I have for many years had considerable experience of the operation of patents.

I have been engaged under my father in the working out of numerous inventions of his, and the taking out of patents on his account, also in advising others professionally with him, and by myself, and have been engaged in numerous questions of disputes resulting from patents; and I have had frequent occasion to use the patents and inventions of others. I have also had to introduce improvements of my own without patents, and to defend my use of them against patents.

I have thus for the last twenty-eight years been in the midst of everything connected with inventions, and in constant contact with the operation of the patent laws.

I have been behind the scenes the whole time.

The result has been that I have never taken out a patent myself, or ever thought of doing so; and I have gradually become convinced that the whole system of patents is, in the present advanced state of arts and science and manufactures, productive of immense evil.

I think that it does nothing of what it professes to do, and which I believe to be impracticable in the present state of things, but that, on the contrary, it impedes everything it means to encourage, and ruins the class it professes to protect, and that it is productive of immense mischief to the public.

I should wish to observe that my opinions are not formed from any theory, or from any consideration of what are or ought to be the laws of patents, or whether the details of such laws are capable of improvement or otherwise; but they are simply the result of a very long and tolerably intimate knowledge of the operation of the hope of protection held out, and the operation of that protection such as it can be when obtained; and these results do not, in my opinion, depend at all upon any question of whether patents are cheap or dear, whether they are granted sparingly or profusely, by a simple or by complicated machinery; it is the ruinous effects upon the class of inventors, of the false dreams and hopes excited by the system, and the injurious effect upon improvements of the greater or less degree of exclusive privilege which is attained, which I have had constantly before my eyes for so many years, and which must be increased by any real improvement of the patent laws.

I should, therefore, be an advocate for very cheap patents granted with great facility, to the poor illiterate workman, as well as to the rich manufacturer with his counsel and agents, and as well protected as legal ingenuity can devise.

If the system is good in principle it must bear extension, but I believe it could not stand a twelvemonth under such a test—every evil now inherent in the system would be greatly increased in quantity, and the absurdities which are now ascribed to errors of detail would all become so evident that the system would be abandoned by universal consent.

I believe, paradoxical as it may seem, that the privileges thus promised and granted to inventors are most injurious to them. To understand this, it must be known and borne in mind that useful inventions or improvements in the present day, certainly in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, are not new discoveries, but generally slight modifications of what is already in use; judicious applications of known principles and of well-known and common parts of machinery, or of common substances, very often mere revivals or re-inventions of something which had many times previously been thought of, and perhaps tried, and failed from the want only of some substance or of some tool which has since been introduced.

I believe that the most useful and novel inventions and improvements of the present day are mere progressive steps in a highly wrought and highly advanced system, suggested by, and dependent on, other previous steps, their whole value and the means of their application probably dependent on the success of some or many other inventions, some old, some new. I think also that really good improvements are not the result of inspiration; they are not, strictly speaking, inventions, but more or less the results of an observing mind, brought to bear upon circumstances as they arise, with an intimate knowledge of what has already been done, or what might now be done, by means of the present improved state of things, and that in most cases they result from a demand which circumstances happen to create. The consequence is that most good things are being thought of by many persons at the same time; and if there were publicity and freedom of communication, instead of concealment and mystery, ten times or a hundred times the number of useful ideas would be generated by each man, and with less mental effort and far less expenditure of time and money.

In the present state of things, if a man thinks he has invented something, he immediately dreams of a patent, and of a fortune to be made by it. If he is a rich man he loses his money, and no great harm is done; but if he is a workman, and a poor man, his thoughts are divided between scheming at his machine in secret, and scheming at the mode of raising money to carry it out. He does not consult his fellow-workmen, or men engaged in the same pursuits, as to whether the same thing had ever been tried, why it had failed, what are the difficulties, or (what is most probable) whether something better is not already known, and waiting only the demand. In nine cases out of ten he devotes his time and money to the idea, instead of pursuing his legitimate and natural pursuits. In elaborating this idea his whole thoughts are turned to the means of making it different from what he may happen to know of similar ideas, so that he may secure a patent, rather than to an honest endeavour to obtain the most useful result. He does not make use of other good ideas which may be already patented or in use, even if he knows of them, because his sole object thenceforth is not improvement, but ‘exclusive right.’ After much time and money spent in experiments, he takes out a patent. I will assume that the mere patent costs him nothing, but the waste of time and money in elaborating his idea is generally considerable, and far more serious in its effects upon the man than the payment of the fees now demanded for a patent. When his patent is complete, and his invention published, the chances are, and ever will be, one hundred or one thousand to one that it is not worth a sixpence as an exclusive right which others will buy of him: every chance is against him.

In the first place it must be a good thing, it must be an improvement upon the very ‘best thing’ of the same sort: the chances are of course great against this.

