Ellen More, “a little girl that was put to him” (Winslow), died early.
She was sister of the other More children, “bound out” to Carver and
Brewster, of whom extended mention has been made.
Governor William Bradford’s date of birth fixes his age in 1620. His
early home was at Austerfield, in Yorkshire. Belknap (“American
Biography,” vol. ii. p. 218) says: “He learned the art of
silk-dyeing.”
Mrs. Dorothy (May) Bradford’s age (the first wife of the Governor) is
fixed at twenty-three by collateral data, but she may have been
older. She was probably from Wisbeach, England. The manner of her
tragic death (by drowning, having fallen overboard from the ship in
Cape Cod harbor), the first violent death in the colony, was
especially sad, her husband being absent for a week afterward. It
is not known that her body was recovered.
Dr. Samuel Fuller, from his marriage record at Leyden, made in 1613, when
he was a widower, it is fair to assume was about thirty, perhaps
older, in 1620, as he could, when married, have hardly been under
twenty-one. His (third) wife and child were left in Holland.
William Butten (who died at sea, November 6/16), Bradford calls
“a youth.” He was undoubtedly a “servant"-assistant to the doctor.
Isaac Allerton, it is a fair assumption, was about thirty-four in 1620,
from the fact that he married his first wife October 4, 1611, as he
was called “a young man” in the Leyden marriage record. He is
called “of London, England,” by Bradford and on the Leyden records.
He was made a “freeman” of Leyden, February 7, 1614. Arber and
others state that his early occupation was that of “tailor,” but he
was later a tradesman and merchant.
Mary (Norris) Allerton is called a “maid of Newbury in England,” in the
Leyden record of her marriage, in October, 1611, and it is the only
hint as to her age we have. She was presumably a young woman. Her
death followed (a month later) the birth of her still-born son, on
board the MAY-FLOWER in Plymouth harbor, February 25/March 7, 1621.
Bartholomew Allerton, born probably in 1612/13 (his parents married
October, 1611), was hence, as stated, about seven or eight years old
at the embarkation. He has been represented as older, but this was
clearly impossible. He was doubtless born in Holland.
Remember Allerton, apparently Allerton’s second child, has (with a
novelist’s license) been represented by Mrs. Austin as considerably
older than six, in fact nearer sixteen (Goodwin, p. 183, says,
“over 13”), but the known years of her mother’s marriage and her
brother’s birth make this improbable. She was, no doubt, born in
Holland about 1614—She married Moses Maverick by 1635, and Thomas
Weston’s only child, Elizabeth, was married from her house at
Marblehead to Roger Conant, son of the first “governor” of a
Massachusetts Bay “plantation.”
Mary Allerton, apparently the third child, could hardly have been much
more than four years old in 1620, though Goodwin (“Pilgrim
Republic,” p. 184) calls her eleven, which is an error. She was
probably born in Holland about 1616. She was the last survivor of
the passengers of the MAY-FLOWER, dying at Plymouth, New England,
1699.
John Hooke, described by Bradford as a “servant-boy,” was probably but a
youth. He did not sign the Compact. Nothing further is known of him
except that he died early. It is quite possible that he may have
been of London and have been “indentured” by the municipality to
Allerton, but the presumption has been that he came, as body-servant
of Allerton, with him from Leyden.
Captain Standish’s years in 1620 are conjectural (from fixed data), as is
his age at death. His early home was at Duxborough Hall, in
Lancashire. His commission as Captain, from Queen Elizabeth, would
make his birth about 1584. Rose Standish, his wife, is said by
tradition to have been from the Isle of Man, but nothing is known of
her age or antecedents, except that she was younger than the
Captain. She died during the “general sickness,” early in 1621.
Master Christopher Martin, as previously noted, was from Billerica, in
Essex. From collateral data it appears that he must have been
“about forty” years old when he joined the Pilgrims. He appears to
have been a staunch “Independent” and to have drawn upon himself the
ire of the Archdeacon of Chelmsford, (probably) by his loud-mouthed
expression of his views, as only “a month before the MAY-FLOWER
sailed” he, with his son and Solomon Prower of his household
(probably a relative), were cited before the archdeacon to answer
for their shortcomings, especially in reverence for this church
dignitary. He seems to have been at all times a self-conceited,
arrogant, and unsatisfactory man. That he was elected treasurer
and ship’s “governor” and permitted so much unbridled liberty as
appears, is incomprehensible. It was probably fortunate that he
died early, as he did, evidently in utter poverty. He had a son,
in 1620, apparently quite a grown youth, from which it is fair to
infer that the father was at that time “about forty.” Of his wife
nothing is known. She also died early.
Solomon Prower, who is called by Bradford both “son” and “servant” of
Martin, seems from the fact of his “citation” before the Archdeacon
of Chelmsford, etc., to have been something more than a “servant,”
possibly a kinsman, or foster-son, and probably would more properly
have been termed an “employee.” He was from Billerica, in Essex,
and was, from the fact that he did not sign the Compact, probably
under twenty-one or very ill at the time. He died early. Of John
Langemore, his fellow “servant,” nothing is known, except that he is
spoken of by Young as one of two “children” brought over by Martin
(but on no apparent authority), and he did not sign the Compact,
though this might have been from extreme illness, as he too died
early.
