Art. 31. The Annual Budget of the Receipts and Expenditures of the State shall be communicated to the Chamber of Deputies not later than the 5th of November of each year.

Art. 32. The General Budget of Receipts shall be presented to the Chamber, accompanied by notes explanatory of the nature of each receipt.

Art. 33. The Budget of Expenditure shall be divided Department by Department, and shall be subdivided into sections and chapters, corresponding to the various branches of the public service depending upon each Ministry.

Art. 34. The following cannot on any account be objects of discussion in the Chamber:

Also all matters relating to the Debt and resulting from the Law of Liquidation, or Conventions existing between the Foreign Powers and the Egyptian Government.

*Art. 35. The Budget shall be sent to the Chamber, to be examined and discussed there (under reserve of the preceding Article).

A Committee composed of as many Deputies, and having the same number of votes as the Members of the Council of Ministers and its President, shall be named by the Chamber to discuss, in common with the Council of Ministers, the Budget Estimates, and to vote them either unanimously or according to the majority.

Art. 36. In case of an exact division of votes between the Commission of the Chamber and the Council of Ministers, the Budget shall be returned to the Chamber and, should the Chamber confirm (by its vote) that of the Council of Ministers, this vote shall become executory (exécutoire). But if the Chamber should maintain the vote of its Committee, then the procedure shall be according to Articles 23 and 24 of the present Law. In this case, the credits of the Budget Estimates which shall have caused the division of votes, if they figured in the Budget of the preceding year, and if they are not affected to any new object of expenditure, such as public works or others, shall be employed provisionally and until the meeting of the new Chamber, according to Article 23.

Art. 37. If the new Chamber confirms the vote of the preceding Chamber, on the Budget, this vote shall become definitely executory, in conformity with Article 23.

Art. 38. No Treaty or contract between the Government and third parties and no farming concession shall acquire a final character without having been first approved by a vote of the Chamber, provided that such Treaty, contract or concession does not relate to an object for which a sum has already figured in the approved Budget, corresponding to the year for which the Treaty, contract or concession shall have been proposed. Likewise no concession for public works, the execution of which shall not have been foreseen by the Budget, and no sale, or gratuitous alienation of the State domains, nor concession of privilege of any kind shall become definitive until it shall have been approved by the Chamber.

Art. 39. All Egyptians may address a petition to the Chamber of Deputies. The petitions shall be sent to a Committee chosen by the Chamber from among its Members. Upon the report of this Committee the Chamber shall take into consideration or reject the petitions. The petitions taken into consideration shall be sent back to the Minister concerned.

Art. 40. All petitions relative to personal rights or interests shall be rejected if they are outside the competence of the Administrative and Civil Tribunals, or if they have not been previously addressed to the competent administrative authority.

Art. 41. If during the recess of the Chamber grave circumstances shall demand that urgent measures be taken to avoid a danger menacing the State, or to assure public order, the Council of Ministers may, then, upon its own responsibility and with the sanction of the Khedive, order those measures to be taken, even if they should be within the competence of the Chamber, supposing the time to be too short for the convocation of the latter. Nevertheless, the affair should be submitted for examination, at its next sitting, to the Chamber.

Art. 42. No one may be admitted to explain or discuss questions or to take part in the deliberations of the Chamber other than its Members, with the exception of the Ministers or of those who are assisting or representing them.

Art. 43. The votes of the Chamber shall be given by the holding up of hands or by calling over of names or by ballot.

Art. 44. The vote by calling over of names shall only be on the demand of at least ten Members of the Chamber of Deputies. All votes which may affect the provisions of Article 47 shall be made openly.

Art. 45. The naming of the three candidates for the Presidency of the Chamber, as well as the election of the two Vice-Presidents and the nomination of the first and second Secretaries to the Chamber shall be made by ballot.

Art. 46. The Chamber of Deputies may not validly deliberate unless at least two-thirds of its Members are present at the deliberation. All decisions shall be taken absolutely according to the majority of votes.

Art. 47. No votes entailing Ministerial responsibility shall be given without a majority of at least three-quarters of the Members present.

Art. 48. No opinion shall be given by proxy.

Art. 49. The Chamber of Deputies shall elaborate its own internal Regulations. These shall be made executory by Decree of the Khedive.

*Art. 50. The present Organic Law may be amended after agreement between the Chamber of Deputies and the Council of Ministers.