Secondly.—It must be new, nothing of the sort must have been in use before—how very few things can be devised which will bear this test. I do not know of half-a-dozen clear cases of distinctly new inventions since I have been acquainted with machinery and science; and, judging from analogy, I cannot bring my mind to believe that these would bear the test of a strict and searching enquiry by interested parties. The chances are then immensely against his invention, if good enough to be disputed, proving to be new enough to stand as giving a claim to exclusiveness.

Thirdly.—It must not depend for its success upon the use of some other exclusive and privileged invention, or else of course it is of little saleable value, even if not an infringement upon the previous patent.

Fourthly.—There must be a demand existing or creatable for the article produced; or, like many other good things, it will be out of time, and drop accordingly.

Fifthly.—He must find some parties whose interest it is to encourage the introduction of the change, and who have the means of combating those interests which are embarked in previous monopolies.

Since all these conditions are necessary for success, it is not surprising that the result should be, as I am positive that it is in practice, that the aggregate of individual benefit derived by the exclusive privileges granted, is greatly below the aggregate expenditure of time and money involved in the production of the whole, taking the good and bad; but the proportion of the aggregate benefits as compared with the cost to the real inventor is still less.

It is known to all persons acquainted with the subject that, in nine cases out of ten of successful inventions, the patents are not beneficially enjoyed by the original inventor. And it always must be so. The mere original invention forms generally but a small part of the whole business or merit of bringing into useful operation any new thing. Judgment, a knowledge of the world, and of business and other qualities not particularly belonging to inventors, are just as requisite as mere ingenuity, although they are not the subject of protection. Capital and connection are also generally required. All these command, as they ought to do, a large share in the ultimate profits, but it is rare that an inventor at once finds such a partner. The invention generally changes hands once or twice, or oftener, till some chance brings it into operation; and ultimately it is (as must be admitted by all who know anything about these matters) very rarely, even in the case of good things, that the party who originated the subject of the patent has ultimately any large beneficial interest in it; and certainly, from these and all the other causes mentioned, it is an undoubted fact that inventors, on the whole, make a heavy annual loss, quite irrespective of mere patent fees, by inventions and patents, and that patents are not therefore a benefit to the present class of inventors, and particularly not to the poorer members of the class.

Without the hopes of any exclusive privileges, I believe that a clever man would produce many more good ideas, and derive much more easily some benefit from them. It is true that he will aim only at earning a few pounds instead of dreaming of thousands; but he will earn these few pounds frequently, and without interfering with his daily pursuits; on the contrary, he will make himself more useful.

An observing man sees what he thinks to be a mode of increasing the production of a certain machine or manufacturing operation in which he is engaged, or a better mode than that which he is acquainted with of producing some article. In all probability the same circumstances which led him to make the observation have attracted the attention of others before him; perhaps, at the same time, a little free communication with his fellow-work men or with other manufacturers or men of science would show him that there were insuperable difficulties, and he would turn his attention at once to other things, or that there were better ways of doing the same thing, or, by pointing out difficulties, enable him to avoid useless investigations, or to make a change that would vastly improve his scheme; or he would communicate his ideas, instead of wasting his time in elaborating them, which very possibly others more acquainted with the particular branch would do much better than he; if he is a workman, his master would give him something for the idea, or if not, his value as a workman would soon become known. It is a great error to suppose that stupid men can live upon the clever man’s brains if they are all left free scope in the use of their intellect; but if by artificial means an exclusive right or property in an idea can be secured, then of course the thief may steal the idea, and having registered his property in it, his inferiority of intellect is more than counterbalanced. Intelligent men who would always be suggesting improvements in a manufactory would soon become necessary, and would be valued accordingly. A manufacturer who was not surrounded by such assistants would stand no chance in the general competition, and what is necessary and valuable will in England fetch its price; and thus clever workmen will get well paid, and earn much more, and that more healthily, than the whole body of schemers now do.

The impediments thrown in the way of improvements by the existence of patents will hardly be credited by those who are not familiar with the operation of them. In the present state of things they create such barriers that it is almost wonderful that any improvements can be effected.

It will not be difficult to understand that, from the infinite number of patents that are now taken out, it is hardly possible to devise a mechanism or a chemical combination that does not, in some shape or other, form part of some previous invention or process. This would be the case even if patents were only taken out to secure real, or what are believed to be real, inventions. But the shoals of patents have brought into existence animals to feed upon them. There is a trade which nothing can destroy as long as patents last, and which must increase with the increase of patent, whatever may be the mode of granting them. Patents are taken out even in very general terms, so as to embrace everything that can resemble some probable or imaginary improvement, and then, like a spider in his web, the patentee watches for his victims. Besides this, the honest but trading patentee, the more completely to secure a monopoly, often takes out several separate patents for nearly the same thing in different forms, some avowedly worthless. In doing this, without even intending it, he includes combinations, any beneficial application of which perhaps never crossed his mind, and which, in the shape in which he suggested them were good for nothing, but which nevertheless more or less prevent anybody else from touching them, even to make a good thing.