William White was of the Leyden congregation. He is wrongly called by
Davis a son of Bishop John White, as the only English Bishop of that
name and time died a bachelor. At White’s marriage, recorded at the
Stadthaus at Leyden, January 27/February 1, 1612, to Anna [Susanna]
Fuller, he is called “a young man of England.” As he presumably was
of age at that time, he must have been at least some twenty-nine or
thirty years old at the embarkation, eight years later. His son
Peregrine was born in Cape Cod harbor. Mr. White died very early.
Susanna (Fuller) White, wife of William, and sister of Dr. Fuller (?),
was apparently somewhat younger than her first husband and perhaps
older than her second. She must, in all probability (having been
married in Leyden in 1612), have been at least twenty-five at the
embarkation eight years later. Her second husband, Governor
Winslow, was but twenty-five in 1620, and the presumption is that
she was slightly his senior. There appears no good reason for
ascribing to her the austere and rather unlovable characteristics
which the pen of Mrs. Austin has given her.
Resolved White, the son of William and Susanna White, could not have been
more than six or seven years old, and is set down by Goodwin and
others—on what seems inconclusive evidence—at five. He was
doubtless born at Leyden.
William Holbeck is simply named as “a servant” of White, by Bradford.
His age does not appear, but as he did not sign the Compact he was
probably “under age.” From the fact that he died early, it is
possible that he was too ill to sign.
Edward Thompson is named by Bradford as a second “servant” of Master
White, but nothing more is known of him, except that he did not sign
the Compact, and was therefore probably in his nonage, unless
prevented by severe sickness. He died very early.
Master William Mullens (or Molines, as Bradford some times calls him) is
elsewhere shown to have been a tradesman of some means, of Dorking,
in Surrey, one of the Merchant Adventurers, and a man of ability.
From the fact that he left a married daughter (Mrs. Sarah Blunden)
and a son (William) a young man grown, in England, it is evident
that he must have been forty years old or more when he sailed for
New England, only to die aboard the ship in New Plymouth harbor.
That he was not a French Huguenot of the Leyden contingent, as
pictured by Rev. Dr. Baird and Mrs. Austin, is certain.
Mrs. Alice Mullens, whose given name we know only from her husband’s
will, filed in London, we know little about. Her age was (if she
was his first wife) presumably about that of her husband, whom she
survived but a short time.
Joseph Mullens was perhaps older than his sister Priscilla, and the third
child of his parents; but the impression prevails that he was
slightly her junior,—on what evidence it is hard to say. That he
was sixteen is rendered certain by the fact that he is reckoned by
his father, in his will, as representing a share in the planter’s
half-interest in the colony, and to do so must have been of that
age.
Priscilla Mullens, whom the glamour of unfounded romance and the pen of
the poet Longfellow have made one of the best known and best beloved
of the Pilgrim band, was either a little older, or younger, than her
brother Joseph, it is not certain which. But that she was over
sixteen is made certain by the same evidence as that named
concerning her brother.
Robert Carter is named by Bradford as a “man-servant,” and Mrs. Austin,
in her imaginative “Standish of Standish,” which is never to be
taken too literally, has made him (see p. 181 of that book) “a dear
old servant,” whom Priscilla Mullens credits with carrying her in
his arms when a small child, etc. Both Bradford’s mention and Mr.
Mullens’s will indicate that he was yet a young man and “needed
looking after.” He did not sign the Compact, which of itself
indicates nonage, unless illness was the cause, of which, in his
case, there is no evidence, until later.
Richard Warren, as he had a wife and five pretty well grown daughters,
must have been forty-five or more when he came over. He is
suggested to have been from Essex.
Stephen Hopkins is believed to have been a “lay-reader” with Mr. Buck,
chaplain to Governor Gates, of the Bermuda expedition of 1609 (see
Purchas, vol. iv. p. 174). As he could hardly have had this
appointment, or have taken the political stand he did, until of
age, he must have been at least twenty-one at that time. If so, he
would have been not less than thirty two years old in 1620, and was
probably considerably older, as his son Giles is represented by
Goodwin (“Pilgrim Republic,” p. 184) as being “about 15.” If the
father was but twenty-one when the son was born, he must have been
at least thirty-seven when he became a MAY-FLOWER Pilgrim. The
probabilities are that he was considerably older. His English home
is not known. Professor Arber makes an error (The Story of the
Pilgrim Fathers,” p. 261) in regard to Hopkins which, unless noted,
might lead to other and more serious mistakes. Noting the
differences between John Pierce and a Master Hopkins, heard before
the Council for New England, May 5/15, 1623, Arber designates Master
Hopkins as “Stephen” (on what authority does not appear), and leaves
us to infer that it was the Pilgrim Hopkins. On further inquiry it
transpires that the person who was at variance with Master John
Pierce over the matter of passage and freight money, on account of
the unfortunate PARAGON, was a Rev. Master Hopkins (not Stephen of
the MAY-FLOWER), who, we learn from Neill’s “History of the Virginia
Company,” was “recommended July 3, 1622, by the Court of the Company
to the Governor of Virginia, . . . being desirous to go over at
his own charge. He was evidently a passenger on both of the
disastrous attempts of the PARAGON under Captain William Pierce, and
being forced back the second time, apparently gave up the intention
of going.