*Art. 51. The interpretation of all Articles and phrases of the present law which it may be necessary to make clear shall be made on agreement between the Chamber of Deputies and the Council of Ministers.

Art. 52. All provisions of Laws, Decrees, Superior Orders, Regulations, or Usages contrary to the present Law are and shall remain revoked.

Art. 53. Our Ministers are charged, each in what concerns him, with the execution of the present Law.

Done in the Palace of Ismaïlieh, 7th February, 1882
(18 Rabi Awel, 1299).
(Signed) Mehemet Tewfik.

By the Khedive:

The President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of the Interior.
(Signed) Mahmoud Samy.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs and of Justice.
Moustapha Fehmy.
The Minister of War and Marine.
Ahmed Arabi.
The Minister of Finance.
Ali Sadik.
The Minister of Public Works.
Mahmoud Fehmy.
The Minister of Public Instruction.
Abdallah Fikry.
The Minister of the Wakfs.
Hassan Chéréy.

APPENDIX IV
Letter Received by Mr. Blunt from Boghos Pasha Nubar as to his Father Nubar Pasha's Political Connection with the Khedive Ismaïl. (Translated from the French.)

Paris, September 26th, 1907.

Sir,

I have just read in the Egyptian Gazette of the 14th instant your reply to Mr. Lucy about the Cyprus Convention, and I was very glad to observe the offer you made in it of correcting in your book any errors which might be pointed out to you. It has decided me to appeal to your loyalty in regard to a mistake about my father which has found its way into it. I do not know from what sources you have drawn your information, nor do I doubt your good faith, which has certainly been misled.

You say that Nubar Pasha was Ismaïl's Minister of Finance, and that in virtue of this office he was responsible for the ruinous loans contracted by the latter. This is evidently a complete mistake, my father never having been Minister of Finance, and having had nothing to do directly or indirectly with any of the loans.

The only offices which he filled during Ismaïl's reign were the Ministry of Public Works and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was never, I repeat, Minister of Finance, for this very good reason that, in spite of his great intelligence and qualities as a statesman, he recognized that he did not understand financial questions, and the Khedive, who also knew it, would never have thought of confiding a Ministry to him, which he himself felt he was incapable of directing.

Ismaïl's Minister of Finance was the Moufettish Ismaïl Pasha Sadek, whom you speak of on pages 18, 39 and 40 of your book. He was the sole collaborator and confidant of the Khedive upon financial matters, and it was he who organized the loans.

As to my father, I think what will best show you how entirely he was a stranger to financial administration, is a simple résumé of his career, under Ismaïl, which I shall try to condense into a few lines.

"In the very first year of Ismaïl's accession, 1863, Nubar Pasha was sent on a mission to Paris to regulate the differences relating to the Suez Canal. He remained there two years, and upon his return to Egypt he was appointed, first, Minister of Public Works, and then, Minister for Foreign Affairs. A year later, in 1866, he went once more on a mission to Europe, and remained three years absent. It was during this period that he obtained the Firman of 1867, granting to Egypt administrative autonomy, the right of making Customs Conventions with the Powers, and the title of Khedive for the Viceroy. It was at this time, too, that he commenced the first negotiations for Judicial Reform with the Powers. He did not return to Egypt until 1869, and then for six months only, in order to assist at the opening of the Suez Canal, and preside at the Commission of Inquiry for Judicial Reform which was sitting at Cairo, and he returned to Paris in 1870 to continue there the negotiations for the Reform. These negotiations, begun in 1867, lasted until 1875, about eight years, during which time Nubar Pasha lived almost entirely in Europe, with the exception of short intervals of a few months in Egypt. In 1874 he was dismissed by the Khedive on account of a difference of opinion relative to the said negotiations, and he remained in Europe without employment for a year. He was recalled by Ismaïl to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in June, 1875. Six months later, he was again dismissed, January, 1876. He then remained two years in Europe, exiled, and did not return until 1878, when recalled by the Khedive to form the Mixed Ministry in conjunction with Sir Rivers Wilson."