Again, the most respectable houses take out patents merely to secure a monopoly of some one form of article without much regard to the superiority of it. The result of all this is that it is almost impossible now to introduce the slightest real improvement in anything without infringing upon some patent, and exposing oneself to be proceeded against by some patentee.

The extent to which improvements are impeded by this state of things is hardly conceivable, except to those who, like myself, are daily suffering under it.

There is another very serious evil produced by the system. In taking out a patent, the necessity for avoiding all claim to anything that can be shown to have been patented or in common use before compels you in most cases to seek rather what part of it can best be patented than what it is that is good in the invention. Comparatively trivial points are frequently patented in order to secure the monopoly of that which, although it constitutes the merit of the invention, may not happen to be so new in every respect as to admit of a patent. When the patent is taken, other modes of carrying out the real invention are discovered; these modes are patented and the original patentee is obliged to lose the benefit of his invention or to buy up these new patents. There are instances where enormous sums have been spent in this manner to protect an original invention.

And, lastly, there is an evil which acts like a numbing disease on all improvements; a patentee frequently dares not himself introduce improvements in any apparatus or process which he has patented, for fear of thus injuring his patent; and I have seen numerous cases of very important inventions where all improvement has been thus checked and resisted by the very parties most capable of effecting them, and who would have brought great talent and zeal to the work if they had been free.

Extract from Observations on the Patent Laws made by Mr. Brunel at a Meeting of the Society of Arts.

March 28, 1856.

He did not agree at all as to the advantages of patents. He quite agreed as to the desirability of protecting, as far as possible, a man’s property, whether it was in the power of invention, or any other good thing that was within him, and still more would he protect in every possible way the property in inventions of those who possessed but little other property—the powers of the inventor and the ingenuity of the workman; but, having had some considerable experience with patentees, manufacturers, and workmen, he was of opinion that any practical benefits derived from the patent laws did not compensate for the injury inflicted. He believed, on the contrary, that both the inventors and the public greatly suffered from the attempt to protect inventions. He had had great experience on this subject, being compelled daily to examine inventions of various kinds, and having himself constantly to invent in the occupations in which he was engaged. Having, then, all his life, been connected with inventors and workmen, he had witnessed the injury, the waste of mind, the waste of time, the excitement of false hopes, the vast waste of money, caused by the patent laws, in fact, all the evils which generally resulted from the attempt to protect that which did not naturally admit of protection. He agreed as to the abstract desirability of protecting inventors in some way, provided it did not foster unhealthy invention, as he thought it desirable to protect every species of property that existed. He was disposed to encourage every step towards facilitating the obtaining patents; he hoped they would be made dirt cheap, as he thought that would be the most effectual way of destroying them altogether. Therefore, whenever he had been consulted on the subject of the patent laws, he had always advocated the rendering of patents as open and free and cheap as possible; in the first place, because he saw no reason for attaching a price to them, and next, because they would sooner arrive where the principle would be fully tested. We were already nearly arrived at that state of things when engineers were almost brought to a dead stand in their attempt to introduce improvements, from the excess of protection. He found that he could hardly introduce the slightest improvement in his own machinery without being stopped by a patent. He could mention a striking instance, in which, a few months ago, wishing to introduce an improvement that he thought would have been valuable to the public in a large work on which he was engaged, he had no sooner entered upon it, with a willingness to incur considerable expense in the preliminary requirements and in the trial of it, than he was stopped by a patentee; but he was fortunate enough to find that another patent existed of the same thing, and a week after a third appeared. There was thus, fortunately, a probability that, by the destruction of all value in any of the patents, he might be able to continue the improvements he was desirous of introducing.

CHAPTER XVII.

PRIVATE LIFE.

REMINISCENCES OF MR. BRUNEL’S PRIVATE LIFE—REMOVAL TO 18 DUKE STREET, WESTMINSTER—HIS MARRIAGE, 1836—SPECIAL CONSTABLE IN 1848—MR. BRUNEL’S LOVE OF ART—HIS JOURNEY TO ITALY, 1842—ACCIDENT WITH THE HALF-SOVEREIGN, 1843—PURCHASE OF PROPERTY IN DEVONSHIRE, 1847—HIS LIFE AT WATCOMBE—THE LAUNCH OF THE ‘GREAT EASTERN,’ 1857—MR. BRUNEL’S FAILING HEALTH—JOURNEYS TO SWITZERLAND AND EGYPT, 1858—LETTER FROM PHILÆ (FEBRUARY 12, 1859)—HIS LAST ILLNESS—HIS DEATH (SEPTEMBER 15, 1859)—FUNERAL—ADDRESS OF JOSEPH LOCKE, ESQ., M.P., AT THE INSTITUTION OF CIVIL ENGINEERS (NOVEMBER 8, 1859).

UNDER any circumstances, and by whomsoever made, the attempt to describe Mr. Brunel’s home life must fail to satisfy those who knew him, and who remember him in the midst of his family or among his friends.

But those who did not know him, except as a professional man, or who are only acquainted with his works, will expect to find in these pages some account of his private life, and of the manner in which he spent those brief intervals of relaxation which he permitted himself to enjoy.