Mrs. Elizabeth Hopkins, nothing is known concerning, except that she was
not her husband’s first wife. Sometime apparently elapsed between
her husband’s marriages.
Giles Hopkins we only know was the son of his father’s first wife, and
“about 15.” An error (of the types presumably) makes Griffis (“The
Pilgrims in their Three Homes,” p. 176) give the name of Oceanus
Hopkins’s father as Giles, instead of Stephen. Constance (or
Constantia) Hopkins was apparently about eleven years old in 1620,
as she married in 1627, and probably was then not far from eighteen
years old. Damaris Hopkins, the younger daughter of Master Hopkins,
was probably a very young child when she came in the MAY-FLOWER, but
her exact age has not been as certained. Davis, as elsewhere noted,
makes the singular mistake of saying she was born after her parents
arrived in New England. She married Jacob Cooke, and the
ante-nuptial agreement of his parents is believed to be the
earliest of record in America, except that between Gregory
Armstrong and the widow Billington.
Edward Dotey is called by Bradford “a servant,” but nothing is known of
his age or antecedents. It is very certain from the fact that he
signed the Compact that he was twenty-one. He was a very energetic
man. He seems to have been married before coming to New England, or
soon after.
Edward Leister (the name is variously spelled) was a “servant,” by
Bradford’s record. He was doubtless of age, as he signed the
Compact.
Master John Crackstone, being (apparently) a widower with a son, a child
well grown, was evidently about thirty five years old when he
embarked for New England. He left a daughter behind. He died early.
John Crackstone, Jr., was but a lad, and died early.
Master Edward Tilley (sometimes spelled Tillie) and his wife Ann seem to
have been without children of their own, and as they took with them
to New England two children who were their kindred, it may be
inferred that they had been married some little time. It is hence
probable that Mr. Tilley was in the neighborhood of thirty. His
wife’s age is purely conjectural. They were, Bradford states, “of
the Leyden congregation.”
Henry Sampson was apparently but a young English lad when he came over in
the MAY-FLOWER with his cousins the Tilleys. As he married in 1636,
he was probably then about twenty-one, which would make him five or
six when he came over. Goodwin (“Pilgrim Republic,” p. 184) says he
was “six.”
Humility Cooper is said by Bradford to have been a “cosen” of the
Tilleys, but no light is given as to her age or antecedents. She
was but a child, apparently. She returned to England very soon
after the death of Mr. and Mrs. Tilley, and “died young.”
Master John Tilley, having twice married, and having a daughter some
fourteen years old, must have been over thirty-five years old when
he sailed on the Pilgrim ship. His birthplace and antecedents are
not known, but he was “of the Leyden congregation.”
Mrs. Bridget (Van der Velde) Tilley was just possibly a second wife.
Nothing is known concerning her except that she was of Holland, and
that she had, apparently, no child.
Elizabeth Tilley is said by Goodwin (op. cit. p. 298) and others to have
been fourteen years old at her parents’ death in 1621, soon after
the arrival in New England. She was the child of her father’s first
wife. She married John Howland before 1624. Historians for many
years called her the “daughter of Governor Carver,” but the recovery
of Bradford’s MS. “historie” corrected this, with many other
misconceptions, though to some the error had become apparent before.
Her will also suggests her age.
Francis Cooke’s age in 1620 is fixed by his known age at his death
(“about 81”) in 1663. He was from the north of England, and long a
member of Robinson’s congregation, both in England and in
Holland(?).
John Cooke, son of Francis, is known to have been about ten years old
when he sailed with his father for America, as his parents did not
marry before 1609. He was undoubtedly born at Leyden. He was long
supposed to have been the last male survivor of the original
passengers (dying at Dartmouth in 1695.)
James Chilton’s antecedents and his age are quite unknown. He must have
been at least fifty, as he had a married daughter in Leyden,
according to Bradford. He died among the first, and there is
nothing of record to inform us concerning him, except Bradford’s
meagre mention. He may have lived at Leyden.
Mrs. Chilton’s given name is declared by one writer to have been Susanna,
but it is not clearly proven. Whence she came, her ancestry, and
her age, are alike unknown.
Mary Chilton was but a young girl in 1620. She married, before 1627,
John Winslow, and was probably not then over twenty, nor over
fourteen when she came with her parents in the MAY-FLOWER.
Thomas Rogers appears, from the fact that he had a son, a lad well-grown,
to have been thirty or more in 1620. His birthplace, antecedents,
and history are unknown, but he appears to have been “of the Leyden
congregation.” His wife and children came later.
Joseph Rogers was only a “lad” aboard the MAY-FLOWER, but he left a
considerable posterity. Nothing is surely known of him, except that
he was Thomas’s son.