My father declares in his memoirs, which I hope one day to be able to publish, that during the fifteen years of Ismaïl's reign, he spent twelve in Europe on missions, on leave of absence, or in exile. The dates and facts which I have recited above prove the accuracy of this statement. During all these absences from Egypt, Nubar Pasha, exclusively occupied with his negotiations, could not take any part in the interior affairs of the country, about which he was not even consulted. Thus, while in Paris in 1869, he learnt from M. Béhic, Minister of Public Works to the Emperor Napoleon III, in the course of a conversation with him relative to the Judicial Reform, that the Khedive had just arranged a loan of ten millions sterling, of which my father had not even been informed; and again, at Constantinople in 1873, where he was pursuing his negotiations for the Reform, it was indirectly that he learned that the Khedive was negotiating a fresh loan of thirty millions.

You see, Sir, by these facts, which it will be easy for you to verify, that not only was my father never Minister of Finance, nor connected with the Khedive's loans, but that all his energy, his talents and the influence which he had acquired were employed in negotiations abroad: (1) for the regulation of the question of the Suez Canal, which culminated in the arbitration of Napoleon III, through which Egypt obtained a verdict for the abolition of forced labour in the making of the Canal; (2) for obtaining Firmans from the Sublime Porte; (3) for the Judicial Reform which was his conception and his work, and to which he consecrated all his energy, his intelligence, and the best years of his life. I must also add that he continued to work zealously for the abolition of forced labour while Director of Railways and at the Ministry of Public Works. This we owe in large measure to him, as Sir W. Wilcocks so courteously testifies in his book on the Irrigation of Egypt.

Do you not think, Sir, that I have a right under these circumstances to appeal to your courtesy in asking you to rectify in the new edition of your book the erroneous passages which I have mentioned? You cannot fail to see the importance which I attach to these corrections, for it would not be just, in a work bearing upon history, for my father to be held responsible for government measures to which he was altogether a stranger.

My father in the course of his laborious career made many friends, but also many enemies, as all politicians do. His enemies have not failed to spread calumnies about him and to invent stories. I will only cite two: First, that concerning his nationality. His political adversaries, in the interest of their cause, successively reproached him with being an English and a German subject! These allegations, the object of which was to discredit him in the course of his negotiations for Judicial Reform by contesting, though he was a Minister of the Khedive, his Egyptian nationality, have been since recognized as being without any foundation. Another legend relates to his supposed immense fortune. The most calumnious and fantastic assertions have been made with regard to this, generally by people who were interested in tarnishing the memory of an adversary by leaving it to be understood that such great wealth could only have been acquired by unlawful means. They did not hesitate to say and write that he possessed more than four millions sterling. Although I have not condescended up to now to reply to calumnies which have appeared in newspapers, there is no reason why I should not give you, for your personal information, the precise facts and figures.

At his death my father left a fortune of £155,000, having settled upon my mother during his lifetime a personal fortune amounting to an equal sum. Thus the four millions, at which the most moderate estimators valued what he possessed, were not in reality more than about £300,000. This is a fact which can easily be verified, for the Deed of Partition of his inheritance—there being children who were minors among the heirs—was registered at the Mixed Tribunal at Cairo.

It is equally easy to show the sources from which this fortune was derived. It consisted of donations, which he had received from the Khedive in recompense for services rendered, and of an exceptionally fortunate investment of a part of these donations.

By the résumé which I have given of his career, you will see the importance of the services he rendered to his country and the results obtained by his various negotiations. The Khedive did not fail to recompense him, as he had recompensed others of his Ministers, and as the British Parliament has recently done for Lord Cromer by voting him a donation of £50,000. Thus he received, upon the successful result of the negotiations relating to the Suez Canal, the Firman of 1867 and the Judicial Reform, various recompenses consisting of sums of money, of a property of nine hundred acres, and of a house in Alexandria—the whole being of the value of about £80,000.

My father had the fortunate inspiration, at the creation of the Cairo Water Company, of which he was President, to invest an important part of this sum, £25,000, in shares of the Company; and this investment alone sufficed to raise his fortune to the sum I have indicated, for it is a matter of public knowledge that the Cairo Water Company's shares had gone up to ten times their value at the date of Nubar Pasha's death.

I will end by begging you to excuse my having written you so long a letter, but your offer of rectification proves your anxiety to be impartial and has authorized my doing so. Thanking you in advance, therefore, for the corrections which my information will enable you to make, I beg you will accept, Sir, etc.,

Boghos Nubar.