 

Although Mr. Brunel was never an idle man, he was able, until he obtained business on his own account, to enjoy many amusements from which in after life he was completely debarred.

This arose partly from his work under his father being near his own home and his friends, and partly from the power he possessed, and which never deserted him, of being able to throw aside cares and anxieties and to join with the utmost zest in passing amusements.

The following letter, relating to this time, is written by one who was Mr. Brunel’s constant companion during the period to which it refers:—

June 28, 1870.

‘Dear Isambard Brunel,—I will endeavour to supply you with some reminiscences of your father, before he became a public man, and was engrossed by the very severe labour of his profession.

‘The most striking feature in his character as a young man, and one which afterwards produced such great results, was an entire abnegation of self in his intercourse with his friends and associates.

‘His influence among them was unbounded, but never sought by him; it was the result of his love of fair play, of his uniform kindness and willingness to assist them, of the confidence he inspired in his judgment, and of the simplicity and high-mindedness of his character.

‘From 1824 to 1832 he joined his friends in every manly sport; and when, after his accident at the Tunnel, he was obliged to withdraw from more violent exercise, he was still ready to co-operate in the arrangements required to give effect to whatever was in hand.

‘Whether in boating, in pic-nic parties, or in private theatricals, he was always the life and soul of the party; for his skilful arrangements, as well as his never-failing invention and power of adaptation of whatever came to hand, made him the invariable leader in every amusement or sport in which he took part.

‘To ensure the success of his friends in a rowing match against time, from London to Oxford and back, in 1828, he designed and superintended the building of a four-oared boat, which, in length and in the proportion of its length to its breadth, far exceeded any boat of the kind which had then been seen on the Thames.

‘During that portion of the period to which these notes refer, when your father was engaged at the Tunnel works, the freshness and energy with which he joined in the amusements of his friends after many consecutive days and nights spent in the Tunnel—for frequently he did not go to bed, I might almost say, for weeks together—surprised them all.

‘His power of doing without sleep for long intervals was most remarkable. He also possessed the power, which I have never seen equalled in any other man, of maintaining a calm and even temper, never showing irritation even when he was bearing an amount of mental and bodily fatigue which few could have sustained. His presence of mind and courage never failed him, and it was especially exhibited after the first irruption of water into the Tunnel, when he descended in the diving-bell to examine the extent of the disturbance of the bed of the river, and the injury, if any, which had been done to the brickwork.

‘The bell could not be lowered deep enough, and he dropped himself out of the bell, holding on by a rope, and ascertained by careful examination that the brickwork was uninjured.

‘He was several minutes in the water; and upon this fact being stated, many persons, and I think the officers of the Royal Humane Society, denied the possibility of his retaining his consciousness so long in the water, forgetting, which he did not, that his lungs were filled with air at two and a half atmospheres’ pressure.

‘In 1830, he joined the Surrey Yeomanry and attended drill, and was out with the troop to which he belonged on several occasions.

‘In this capacity he was as popular as in every other; but his remarkable talent in obtaining personal influence, even among those with whom he was comparatively a stranger, was about this time most usefully exhibited during the election of his brother-in-law as member for Lambeth.

‘He made friends and conciliated opponents among all classes of electors—especially among working men, large bodies of whom he met on several occasions—and among all shades of politicians; and to his energy, good judgment and skilful arrangement of electioneering details, which were not then so well understood as they now are, very much of the success achieved was due.

‘No one, I believe, ever saw him out of temper or heard him utter an ill-natured word. He often said that spite and ill-nature were the most expensive luxuries in life; and his advice, then often sought, was given with that clearness and decision, and that absence of all prejudice, which characterised his opinions in after-life.

‘All his friends of his own age were attached to him in no ordinary degree, and they watched every step in his future career with pride and interest.

‘In fact, he was a joyous, open-hearted, considerate friend, willing to contribute to the pleasure and enjoyment of those about him; well knowing his own power, but never intruding it to the annoyance of others, unless he was thwarted or opposed by pretentious ignorance; and then, though at times decided and severe in his remarks, he generally preferred leaving such individuals to themselves, rather than, by noticing them, to give prominence to their deficiencies.

‘His appreciation of character was so exact, and his dislike to anything approaching to vulgarity in thought or action or to undue assumption was so decided, that to be his friend soon became a distinction; and the extent to which his society was sought, not only in private life, but in the scientific world, at this early period, marked strongly the distinguishing features of his mind and character.

‘In 1825 and 1826 he attended the morning lectures at the Royal Institution, and the eagerness and rapidity with which he followed the chemical discoveries which were then being made by Mr. Faraday, showed the facility with which he gained and retained scientific knowledge.

‘To write more would lead me to the events of a later period of his life, in the history of which you require no aid from me; nevertheless, I cannot refrain from adding a few words upon your father’s personal and professional character, which was not, in my opinion, adequately appreciated by the public.