Degory Priest had the distinction of being “freeman” of Leyden, having
been admitted such, November 16, 1615. He was by occupation a
“hatter,” a man of some means, who left a wife and at least two
children in Holland when he embarked for America. His known age at
death gives his age at sailing but a few months previous. At his
marriage in Leyden, October 4, 1611, he was called “of London.” He
was about thirty-two when he married. His wife (a widow Vincent)
was a sister of Isaac Allerton, who also was married at the same
time that he was. Goodwin (“Pilgrim Republic,” p. 183) also gives
his age as “forty-one.” His widow remarried and came over later.
Dexter (“Mourt’s Relation,” p. 69, note) states, quoting from Leyden
MS. records, that “Degory Priest in April, 1619, calling himself a
‘hatter,’ deposes that he ‘is forty years of age.’” He must,
therefore, have been about forty-one when he sailed on the
MAY-FLOWER, and forty-two years old at his death.
John Rigdale and his wife Alice afford no data. They both died early,
and there is no record concerning either of them beyond the fact
that they were passengers.
Edward Fuller and his wife have left us little record of themselves save
that they were of Leyden, that he is reputed a brother of Dr. Samuel
Fuller (for whom they seem to have named the boy they brought over
with them,—leaving apparently another son, Matthew, behind), and
that both died the first winter. He must have been at least
twenty-five, judging from the fact that he was married and had two
children, and was perhaps somewhat older (though traditionally
represented as younger) than his brother. Neither his occupation
nor antecedents are surely known.
Samuel Fuller—the son of Edward Fuller and his wife—is called by
Bradford “a young child.” He must have been some five or six years
of age, as he married in 1635, fifteen years later, and would
presumably have been of age, or nearly so.
Thomas Tinker’s name, the mention of his “wife” and “son,” the tradition
that they were “of the Leyden congregation” (which is not sure), the
certainty that they were MAY-FLOWER passengers,—on Brad ford’s
list,—and that all died early, are all we know of the Tinker
family.
John Turner and his two sons we know little about. He seems to have been
a widower, as no mention is found of his wife, though this is not
certain. He was of the Leyden congregation, and evidently a man of
some standing with the leaders, as he was made their messenger to
Carver and Cushman in London, in June, 1620, and was apparently
accustomed to travel. He appears to have had business of his own in
England at the time, and was apparently a man of sober age. As he
had three children,—a daughter who came later to New England, and
two sons, as stated by Bradford,—it is probable that he was thirty
or over. He and both his sons died in the spring of 1621.
Francis Eaton was of Leyden, a carpenter, and, having a wife and child,
was probably a young man about twenty five, perhaps a little
younger. He married three times.
Mrs. Sarah Eaton, wife of Francis, was evidently a young woman, with an
infant, at the date of embarkation. Nothing more is known of her,
except that she died the spring following the arrival at Plymouth.
Samuel Eaton, the son of Francis and his wife, Sarah, Bradford calls “a
sucking child:” He lived to marry.
Gilbert Window was the third younger brother of Governor Edward Winslow,
and is reputed to have been a carpenter. He was born on Wednesday,
October 26, 1600, at Droitwitch, in Worcester, England. (“Winslow
Memorial,” vol. i. p. 23.) He apparently did not remain long in
the colony, as he does not appear in either the “land division” of
1623 or the “cattle division” of 1627; and hence was probably not
then in the “settlement,” though land was later allowed his heirs,
he having been an “original” voyager of the Plymouth colony. He was
but twenty years and fifteen days old when he signed the Compact,
but probably was—from his brother’s prominence and his nearness to
his majority—counted as eligible. Bradford states that he returned
to England after “divers years” in New England, and died there. It
has been suggested that he went very early to some of the other
“plantations.”
John Alden was of Southampton, England, was hired as “a cooper,” was
twenty-one years old in 1620, as determined by the year of his
birth, 1599 (“Alden Memorial,” p. 1), and became the most prominent
and useful of any of the English contingent of the MAY FLOWER
company. Longfellow’s delightful poem, “The Courtship of Miles
Standish,” has given him and his bride, Priscilla Mullens,
world-wide celebrity, though it is to be feared that its historical
accuracy would hardly stand criticism. Why young Alden should have
been “hired for a cooper at Southampton,” with liberty to “go or
stay” in the colony, as Bradford says he was (clearly indicating
that he went to perform some specific work and return, if he liked,
with the ship), has mystified many. The matter is clear, however,
when it is known, as Griffis shows, that part of a Parliamentary Act
of 1543 reads: “Whosoever shall carry Beer beyond Sea, shall find
Sureties to the Customers (?) of that Port, to bring in Clapboard
[staves] meet [sufficient] to make so much Vessel [barrel or
“kilderkin”] as he shall carry forth.” As a considerable quantity of
beer was part of the MAY-FLOWER’S lading, and her consignors stood
bound to make good in quantity the stave-stock she carried away,
it was essential, in going to a wild country where it could not be
bought, but must be “got out” from the growing timber, to take along
a “cooper and cleaver” for that purpose. Moreover, the great demand
for beer-barrel stock made “clapboard” good and profitable return
lading. It constituted a large part of the FORTUNE’S return freight
(doubtless “gotten out” by Alden), as it would have undoubtedly of
the MAY-FLOWER’S, had the hardship of the colony’s condition
permitted.