Note.—I am glad to have obtained Boghos Pasha's permission to publish the whole of this interesting letter, and regret that I cannot, at the late date of my receiving it, make any alteration in the text of this edition, such as he at first suggested. I think, however, that the letter, published in full, will be found more satisfactory than a mere omission of the passages it corrects could possibly have been.

W. S. B.

APPENDIX V
Note as to the Berlin Congress.

It has been pointed out by Mr. Lucy, in the Westminster Gazette, that the account given in the text, page 34, of the quarrel between M. Waddington and Lord Salisbury, at the Berlin Congress, is manifestly incorrect, inasmuch as it was the Anglo-Russian agreement of 31st May, not the Cyprus Convention with Turkey of 4th June, that was published by the Globe newspaper through the instrumentality of Marvin, the Cyprus Convention being issued in the ordinary way. The confusion between the two instruments in the text is undeniable and needs correction. At the same time the result of as full an enquiry as I have been able to make into the affair, by a reference to contemporary documents, is not such as to make me doubt the substantial truth of the story. What seems precisely to have happened is this:

Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury, before entering the Congress, had concluded two separate agreements, both secret, regarding Ottoman affairs—the one with Russia, the other with Turkey. These while conceding something to Russia, would, they thought, conjointly secure the integrity of the Sultan's dominions on the Asiatic side against further aggression. The agreement with Russia recognized her permanent possession of Batum, but was more than counterbalanced, in their opinion, by the second Convention, unknown to the Russian Government as to the rest of the world, guaranteeing the remainder of his Asiatic dominions under English protection to the Sultan. The two treaties were drafted at the Foreign Office almost simultaneously, and by accident or negligence that with Russia became known, the very day it was signed, to M. Charles Marvin, a poor journalist and teacher of languages, who had been taken on as extra Writer for his knowledge of Russian in the Treaty Department at the Foreign Office. Marvin, who was wretchedly underpaid at the rate of tenpence an hour, had been intrusted with the copying of the agreement, and yielded to the temptation of betraying a summary of it to his employers in the Press. This was on the 31st May, a fortnight before the Congress met.

For some days after this Marvin seems to have remained on unsuspected at the Foreign Office, it being imagined at first that it was perhaps Count Schouvalof himself, the Russian ambassador in London, who had given the information to the Press. Later, seeing that the summary was no more than a summary, and had appeared in one newspaper only, the Globe, it was resolved to deny it; and Lord Salisbury had little difficulty in persuading the House of Lords and the country that it lacked authenticity. In answer to a question put to him about it by Lord Grey, Lord Salisbury declared roundly "the statement to which the noble Earl refers, and other statements that have been made that I have seen, are wholly unauthenticated and are not deserving of the confidence of your Lordship's House."

Nevertheless, the incident raised a suspicion of England's good faith abroad, and, doubtless was the cause of the declaration, mentioned in the text, being demanded of the Ambassadors at the first sitting of the Congress. This must have been subscribed to by Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury on the 13th June, the other dates being:

The Agreement with Russia, signed in London, 31st May.

The Globe summary, published in the evening of the same day, 31st May.

Lord Salisbury's denial in the House of Lords, 3rd June.

First sitting of the Berlin Congress, 13th June.

Publication by the Globe of the full text of the Agreement, on evening of 14th June.

Lord Beaconsfield's and Lord Salisbury's discomfiture must consequently have been still more sudden than in my account of it when the news became public property at Berlin on the 15th; and doubtless the sensation caused there was primarily on account of the Agreement, not of the Convention, which latter was not published till 8th July. All the same I still adhere to my recollection of the letter shown me at Simla that it was the Cyprus Convention that was the main cause of M. Waddington's resentment, and of Lord Salisbury's concession to him about Tunis and the rest. That it was so is confirmed to me by a passage in my diary of 1884, when, being at Constantinople and having just had a conversation with Count Corti on the subject, I made the following entry. It must be remembered that the Count had been Italian ambassador at the Berlin Congress, and was actually ambassador to the Sultan at the date of the conversation; nor was he other than a friendly witness, for he was always regarded as an Anglomane and ally of our British diplomacy.