‘His professional friends before his death, and his private friends at all times, well knew the genius, the intense energy, and indefatigable industry with which every principle and detail of his profession was mastered; and both knew and valued the high moral tone which pervaded every act of his life.

‘The public, however, did not see him under the same circumstances.

‘Their imperfect acquaintance with his character arose in a great degree from his disregard of popular approbation, for he was never so satisfied with his own work as to feel himself entitled to receive praise in the adulatory style of modern writing, and he preferred to work quietly in his own sphere, and to rely on the intrinsic merits of his undertakings bringing their reward, rather than to court temporary popularity.

‘The rapidity with which he gained a high position as a civil engineer is the best evidence of his talents. He passed almost direct from boyhood to an equality with any one then in the profession—a position attained by the rapidity and accuracy with which he could apply theory to practice, and support his conclusions by mathematical demonstrations.

‘This knowledge, always used without ostentation, soon placed him above most of his contemporaries; and his intimate acquaintance with the strength and peculiarities of the various materials he had to employ, and of the best and most economical mode of applying them, impressed both directors and contractors with a degree of confidence in his estimates and opinions which no one had before possessed.

‘His power of observation was singularly accurate; he was not satisfied with a hasty or superficial examination, nor with the mere assertion of a fact; his mind required evidence of its correctness before he could receive and adopt it. I may illustrate this by a reference to the experiments he made with French mesmerists, and the pains he took to expose the farce of table-turning and its accompanying follies.

‘My object, however, by this addition to my note, is to dwell upon the fact that he left a mark upon his profession which cannot be obliterated. He set up a high standard of professional excellence, and endeavoured to impress on all who were associated with him, or under him professionally, that to attain the highest honours required the strictest integrity, sound mathematical knowledge, originality and accuracy of thought and expression, both in viva voce descriptions and in designs and working drawings, and a practical acquaintance with the durability and strength of materials, so as to know the best conditions under which each might be applied.

‘It was his excellence in these respects, when still young, which soon earned for him a great reputation as a witness before the Committees of the Houses of Parliament.

‘His calmness and unobtrusive manner, when under severe examination, or while attending public meetings, led many to think him cold, and regardless of the feelings or interests of those with whom he was associated; but nothing was further from his character, as every one knew who was engaged in the consultations upon the result of which future proceedings depended.

‘He was a prudent and cautious, but bold adviser, and a warm-hearted and generous friend.

‘Yours faithfully,
W. Hawes.

‘Isambard Brunel, Esq.’

The events of the year 1835 brought with them, not unnaturally, other changes. At the beginning of 1836, he removed to 18 Duke Street, Westminster, a large house looking on St. James’s Park, and now (1870) the last in the street, next to the new India Office.

In July of the same year he married the eldest daughter of the late William Horsley, and granddaughter of Doctor Callcott. Of this marriage there was issue two sons and a daughter, all of whom survive him.

Although, as will be presently mentioned, he afterwards bought some property in Devonshire, the Duke Street house was always his home. He spent his life there, having his offices on the lower floors.

He had no wish to enter Parliament, although it had been more than once suggested to him to do so, and his work prevented his taking an active share, as an inhabitant of Westminster, in the concerns of his neighbourhood.

The only occasion on which he took a prominent part in local affairs was as a special constable in April 1848, when he acted as one of the two ‘leaders’ of the special constables in the district between Great George Street and Downing Street.

He was not without experience of the duties of a special constable, as he had been sworn in during the Bristol riots of 1830, and on that occasion saw active service. Happily, matters were better managed in London, and no actual collision took place between the constables, or the military, and the mob.

 

The extent to which Mr. Brunel kept his works in his own hands, and under his own superintendence, made it necessary for him to have a large amount of office accommodation; and the inconvenience of having branch offices in the streets near his house led him, in 1848, to enlarge his offices: with this object he added the adjoining house, 17 Duke Street, which he rebuilt. A large room on the ground floor, looking on the Park, was thenceforward his own office, and the room above was made the dining-room. It was decorated in the Elizabethan style, and was to have contained a collection of pictures illustrative of scenes in ‘Shakespeare,’ painted for him by the principal artists of the day. This project was never completely carried out, but several pictures (about ten in all) were painted and hung up, among them the ‘Titania’ of Sir Edwin Landseer. These subjects are again referred to in the following letter:—

February, 1870.

‘My dear Isambard,—You ask me to jot down for you any reminiscences I have of your father’s love and feeling for art.

‘I remember with singular distinctness the first time I ever saw him, when I was a lad of fourteen, and had just obtained my studentship at the Royal Academy. He criticised with great keenness and judgment a drawing which I had with me, and at the same time gave me a lesson on paper straining. From that time till his death he was my most intimate friend. Being naturally imbued with artistic taste and perception of a very high order, his critical remarks were always of great value, and were made with an amount of good humour which softened their occasionally somewhat trying pungency. He had a remarkably accurate eye for proportion, as well as taste for form. This is evinced in every line to be found in his sketch books, and in all the architectural features of his various works.