Peter Browne we know little concerning. That he was a man of early
middle age is inferable from the fact that he married the widow
Martha Ford, who came in the FORTUNE in 1621. As she then was the
mother of three children, it is improbable that she would have
married a very young man. He appears, from certain collateral
evidence, to have been a mechanic of some kind, but it is not clear
what his handicraft was or whence he came.
John Billington (Bradford sometimes spells it Billinton) and his family,
Bradford tells us, “were from London.” They were evidently an
ill-conditioned lot, and unfit for the company of the planters, and
Bradford says, “I know not by what friend shuffled into their
Company.” As he had a wife and two children, the elder of whom must
have been about sixteen years old, he was apparently over
thirty-five years of age. There is a tradition that he was a
countryman bred, which certain facts seem to confirm. (See land
allotments for data as to age of boys, 1632.) He was the only one
of the original colonists to suffer the “death penalty” for crime.
Mrs. Ellen (or “Elen”) Billington, as Bradford spells the name, was
evidently of comporting age to her husband’s, perhaps a little
younger. Their two sons, John and Francis, were lively urchins who
frequently made matters interesting for the colonists, afloat and
ashore. The family was radically bad throughout, but they have had
not a few worthy descendants. Mrs. Billington married Gregory
Armstrong, and their antenuptial agreement is the first of record
known in America.
John Billington, Jr., is always first named of his father’s two sons, and
hence the impression prevails that he was the elder, and Bradford so
designates him. The affidavit of Francis Billington (Plymouth
County, Mass., Deeds, vol. i. p. 81), dated 1674, in which he
declares himself sixty-eight years old, would indicate that he was
born in 1606, and hence must have been about fourteen years of age
when he came on the MAY-FLOWER to New Plymouth. If John, his
brother, was older than he, he must have been born about 1604, and
so was about sixteen when, he came to New England. The indications
are that it was Francis, the younger son, who got hold of the
gunpowder in his father’s cabin in Cape Cod harbor, and narrowly
missed blowing up the ship. John died before 1630. Francis lived,
as appears, to good age, and had a family.
Moses Fletcher was of the Leyden company, a “smith,” and at the time of
his second marriage at Leyden, November 30/December 21, 1613, was
called a “widower” and “of England.” As he was probably of age at
the time of his first marriage,—presumably two years or more before
his last,—he must have been over thirty in 1620. He was perhaps
again a widower when he came over, as no mention is made of his
having wife or family. He was possibly of the Amsterdam family of
that name. His early death was a great loss to the colony.
A Thomas Williams is mentioned by Hon. Henry C Murphy (“Historical
Magazine,” vol. iii. pp. 358, 359), in a list of some of Robinson’s
congregation who did not go to New England in either the MAY-FLOWER,
FORTUNE, ANNE, Or LITTLE JAMES. He either overlooked the fact that
Williams was one of the MAY-FLOWER passengers, or else there were
two of the name, one of whom did not go. Nothing is known of the
age or former history of the Pilgrim of that name. He died in the
spring of 1621 (before the end of March). As he signed the Compact,
he must have been over twenty-one. He may have left a wife, Sarah.
John Goodman we know little more about than that he and Peter Browne seem
to have been “lost” together, on one occasion (when he was badly
frozen), and to have had, with his little spaniel dog, a rencontre
with “two great wolves,” on another. He was twice married, the last
time at Leyden in 1619. He died before the end of March, 1621.
As he signed the Compact, he must have been over twenty-one.
Edward Margeson we know nothing about. As he signed the Compact, he was
presumably of age.
Richard Britteridge affords little data. His age, birthplace, or
occupation do not transpire, but he was, it seems, according to
Bradford, the first of the company to die on board the ship after
she had cast anchor in the harbor of New Plymouth. This fact
negatives the pleasant fiction of Mrs. Austin’s “Standish of
Standish” (p. 104), that Britteridge was one of those employed in
cutting sedge on shore on Friday, January 12. Poor Britteridge died
December 21, three weeks earlier. He signed the Compact, and hence
may be accounted of age at the landing at Cape Cod.
Richard Clarke appears only as one of the passengers and as dying before
the end of March. He signed the Compact, and hence was doubtless
twenty-one or over.
Richard Gardiner, we know from Bradford, “became a seaman and died in
England or at sea.” He was evidently a young man, but of his age or
antecedents nothing appears. He signed the Compact, and hence was
at least twenty-one years old.
John Alderton (sometimes spelled Allerton), we are told by Bradford,—as
elsewhere noted,—“was hired, but was reputed one of the company,
but was to go back, being a seaman and so, presumably, unmindful of
the voyages, for the help of others.” Whether Bradford intended by
the latter clause to indicate that he had left his family behind,
and came “to spy out the land,” and, if satisfied, to return for
them, or was to return for the counsel and assistance of Robinson
and the rest, who were to follow, is not clear, but the latter view
has most to support it. We learn his occupation, but can only infer
that he was a young man over twenty-one from the above and the fact
that he signed the Compact. It has been suggested that he was a
relative of Isaac Allerton, but this is nowhere shown and is
improbable. He died before the MAY-FLOWER returned to England.