"October 26. Count Corti came to take us in a steam launch to Therapia. We had luncheon with the Wyndhams, and called on the Noailles (at the English and French Embassies).... On our way back to Constantinople Count Corti entertained us with stories of the Berlin Congress and of Lord Salisbury's antics there. Disraeli and Salisbury had gone there quite on their high horse to curb the territorial ambitions of Russia, and the publication of the secret convention for the acquisition of Cyprus was a great shock to everybody. Salisbury broke it gently to Waddington before the news was published, and Waddington consulted his colleagues, it being generally agreed that there was no middle course between going to war and saying nothing. 'Il faut la guerre ou se taire.' But the publication was a great blow to Disraeli, who took to his bed and did not appear for four or five days. Lord Salisbury, however, brazened it out, and came to the Congress with an air of defiance. There was no rupture between him and Waddington, and they remained on apparently friendly terms, but Waddington had his revenge. He was sitting one day with Salisbury, and, the conversation leading that way, Waddington asked what the English Government would say to France taking Tunis, and Salisbury said he did not see the harm. Whereupon Waddington communicated this to Paris, and on his return the French ambassador in London was instructed to write to Lord Salisbury reminding him of his words. Thus Salisbury was caught. 'But,' said Corti, 'if he had known anything of his business he would have declined to answer the note officially and would have pleaded a private conversation.' He did not believe that any arrangement of condominium was come to between Salisbury and Waddington at that time, though I told him, without mentioning names, of the letter Lytton had shown me. Corti is interesting diplomatically, as he has been to more congresses than any man in Europe."

This entry, which is a contemporary record of Count Corti's recollection of the incident, five years after it happened, shows that the two secret agreements had remained closely connected in his mind as the cause of Waddington's displeasure. They certainly were present in the Duke of Richmond's mind when, representing the Foreign Office on 17th June, in answer to a further question about the authenticity of the full text of the Anglo-Russian Agreement, he said "as an explanation of the policy of Her Majesty's Government it is incomplete and therefore inaccurate," for this incompleteness can only be understood as an allusion to the Cyprus Convention in 1878, and the seizure of Tunis by France in 1881, which after all is the important matter. Some day, no doubt, the whole incident will be made clear by a publication of the secret records at the Foreign Office or at the Quai d'Orsay. In the meantime we may accept it as probable that, finding the Russian Agreement divulged, Lord Salisbury resolved to make a clean breast also of the other Agreement, and, in Count Corti's words, broke gently to M. Waddington the existence also of a Convention with Turkey. One thing I am certain of in my recollection, that the letter shown me at Simla described the quarrel and the terms obtained in the reconciliation with M. Waddington.

The Cyprus Convention was published in London on the 9th July, having been signed on the 4th June, but there is evidence of its having been in Lord Beaconsfield's thoughts at least three months earlier, for Lord Derby, speaking in the Lords, 18th July, gave it as his reason for leaving the Cabinet in March that the policy of the Government had become such, that it was already, at that date, being considered necessary "to seize and occupy the island of Cyprus."

W. S. B.

APPENDIX VI
THE WIND AND THE WHIRLWIND

A Poem by Wilfrid Scawen Blunt
Published 1883

I

I have a thing to say. But how to say it?
 I have a cause to plead. But to what ears?
 How shall I move a world by lamentation—
 A world which heeded not a Nation's tears?
How shall I speak of justice to the aggressors,—
 Of right to Kings whose rights include all wrong,—
 Of truth to Statecraft, true but in deceiving,—
 Of peace to Prelates, pity to the Strong?
Where shall I find a hearing? In high places?
 The voice of havock drowns the voice of good.
 On the throne's steps? The elders of the nation
 Rise in their ranks and call aloud for blood.
Where? In the street? Alas for the world's reason!
 Not Peers not Priests alone this deed have done.
 The clothes of those high Hebrews stoning Stephen
 Were held by all of us,—ay every one.
Yet none the less I speak. Nay, here by Heaven
 This task at least a poet best may do,—
 To stand alone against the mighty many,
 To force a hearing for the weak and few.
Unthanked, unhonoured,—yet a task of glory,—
 Not in his day, but in an age more wise,
 When those poor Chancellors have found their portion
 And lie forgotten in their dust of lies.
And who shall say that this year's cause of freedom
 Lost on the Nile has not as worthy proved
 Of poet's hymning as the cause which Milton
 Sang in his blindness or which Dante loved?
The fall of Guelph beneath the spears of Valois,
 Freedom betrayed, the Ghibelline restored,
 —Have we not seen it, we who caused this anguish,
 Exile and fear proscription and the sword?
Or shall God less avenge in their wild valley
 Where they lie slaughtered those poor sheep whose fold
 In the gray twilight of our wrath we harried
 To serve the worshippers of stocks and gold?
This fails. That finds its hour. This fights. That falters.
 Greece is stamped out beneath a Wolseley's heels.
 Or Egypt is avenged of her long mourning,
 And hurls her Persians back to their own keels.
'Tis not alone the victor who is noble.
 'Tis not alone the wise man who is wise.
 There is a voice of sorrow in all shouting,
 And shame pursues not only him who flies.
To fight and conquer—'tis the boast of heroes.
 To fight and fly—of this men do not speak.
 Yet shall there come a day when men shall tremble
 Rather than do misdeeds upon the weak,—
—A day when statesmen baffled in their daring
 Shall rather fear to wield the sword in vain
 Than to give back their charge to a hurt nation,
 And own their frailties, and resign their reign,—
—A day of wrath when all fame shall remember
 Of this year's work shall be the fall of one
 Who, standing foremost in her paths of virtue,
 Bent a fool's knee at War's red altar stone.
And left all virtue beggared in his falling,
 A sign to England of new griefs to come,
 Her priest of peace who sold his creed for glory
 And marched to carnage at the tuck of drum.
Therefore I fear not. Rather let this record
 Stand of the past, ere God's revenge shall chase
 From place to punishment His sad vicegerents
 Of power on Earth.—I fling it in their face.

