bond, to defend the young Prince from the murtherers of his father; as already they had had one plot to cut him off, which God in his mercy did prevent. The Nobles that entred in this bond, were the Earls of Argyle, Athole, Morton, Marr, and Glencarne; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd. Argyle thereafter, seduced by some fair words, fell off; and Boyd became a great factionary for Bothwell in all things. The Queen, soon after the marriage, was advised to send abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her forraigne friends and kindred; and this must be a Bishop: It is pity that any good work should be done without a Bishop: was not this a worthy employment for a pastor in God's Church.[1146]

Bothwell seeing the bond made at Sterlin, causeth the Queen to write to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where they found a bond tendred unto them, by which they were to bind themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were corrupt, did willingly subscribe; others for fear did the same: and there was not one that went to Court that did refuse, but the Earl of Murray; who refusing absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, said, It was not the part of a good subject; yet since he had been made friends with him some time before, he would keep his promise unto the Queen; and to enter into a bond with the Queen, it was needlesse and unfit, since he was to obey her in all lawfull and just things. Upon this, he gat leave, although with great difficulty, to go into France.

The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of Saint Androis into favour since these changes; who was no less a faithfull Councellor to her, then he was a good pastor of Christ's flock; that is, he betrayed her, and disobeyed God. With this a Proclamation comes out in favour of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares, That she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her arrivall into Scotland: This was done to stop the people's mouthes; but all in vain, for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court.

Within few dayes, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, under pretext to go to the Borders to represse the robbers there; but in effect to go to Sterlin, to have the Prince in their custody, that they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a new Proclamation came out, That the Queen hereafter would rule only by the advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors had done. The Lords at Sterlin, hearing of this plot, strives to prevent it, and to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Hume, to besiege the Castle of Borthwicke, where the Queen and Bothwell was: But because the Earle of Athole did not come at the houre appointed, they had not men enough to environ and compass the Castle; so that Bothwell having notice given him of the business, escaped to Dumbar, and the Queen after him, in man's cloths. The Lords, failing of their designe at Borthwike Castle, went to Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves masters easily, having the affections of the people, notwithstanding the Earl Huntley and the Archbishop of Saint Androis perswasion to the contrary. These two, with their associates, were constrained to retire to the Castle, where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left there by Bothwell.

The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords at Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they declared, That the Earle Bothwell, who had been the principall author, deviser, and actor of the cruell murther of the late King, had since laid hand upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in Dumbar in his power; and finding her utterly destitute of all good counsell, had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with himselfe; yea, that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself to get the young Prince in his hands, that he might murther the child, as he had murthered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the land resolved to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage; wherefore they did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could come to them, to be in readiness at three hours warning to assist them (the Nobles) for the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and bringing the said Earle Bothwell to a legall triall, and condigne punishment for the aforesaid murther and other crimes. All such that would not side with the Lords were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within four hours, under the pain of being accounted enemies, &c.

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, the people did not joyn unto these Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to the business, others stood as neuters; and withall, those that were convened together were not well provided of armes and munition for exploits of warr; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and leave off their enterprize till another time, and had absolutely done so; but God had ordained other wayes, as the event did shew, (if the Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three or four dayes without any stir;) but the Queen and Bothwell, having gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting in their force, (the Queen being puft up by flatterers,) set forth and marched towards Leith: Being come forward as far as Glaidsmure, she caused publike Proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling them a number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their inward malice against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney, (for so now they called Bothwell.) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her and her husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious Proclamation, under pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband, and to free her from captivity; giving out, that the Duke her husband had a minde to invade the Prince her sonne; all which was false, for the Duke her husband had used all means to clear himself, both by a legall way and by the offer of a combate to any that did accuse him, as they knew well enough: As touching her captivity, she was in none, but was in company with her husband, unto whom she was publikely married in the view of the world, and many of the Nobles had given their consent unto this her marriage: As for the Prince her sonne, it was but a specious pretence to the treason and rebellion against her their naturall Sovereign and her posteritie, which they intended to overthrow; wherefore she declared her self necessitated to take armes, hoping that all her faithfull subjects would adhere unto her, and that those who were already assembled with her, would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence; and for the recompence of their valour they should have the lands and goods of these unnaturall rebels. After this Proclamation, the army went on, and the Queen that night came to Seaton, where she lay.

About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queen's approach, presently they took armes, and at the sun rising they were at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest. The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid-day the scouts that the Lords had sent out, brought word that the enemie was marching towards them; presently they put themselves in two batallias; the first was conducted by the Earle Morton and the Lord Hume; the second by the Earls Athole, Glencarne, the Lords Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple, and Sanchar, with the Lairds Drumlanrick, Tullibarden, Cesfoord, and Graunge, with divers others: their number was almost as great as the Queen's, their men better, being many of them expert men, that I say nothing of the cause. The Queen had gained a hill called Carbarry,[1147] which the Lords (by reason of the steepness of the ascent) could not well come at; wherefore they wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the hill, where the enemie was, and to have the sunne behind them in the time of the fight. At the first the Queen, seeing their thus going about, did imagine they were fleeing away to Dalkeith, but when she saw them come directly towards her, she found her self deceived.

The French Ambassador, seeing them ready to fight, strived to take up the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to the Lords, telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and to forgive and pardon this insurrection: wherefore it was very fit to spare blood, to agree in a peaceable way The Earle of Morton (in the name of all the rest) answered, That they had taken up armes, not against the Queen, but against the murtherer of the King; whom if she would deliver to be punished, or at least put from her company, she should find a continuation of dutifull obedience by them, and all other good subjects; otherwise no peace: besides, we are not to ask pardon for any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their resolution to stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to Edinburgh.