Thomas English (or Enlish), Bradford tells us (“Historie,” Mass. ed.
p. 533), “was hired to goe Master of a [the] shallop here.” He,
however, “died here before the ship returned.” It is altogether
probable that he was the savior of the colony on that stormy night
when the shallop made Plymouth harbor the first time, and, narrowly
escaping destruction, took shelter under Clarke’s Island. The first
three governors of the colony, its chief founders,—Carver,
Bradford, and Winslow,—with Standish, Warren, Hopkins, Howland,
Dotey, and others, were on board, and but for the heroism and prompt
action of “the lusty sea man which steered,” who was—beyond
reasonable doubt—English, as Bradford’s narrative (“Morton’s
Memorial”) shows, the lives of the entire party must, apparently,
have been lost. That English was, if on board—Bradford shows in
the “Memorial” that he was—as Master of the shallop, properly her
helmsman in so critical a time, goes without saying, especially as
the “rudder was broken” and an oar substituted; that the ship’s
“mates,” Clarke and Coppin, were not in charge (although on board)
fully appears by Bradford’s account; and as it must have taken all
of the other (four) seamen on board to pull the shallop, bereft of
her sail, in the heavy breakers into which she had been run by
Coppin’s blunder, there would be no seaman but English for the
steering-oar, which was his by right. Had these leaders been lost
at this critical time,—before a settlement had been made,—it is
certain that the colony must have been abandoned, and the Pilgrim
impress upon America must have been lost. English’s name should, by
virtue of his great service, be ever held in high honor by all of
Pilgrim stock. His early death was a grave loss. Bradford spells
the name once Enlish, but presumably by error. He signed the
Compact as Thomas English.
William Trevore was, according to Bradford, one of “two seamen hired to
stay a year in the countrie.” He went back when his time expired,
but later returned to New England. Cushman (Bradford, “Historie,”
p. 122) suggests that he was telling “sailors’ yarns.” He says:
“For William Trevore hath lavishly told but what he knew or imagined
of Capewock Martha’s Vineyard, Monhiggon, and ye Narragansetts.” In
1629 he was at Massachusetts Bay in command of the HANDMAID
(Goodwin, p. 320), and in February, 1633 (Winthrop, vol. i. p. 100),
he seems to have been in command of the ship WILLIAM at Plymouth,
with passengers for Massachusetts Bay. Captain Standish testified
in regard to Thompson’s Island in Boston harbor, that about 1620 he
“was on that Island with Trevore,” and called it “Island Trevore.”
(Bradford, “Historie,” Deane’s ed. p. 209.) He did not sign the
Compact, perhaps because of the limitations of his contract (one
year).
—- Ely (not Ellis, as Arber miscalls him, “The Story of the Pilgrim
Fathers,” p. 377) was the other of the “two seamen hired to stay a
year,” etc. He also returned when his time expired. (Bradford,
Hist. Mass. ed. p. 534.) He did not sign the Compact, probably for
the reason operative in .Trevore’s case. A digest of the foregoing
data gives the following interesting, if incomplete, data (errors
excepted):—
|
Adult males (hired seamen and servants of age included)
|
44
|
|
Adult females (including Mrs Carver’s maid)
|
19
|
|
Youths, male children, and male servants, minors
|
29
|
|
Maidens, female children
|
10
|
|
|
—
|
|
|
102
|
|
Married males
|
26
|
|
Married females
|
18
|
|
Single (adult) males (and young men)
|
25
|
|
Single (adult) females (Mrs Carver’s maid)
|
1
|
Vocations of adults so far as known (except wives, who are presumed
housekeepers for their husbands):—
|
Carpenters
|
2
|
|
Cooper
|
1
|
|
Fustian-worker and silk-dyer
|
1
|
|
Hatter
|
1
|
|
Lay-reader
|
1
|
|
Lady’s-maid
|
1
|
|
Merchants
|
3
|
|
Physician
|
1
|
|
Printers and publishers
|
2
|
|
Seamen
|
4
|
|
Servants (adult)
|
10
|
|
Smith
|
1
|
|
Soldier
|
1
|
|
Tailor
|
1
|
|
Tradesmen
|
2
|
|
Wool-carders
|
2
|
Allowing for the addition of Wilder and the two sailors, Trevore and Ely,
who did not sign it, the number of those who signed the Compact tallies
exactly with the adult males. Besides these occupations, it is known that
several of the individuals representing them were skilled in other
callings, and were at some time teachers, accountants, linguists, writers,
etc., while some had formerly practised certain handicrafts; Dr. Fuller,
e.g. having formerly been a “silk-worker,” Brad ford (on the authority of
Belknap), a “silk-dyer,” and others “fustian-workers.” Hopkins had
apparently sometime before dropped his character of “lay-reader,” and was
a pretty efficient man of affairs, but his vocation at the time of the
exodus is not known.