II

I have a thing to say. But how to say it?
 Out of the East a twilight had been born.
 It was not day. Yet the long night was waning,
 And the spent nations watched it less forlorn.
Out of the silence of the joyless ages
 A voice had spoken, such as the first bird
 Speaks to the woods, before the morning wakens,—
 And the World starting to its feet had heard.
Men hailed it as a prophecy. Its utterance
 Was in that tongue divine the Orient knew.
 It spoke of hope. Men hailed it as a brother's.
 It spoke of happiness. Men deemed it true.
There in the land of Death, where toil is cradled,
 That tearful Nile, unknown to Liberty,
 It spoke in passionate tones of human freedom,
 And of those rights of Man which cannot die,—
—Till from the cavern of long fear, whose portals
 Had backward rolled, and hardly yet aloud,
 Men prisoned stole like ghosts and joined the chorus,
 And chaunted trembling, each man in his shroud.
Justice and peace, the brotherhood of nations,—
 Love and goodwill of all mankind to man,—
 These were the words they caught and echoed strangely,
 Deeming them portions of some Godlike plan,—
A plan thus first to their own land imparted.
 They did not know the irony of Fate,
 The mockery of man's freedom, and the laughter
 Which greets a brother's love from those that hate.
Oh for the beauty of hope's dreams! The childhood
 Of that old land, long impotent in pain,
 Cast off its slough of sorrow with its silence,
 And laughed and shouted and grew new again.
And in the streets, where still the shade of Pharaoh
 Stalked in his sons, the Mamelukian horde,
 Youth greeted youth with words of exultation
 And shook his chains and clutched as for a sword.
Student and merchant,—Jew, and Copt, and Moslem,—
 All whose scarred backs had bent to the same rod,—
 Fired with one mighty thought, their feuds forgotten,
 Stood hand in hand and praising the same God.