‘So small an incident as the choice of colour in the original carriages of the Great Western Railway, and any decorative work called for on the line, gave public evidence of his taste in colour; but those who remember the gradual arrangement and fitting up of his house in Duke Street will want no assurance from me of your father’s rare artistic feeling. He passed, I believe, the pleasantest of his leisure moments in decorating that house, and well do I remember our visits in search of rare furniture, china, bronzes, &c., with which he filled it, till it became one of the most remarkable and attractive houses in London. Its interest was greatly increased when he formed that magnificent dining-room, now, with the house of which it was a part, pulled down. This room, hung with pictures, with its richly carved fireplace, doorways, and ceiling, its silken hangings and Venetian mirrors, lighted up on one of the many festive gatherings frequent in that hospitable house, formed a scene which none will forget who had the privilege of taking part in it. When from time to time he went abroad, and especially in his visit to Venice in 1852, he added to his collection by purchases made with great judgment and skill. In buying pictures, your father evinced a taste often found in men of refined mind and feeling—viz. a repugnance to works, however excellent in themselves, where violent action was represented. He preferred pictures where the subject partook more of the suggestive than the positive, and where a considerable scope was left in which the imagination of the spectator might disport itself. This feeling was displayed in a great love of landscape art, and in the keenest appreciation of the beauties of nature. It is an interesting fact to record, and one which I often heard him mention, when his friends were admiring his beautiful grounds at Watcombe, that in the old posting days, when travelling on the cliff road between Teignmouth and Torquay, he constantly stopped the carriage to get out and admire the view which he had discovered from a field at Watcombe, little thinking then that it would ultimately be the site of his intended country home.

‘When your father and I went to Italy together in 1842, posting from Westminster to Rome and back again, I had ample opportunities of observing his love and enthusiasm for nature and art.

‘Overwhelmed as he was with work in England at the time, it was no easy matter for him to leave the country for a couple of months; and I remember that our starting at all was uncertain up to the last moment; and that, an hour before quitting London, it was only by a coup de théâtre, which he most adroitly performed, that he escaped the serving of a subpœna, the bearer of which had actually penetrated to the dining-room door in Duke Street.

‘We left London one evening in April 1842. During our journey we constantly passed several consecutive days and nights in the carriage; and I am sure there was not one of our waking hours in which some incident of interest did not occur.

‘I remember your father agreeing with me, that our experiences merely of post-boys and their various characteristics would be worthy of recording in detail—from Newman’s two smart lads, who took us the first stage out of London, on to the genuine “postillon” (boots and all) we found at Calais; then to the wild young brigands (in appearance) who, inspired by the prospect of extra “buon mano,” whirled us along the road from Civita Vecchia towards Rome, and winding up with the stolid German who rose slowly in his stirrups, and distracted us by a melancholy performance on the horn slung round him, and which no entreaty would induce him to give up.

‘We posted from Calais, viâ Paris, to Châlons-sur-Saône, marvelling the whole way whereabouts “La Belle France” was to be found; for a drearier and more utterly monotonous ride of something like 800 miles it is impossible to conceive. From Châlons we went down the river to Lyons, then onwards, visiting Nismes, and through Arles to Toulon.

‘From Toulon we went through Cannes and Nice and along the lovely Cornice road to Genoa. Your father was intensely delighted with this portion of the journey. Those wonderfully picturesque towns, with their roccoco churches looking like toys, and painted all over upon the principle of colour generally developed in that species of art, especially interested him. The streets were so narrow that it was sometimes doubtful whether the carriage could be squeezed through, and more than once it grazed the houses on either side as it passed on.

‘The work for which your father had come to Italy commenced at Genoa, and he was met there by a staff appointed by the Government to accompany him during his stay.

‘While at Genoa he came to me one morning and said, that, in consequence of some delay, he had a week in which to make complete holiday, and gave me the choice of Florence or Rome. I need scarcely say that I chose Rome, and for three days we were in the Eternal City, seeing more in that time than those to whom we related our proceedings could believe.

‘How well do I remember our entering Rome by the gate on the Civita Vecchia road, and standing up in the carriage to get our first view of St. Peter’s, and, having seen it, the blank look of disappointment we turned on each other at the sight! But the interior of the great church as far exceeded our expectations as the exterior had fallen short of them.

‘We were back at Genoa to the minute your father had appointed; and the work being completed there, we went on to Turin. Here we were in time to be present at the Court balls and ceremonies consequent upon the marriage of the present King of Italy.

‘From Turin we proceeded to Milan.

‘At Milan your father parted from his staff, and completed the work he had undertaken as far as it was necessary to do so in Italy. From Milan, therefore, our journey home was one of uninterrupted enjoyment through those glorious Lombard towns to Venice, which happily we reached in a gondola from Mestre, and not by a railway viaduct; then through the Tyrol to Munich, and so down the Rhine to Belgium, reaching home from Antwerp.