The former occupations of fourteen of the adult colonists, Browne,
Billington, Britteridge, Cooke, Chilton, Clarke, Crackstone, Goodman,
Gardiner, Rogers, Rigdale, Turner, Warren, and Williams are not certainly
known. There is evidence suggesting that Browne was a mechanic; Billington
and Cooke had been trained to husbandry; that Chilton had been a small
tradesman; that Edward Tilley had been, like his brother, a silk-worker;
that Turner was a tradesman, and Warren a farmer; while it is certain that
Cooke, Rogers, and Warren had been men of some means.
Of the above list of fourteen men whose last occupations before joining
the colonists are unknown, only five, viz. Browne, Billington, Cooke,
Gardiner, and Warren lived beyond the spring of 1621. Of these, Warren
died early, Gardiner left the colony and “became a seaman;” the other
three, Billington, Browne, and Cooke, became “planters.” Thomas Morton, of
“Merry Mount,” in his “New Eng land’s Canaan” (p. 217), gives Billington
the sobriquet “Ould Woodman.”
The early deaths of the others make their former handicrafts—except
as so much data pertaining to the composi tion and history of the colony—
matters of only ephemeral interest.
CHAPTER VII
QUARTERS, COOKING, PROVISIONS
Probably no more vexatious problem presented itself for the time being to
the “governors” of the two vessels and their “assistants,” upon their
selection, than the assignment of quarters to the passengers allotted to
their respective ships. That these allotments were in a large measure
determined by the requirements of the women and children may be considered
certain. The difficulties attendant on due recognition of social and
official station (far more imperative in that day than this) were in no
small degree lessened by the voluntary assignment of themselves, already
mentioned, of some of the Leyden chief people to the smaller ship; but in
the interests of the general welfare and of harmony, certain of the
leaders, both of the Leyden and London contingents, were of necessity
provided for in the larger vessel. The allotments to the respective ships
made at Southampton, the designation of quarters in the ships themselves,
and the final readjustments upon the MAY-FLOWER at Plymouth (England),
when the remaining passengers of both ships had been united, were all
necessarily determined chiefly with regard to the needs of the women,
girls, and babes. Careful analysis of the list shows that there were,
requiring this especial consideration, nineteen women, ten young girls,
and one infant. Of the other children, none were so young that they might
not readily bunk with or near their fathers in any part of the ship in
which the latter might be located.
We know enough of the absolute unselfishness and devotion of all the
Leyden leaders, whatever their birth or station,—so grandly proven
in those terrible days of general sickness and death at New Plymouth,—to
be certain that with them, under all circumstances, it was noblesse
oblige, and that no self-seeking would actuate them here. It should be
remembered that the MAY-FLOWER was primarily a passenger transport, her
passengers being her principal freight and occupying the most of the ship,
the heavier cargo being chiefly confined to the “hold.” As in that day the
passenger traffic was, of course, wholly by sailing vessels, they were
built with cabin accommodations for it, as to numbers, etc.,
proportionately much beyond those of the sailing craft of to-day. The
testimony of Captain John Smith, “the navigator,” as to the passengers of
the MAY-FLOWER “lying wet in their cabins,” and that of Bradford as to
Billington’s “cabin between decks,” already quoted, is conclusive as to
the fact that she had small cabins (the “staterooms” of to-day), intended
chiefly, no doubt, for women and children. The advice of Edward Winslow to
his friend George Morton, when the latter was about to come to New England
in the ANNE, “build your cabins as open as possible,” is suggestive of
close cabins and their discomforts endured upon the MAY-FLOWER. It also
suggests that the chartering-party was expected in those days to control,
if not to do, the “fitting up” of the ship for her voyage. In view of the
usual “breadth of beam” of ships of her class and tonnage, aft, and the
fore and aft length of the poop, it is not unreasonable to suppose that
there were not less than four small cabins on either side of the common
(open) cabin or saloon (often depicted as the signing-place of the
Compact), under the high poop deck. Constructed on the general plan of
such rooms or cabins to-day (with four single berths, in tiers of two on
either hand), there would be—if the women and girls were
conveniently distributed among them—space for all except the
Billingtons, who we know had a cabin (as had also doubtless several of the
principal men) built between decks. This would also leave an after cabin
for the Master, who not infrequently made his quarters, and those of his
chief officer, in the “round house,” when one existed, especially in a
crowded ship.
Cabins and bunks “between decks” would provide for all of the males of the
company, while the seamen, both of the crew and (some of) those in the
employ of the Pilgrims—like Trevore and Ely—were no doubt
housed in the fore castle. Alderton and English seem to have been counted
“of the company.” The few data we have permit us to confidently assume
that some such disposition of the passengers was (necessarily) made, and
that but for the leaky decks, the inseparable discomforts of the sea, and
those of over crowding, the wives of the Pilgrims (three of whom gave
birth to children aboard the ship), and their daughters, were fairly
“berthed.”