III

I have a thing to say. But how to say it?
 As in the days of Moses in the land,
 God sent a man of prayer before his people
 To speak to Pharaoh, and to loose his hand.
Injustice, that hard step-mother of heroes,
 Had taught him justice. Him the sight of pain
 Moved into anger, and the voice of weeping
 Made his eyes weep as for a comrade slain.
A soldier in the bands of his proud masters
 It was his lot to serve. But of his soul
 None owned allegiance save the Lord of Armies.
 No worship from his God's might him cajole.
Strict was his service. In the law of Heaven
 He comfort took and patient under wrong.
 And all men loved him for his heart unquailing,
 And for the words of pity on his tongue.
Knowledge had come to him in the night-watches,
 And strength with fasting, eloquence with prayer.
 He stood a Judge from God before the strangers,
 The one just man among his people there.
Strongly he spoke: "Now, Heaven be our witness!
 Egypt this day has risen from her sleep.
 She has put off her mourning and her silence.
 It was no law of God that she should weep.
"It was no law of God nor of the Nations
 That in this land, alone of the fair Earth,
 The hand that sowed should reap not of its labour,
 The heart that grieved should profit not of mirth.
"How have we suffered at the hands of strangers,
 Binding their sheaves, and harvesting their wrath!
 Our service has been bitter, and our wages
 Hunger and pain and nakedness and drouth.
"Which of them pitied us? Of all our princes,
 Was there one Sultan listened to our cry?
 Their palaces we built, their tombs, their temples.
 What did they build but tombs for Liberty?
"To live in ignorance, to die by service;
 To pay our tribute and our stripes receive:
 This was the ransom of our toil in Eden,
 This, and our one sad liberty—to grieve.
"We have had enough of strangers and of princes
 Nursed on our knees and lords within our house.
 The bread which they have eaten was our children's,
 For them the feasting and the shame for us.
"The shadow of their palaces, fair dwellings
 Built with our blood and kneaded with our tears,
 Darkens the land with darkness of Gehennem,
 The lust, the crime, the infamy of years.
"Did ye not hear it? From those muffled windows
 A sound of women rises and of mirth.
 These are our daughters—ay our sons—in prison,
 Captives to shame with those who rule the Earth.
"The silent river by those gardens lapping
 To-night receives its burden of new dead,
 A man of age sent home with his lord's wages,
 Stones to his feet, a grave-cloth to his head.
"Walls infamous in beauty, gardens fragrant
 With rose and citron and the scent of blood.
 God shall blot out the memory of all laughter,
 Rather than leave you standing where you stood.
"We have had enough of princes and of strangers,
 Slaves that were Sultans, eunuchs that were kings,
 The shame of Sodom is on all their faces.
 The curse of Cain pursues them, and it clings.
"Is there no virtue? See the pale Greek smiling.
 Virtue for him is as a tale of old.
 Which be his gods? The cent. per cent. in silver.
 His God of gods? The world's creator, Gold.
"The Turk that plunders and the Frank that panders,
 These are our lords who ply with lust and fraud.
 The brothel and the winepress and the dancers
 Are gifts unneeded in the lands of God.
"We need them not. We heed them not. Our faces
 Are turned to a new Kebla, a new truth,
 Proclaimed by the one God of all the nations
 To save His people and renew their youth.
"A truth which is of knowledge and of reason;
 Which teaches men to mourn no more and live;
 Which tells them of things good as well as evil,
 And gives what Liberty alone can give,
"The counsel to be strong, the will to conquer,
 The love of all things just and kind and wise,
 Freedom for slaves, fair rights for all as brothers,
 The triumph of things true, the scorn of lies.
"Oh men, who are my brethren, my soul's kindred!
 That which our fathers dreamed of as a dream,
 The sun of peace and justice, has arisen
 And God shall work in you His perfect scheme.
"The rulers of your Earth shall cease deceiving,
 The men of usury shall fly your land.
 Your princes shall be numbered with your servants,
 And peace shall guide the sword in your right hand.
"You shall become a nation with the nations.
 Lift up your voices, for the night is past.
 Stretch forth your hands. The hands of the free peoples
 Have beckoned you—the youngest and the last.
"And in the brotherhood of Man reposing,
 Joined to their hopes and nursed in their new day,
 The anguish of the years shall be forgotten
 And God, with these, shall wipe your tears away."