‘Thus was completed an expedition in which there was neither hitch nor disagreeable adventure of any kind, and upon which I look back with unmixed pleasure.

‘The next and last time that your father and I journeyed on the Continent together was in April 1848, when he wished to see Paris in Republican garb, and asked me to accompany him.

‘We were there for some days, and, armed with cards of admission, on which our names were inscribed with the prefix of “Citoyen,” heard and saw the various celebrities of the hour.

‘Affectionately yours,
J. C. Horsley.

‘Isambard Brunel, Esq.’

Within less than a year of Mr. Brunel’s return from his visit to Italy, a strange accident happened to him, which placed his life in great jeopardy.

On April 3, 1843, he was amusing some children at his house by the exhibition of conjuring tricks, when, in pretending to pass a half-sovereign from his ear to his mouth, the coin he had placed in his mouth slipped down his throat. After a few days he began to suffer from a troublesome cough, and on April 18 Sir Benjamin Brodie was consulted.

The nature of the accident and the course of treatment adopted are described in the following letter from Mr. Brunel’s brother-in-law, the late Dr. Seth Thompson, which was published in the ‘Times’ newspaper of May 16, 1843:—

I shall be much obliged by your giving insertion to the following statement of the treatment pursued by Sir Benjamin Brodie in the case of Mr. Brunel, it being the wish of Mr. Brunel and his friends that the true facts should be known, as a just tribute to the skill of this eminent surgeon, and as a guide to future practice. The accident happened on April 3; Sir B. Brodie was consulted on the 18th, and his opinion was that the half-sovereign had passed into the windpipe. The following day Mr. Brunel strengthened this opinion by a simple experiment. He bent his head and shoulders over a chair, and distinctly felt the coin drop towards the glottis; whilst raising himself a violent fit of coughing came on, which ceased after a few minutes. He repeated this a second time, with the same results. A consultation was held on the 22nd, at which it was decided that conclusive evidence existed of the half-sovereign having passed into the windpipe, that it was probably lodged at the bottom of the right bronchus, and that it was movable. It was determined that every effort should be made for its removal, and that for this purpose an apparatus should be constructed for inverting the body of the patient, in order that the weight of the coin might assist the natural effort to expel it by coughing. The first experiment was made on the 25th. The body of the patient being inverted, and the back gently struck with the hand between the shoulders, violent cough came on, but of so convulsive and alarming a nature that danger was apprehended, and the experiment was discontinued. On this occasion the coin was again moved from its situation, and slipped towards the glottis. On the 27th tracheotomy was performed by Sir B. Brodie, assisted by Mr. Aston Key, with the intention of extracting the coin by the forceps, if possible, or, in the event of this failing, with the expectation that the opening in the windpipe would facilitate a repetition of the experiment of the 22nd. On this occasion, and subsequently on May 2, the introduction of the forceps was attended with so much irritation, that it could not be persevered in without danger to life. On the 3rd another consultation was held, when Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Stanley entirely confirmed the views of Sir B. Brodie and Mr. Key, and it was agreed that the experiment of inversion should be repeated as soon as Mr. Brunel had recovered sufficient strength, the incision in the windpipe being kept open. On Saturday, the 13th, Mr. Brunel was again placed on the apparatus, the body inverted, and the back gently struck. After two or three coughs, he felt the coin quit its place on the right side of the chest, and in a few seconds it dropped from his mouth without exciting in its passage through the glottis any distress or inconvenience, the opening in the windpipe preventing any spasmodic action of the glottis.

In this remarkable case the following circumstances appear to be worthy of note—that a piece of gold remained in the air-tube for six weeks, quite movable, and without exciting any inflammatory action, the breathing entirely undisturbed, and the only symptoms of its presence occasional uneasiness on the right side of the chest and frequent fits of coughing; that an accurate diagnosis was formed without being able to obtain any assistance from the stethoscope, although the chest was repeatedly and carefully examined; and also that, a fair trial having been given to the forceps, the application of this instrument to the removal of a body of this peculiar form from the bottom of the bronchus was proved to be attended with great risk to life, while the cautious and well-considered plan of treatment above detailed was attended with complete success, and without risk.

During the time that Mr. Brunel was in danger the public excitement was intense. His high professional position, the extraordinary nature of the accident, and the greatness of the loss, were the result to prove fatal, made his condition and the chances of his recovery an engrossing topic of conversation; and, when the news was spread that ‘it is out,’ the message needed no explanation.

That the result was successful was due, not only to the skill of the surgeons engaged, and to the anxious care with which those who nursed him left nothing undone to ensure his safety, but also to the remarkable coolness which Mr. Brunel himself displayed throughout. From the first he took part in the consultations which were held on his case, and assisted materially in determining the course of treatment which should be pursued.