Bradford is authority for the statement that with the “governor” of the
ship’s company were chosen “two or three assistants . . . to order
[regulate] the people by the way [on the passage] and see to the
disposition of the provisions,” etc. The last-named duty must have been a
most difficult and wearisome one. From what has been shown of the poverty
of the ship’s cooking facilities (especially for so large a company), one
must infer that it would be hopeless to expect to cook food in any
quantity, except when all conditions favored, and then but slowly and with
much difficulty. From the fact that so many would require food at
practically the same hours of the day, it is clear that there must have
been distribution of food (principally uncooked) to groups or families,
who, with the aid of servants (when available), must each have prepared
their own meals, cooking as occasion and opportunity indicated; much after
the manner of the steerage passengers in later days, but before those of
the great ocean liners. There appears to have been but one cook for the
officers and crew of the ship, and his hands were doubtless full with
their demands. It is certain that his service to the passengers must have
been very slight. That “the cook” is named as one of the ship’s crew who
died in Plymouth harbor (New England) is all the knowledge we have
concerning him.
The use of and dependence upon tea and coffee, now so universal, and at
sea so seemingly indispensable, was then unknown, beer supplying their
places, and this happily did not have to be prepared with fire. “Strong
waters”—Holland gin and to some extent “aqua vitae” (brandy)—were
relied upon for the (supposed) maintenance of warmth. Our Pilgrim Fathers
were by no means “total abstainers,” and sadly bewailed being deprived of
their beer when the supply failed. They also made general and habitual
(moderate) use of wine and spirits, though they sharply interdicted and
promptly punished their abuse.
In the absence of cooking facilities, it became necessary in that day to
rely chiefly upon such articles of food as did not require to be prepared
by heat, such as biscuit (hard bread), butter, cheese (“Holland cheese”
was a chief staple with the Pilgrims), “haberdyne” (or dried salt
codfish), smoked herring, smoked (“cured “) ham and bacon, “dried neat’s
tongues,” preserved and “potted” meats (a very limited list in that day),
fruits, etc. Mush, oatmeal, pease-puddings, pickled eggs, sausage meats,
salt beef and pork, bacon, “spiced beef,” such few vegetables as they had
(chiefly cabbages, turnips, and onions,—there were no potatoes in
that day), etc., could be cooked in quantity, when the weather permitted,
and would then be eaten cold.
Except as dried or preserved fruits, vegetables (notably onions), limes,
lemon juice, and the free use of vinegar feebly counteracted, their food
was distinctively stimulant of scorbutic and tuberculosis disease, which
constant exposure to cold and wet and the overcrowded state of the ship
could but increase and aggravate. Bradford narrates of one of the crew of
the MAY-FLOWER when in Plymouth harbor, as suggestive of the wretched
conditions prevalent in the ship, that one of his shipmates, under an
agreement to care for him, “got him a little spice and made him a mess of
beef, once or twice,” and then deserted him.
Josselyn, in his “Two Voyages to New England,” gives as the result of the
experience and observations had in his voyages, but a few years later,
much that is interesting and of exceptional value as to the food and
equipment of passengers to, and colonists in, this part of America. It has
especial interest, perhaps, for the author and his readers, in the fact
that Josselyn’s statements were not known until after the data given in
these pages had been independently worked out from various sources, and
came therefore as a gratifying confirmation of the conclusions already
reached.
Josselyn says as to food, as follows:—“The common proportion of
victuals for the sea to a mess (being 4 men) is as followeth:—
“2 pieces of Beef of 3 lb. 1/4 apiece. Pork seems to have been
inadvertently omitted.
“Four pounds of Bread [ship-bread].
“One pint & 1/2 of Pease.
“Four Gallons of Bear [Beer], with mustard and vinegar for 3 flesh days in
the week.”
“For four fish days to each mess per day:—
“Two pieces of Codd or Haberdine, making 3 pieces of a fish, i.e. a dried
salt cod being divided into three pieces, 2 of those pieces were to be a
day’s ration for 4 men.
“Four pounds of Bread.
“Three-quarters of a pound of cheese.
“Bear as before.”
“Oatmeal per day for 50 men 1 Gallon [dry], and so proportionable for more
or fewer.”
“Thus you see the ship’s provision is Beefe and Porke, Fish, Butter,
Cheese, Pease, Pottage, Water-Gruel, Bisket, and six shilling Bear.”
“For private fresh provision you may carry with you (in case you or any of
yours should be sick at sea):—
“Conserves of Roses, Clove-Gilliflowers, Wormwood, Green-Ginger,
Burnt-Wine, English Spirits, Prunes to stew, Raisons of the Sun, Currence
[currants], Sugar, Nutmeg, Mace, Cinnamon, Pepper and Ginger, White
Bisket, Butter, or ‘Captains biscuit,’ made with wheat flour or Spanish
Rusk, Eggs, Rice, Juice of Lemons, well put up to cure or prevent the
Scurvy, Small Skillets, Pipkins, Porringers and small Frying Pans.”
Josselyn further gives us an estimate for:—
“Victuals for a whole year to be carried out of England for one man and so
for more after this rate.” He annexed also their current prices:—