 

The ten years which followed were the most prosperous in Mr. Brunel’s life; he had attained to great eminence in his profession, and was still in the enjoyment of robust health. But the results of the gauge controversy and the fierce contests which followed it, and, above all, the failure of the Atmospheric System on the South Devon Railway, caused him grave anxiety and sorrow. Critics have erred greatly in representing him as a man who, in order to accomplish some vast design, thought but little of the distress which follows want of success in commercial enterprises. So far from its being true that Mr. Brunel was indifferent to the interests of his employers, his private journals show that throughout (to use his own words) ‘the incessant warfare in which he was engaged’ he was earnestly desiring peace and endeavouring to secure it, and that in times of difficulty, such as the trial of the Atmospheric System and the launch of the ‘Great Eastern,’ his chief thoughts were for those who would suffer through the failure of his plans.

 

In the midst of his professional occupations he was able occasionally, though rarely, to enjoy the society of his friends. After the session was over, in 1844 and 1845, he went to Italy on business, and in 1846 to Switzerland for a short holiday. In 1847 the South Devon Railway was occupying his attention, and he determined to take a house at Torquay. While there, the important character of his railway works in Devonshire and Cornwall led him to think of making a more permanent settlement in that part of the country.

After a good deal of hesitation between various places, he fixed upon a spot at Watcombe, about three miles from Torquay, on the Teignmouth turnpike road. He made his first purchase of land in the autumn of 1847; and from that time to within a year of his death the improvement of this property was his chief delight.

He had always a great love and appreciation of beautiful scenery, and in his choice of a place in which to plant and build he provided amply for his complete gratification.

The principal view, which, if the house had been built, would have been the view from the terrace, is one of the loveliest in that part of Devonshire. On one side is the sea, and on the other the range of Dartmoor, while in front is spread undulating country, bounded by the hills on the further side of Torbay, the bay itself looking like a lake, being shut in by the hills above Torquay.

When Mr. Brunel bought this property it consisted of fields divided by hedgerows; but, assisted by Mr. William Nesfield, he laid it out in plantations of choice trees. The occupation of arranging them gave him unfailing pleasure; and, although he could seldom spare more than a few days’ holiday at a time, there can be little doubt that the happiest hours of his life were spent in walking about in the gardens with his wife and children, and discussing the condition and prospects of his favourite trees.[193]

He could not, of course, take a prominent part in the affairs of the parish, but he was always ready to assist in any work that had been taken in hand. He will be long remembered there by his friends in every rank of life.

In purchasing this property in Devonshire, Mr. Brunel had looked forward to retiring gradually from active professional life, ‘to draw in and make room for others,’ and to spend a greater portion of his time in the country.

It may well be questioned whether he would have been happy in giving up work while yet in middle life; but the wisdom of his resolve was not to be put to the test.

From the beginning of the year 1852 the ‘Great Eastern’ steam-ship began to occupy his time and thoughts. As the works progressed he was more and more tied to London; and the large pecuniary investment he had made in the shares of the company caused him to hesitate before proceeding with the building of his house.

Thus the hopes he had formed for making his home in Devonshire faded gradually away, and were at length extinguished by the failure of his health.

 

Many things had happened in the earlier part of 1857 which gave him pleasure. In June he received, in company with Mr. Robert Stephenson, the honorary degree of Doctor in Civil Law from the University of Oxford.[194] In the summer he paid several visits to Devonshire, and at the beginning of September the floating of the first truss of the Saltash bridge was successfully accomplished.

The history of the launch of the ‘Great Eastern,’ which was commenced in November, has been already told. Throughout all the disappointments he then endured Mr. Brunel took comfort from the sympathy of valued friends, and from those higher sources of consolation on which it was his habit to rely. He paid for his exertions a heavy price, for they left him broken in health and already suffering from the disease of which in a little more than eighteen mouths afterwards he died.[195]

 

In May 1858 Mr. Brunel went to Vichy, and thence to Switzerland, returning home in the autumn by way of Holland. When at Lucerne he went up the Righi, and was so charmed with it that, instead of spending only a night there, he remained a week, working at the designs for the Eastern Bengal Railway.

It was on his return to England in September that the alarming nature of his illness was ascertained. After anxious consultation with Sir Benjamin Brodie and Dr. Bright, he was ordered to spend the winter in Egypt, in the hope that he might return in the March or April following in restored health.

He was very unwilling to be so long absent from England, especially as a new company had just been formed to finish the ‘Great Eastern,’ and the contracts for her completion were about to be let.

However, it was thought that very serious consequences might follow if he remained at home; and in the beginning of December he left for Alexandria, with his wife and younger son.

Having stayed there a day or two, they went on to Cairo, where they found Mr. Robert Stephenson. He and Mr. Brunel dined together on Christmas Day.

On December 30 the journey up the Nile commenced. On January 21 they arrived at Thebes, and spent some days there. Mr. Brunel was able to ride about on a donkey, and made some sketches of the celebrated ruins in the neighbourhood.[196]

They reached Assouan on February 2, and made preparations for ascending the cataracts. They went as far as Dakkeh, and got back to Assouan on February 19.

The following letter from Mr. Brunel to his sister, Lady Hawes, describes some of the scenes through which he passed:—