IV

I have a thing to say. But how to say it?
 How shall I tell the mystery of guile—
 The fraud that fought—the treason that disbanded—
 The gold that slew the children of the Nile?
The ways of violence are hard to reckon,
 And men of right grow feeble in their will,
 And Virtue of her sons has been forsaken,
 And men of peace have turned aside to kill.
How shall I speak of them, the priests of Baal,
 The men who sowed the wind for their ill ends?
 The reapers of the whirlwind in that harvest
 Were all my countrymen, were some my friends.
Friends, countrymen and lovers of fair freedom—
 Souls to whom still my soul laments and cries.
 I would not tell the shame of your false dealings,
 Save for the blood which clamours to the skies.
A curse on Statecraft, not on you my Country!
 The men you slew were not more foully slain
 Than was your honour at their hands you trusted.
 They died, you conquered,—both alike in vain.
Crime finds accomplices, and Murder weapons.
 The ways of Statesmen are an easy road.
 All swords are theirs, the noblest with the neediest.
 And those who serve them best are men of good.
What need to blush, to trifle with dissembling?
 A score of honest tongues anon shall swear.
 Blood flows. The Senate's self shall spread its mantle
 In the world's face, nor own a Cæsar there.
"Silence! Who spoke?" "The voice of one disclosing
 A truth untimely." "With what right to speak?
 Holds he the Queen's commission?" "No, God's only."
 A hundred hands shall smite him on the cheek.
The "truth" of Statesmen is the thing they publish,
 Their "falsehood" the thing done they do not say,
 Their "honour" what they win from the world's trouble,
 Their "shame" the "ay" which reasons with their "nay."
Alas for Liberty, alas for Egypt!
 What chance was yours in this ignoble strife?
 Scorned and betrayed, dishonoured and rejected,
 What was there left you but to fight for life?
The men of honour sold you to dishonour.
 The men of truth betrayed you with a kiss.
 Your strategy of love too soon outplotted,
 What was there left you of your dreams but this?
You thought to win a world by your fair dealing,
 To conquer freedom with no drop of blood.
 This was your crime. The world knows no such reasoning.
 It neither bore with you nor understood.
Your Pharaoh with his chariots and his dancers,
 Him they could understand as of their kin.
 He spoke in their own tongue and as their servant,
 And owned no virtue they could call a sin.
They took him for his pleasure and their purpose.
 They fashioned him as clay to their own pride.
 His name they made a cudgel to your hurting,
 His treachery a spear-point to your side.
They knew him, and they scorned him and upheld him.
 They strengthened him with honours and with ships.
 They used him as a shadow for seditions.
 They stabbed you with the lying of his lips.
Sad Egypt! Since that night of misadventure
 Which slew your first-born for your Pharaoh's crime,
 No plague like this has God decreed against you,
 No punishment of all foredoomed in Time.

V

I have a thing to say. Oh how to say it!
 One summer morning, at the hour of prayer,
 And in the face of Man and Man's high Maker,
 The thunder of their cannon rent the air.
The flames of death were on you and destruction.
 A hail of iron on your heads they poured.
 You fought, you fell, you died until the sunset;
 And then you fled forsaken of the Lord.
I care not if you fled. What men call courage
 Is the least noble thing of which they boast.
 Their victors always are great men of valour.
 Find me the valour of the beaten host!
It may be you were cowards. Let them prove it,—
 What matter? Were you women in the fight,
 Your courage were the greater that a moment
 You steeled your weakness in the cause of right.
Oh I would rather fly with the first craven
 Who flung his arms away in your good cause,
 Than head the hottest charge by England vaunted
 In all the record of her unjust wars.
Poor sheep! they scattered you. Poor slaves! they bowed you.
 You prayed for your dear lives with your mute hands.
 They answered you with laughter and with shouting,
 And slew you in your thousands on the sands.
They led you with arms bound to your betrayer—
 His slaves, they said, recaptured for his will.
 They bade him to take heart and fill his vengeance.
 They gave him his lost sword that he might kill.
They filled for him his dungeons with your children.
 They chartered him new gaolers from strange shores.
 The Arnaout and the Cherkess for his minions,
 Their soldiers for the sentries at his doors.
He plied you with the whip, the rope, the thumb-screw.
 They plied you with the scourging of vain words
 He sent his slaves, his eunuchs, to insult you.
 They sent you laughter on the lips of Lords.
They bound you to the pillar of their firmans.
 They placed for sceptre in your hand a pen.
 They cast lots for the garments of your treaties,
 And brought you naked to the gaze of men.
They called on your High Priest for your death mandate.
 They framed indictments on you from your laws.
 For him men loved they offered a Barabbas.
 They washed their hands and found you without cause.
They scoffed at you and pointed in derision,
 Crowned with their thorns and nailed upon their tree.
 And at your head their Pilate wrote the inscription—
 "This is the land restored to Liberty."
Oh insolence of strength! Oh boast of wisdom!
 Oh poverty in all things truly wise!
 Thinkest thou, England, God can be outwitted
 For ever thus by him who sells and buys?
Thou sellest the sad nations to their ruin.
 What hast thou bought? The child within the womb,
 The son of him thou slayest to thy hurting,
 Shall answer thee "an Empire for thy tomb."
Thou hast joined house to house for thy perdition.
 Thou hast done evil in the name of right.
 Thou hast made bitter sweet and the sweet bitter,
 And called light darkness and the darkness light.
Thou art become a bye-word for dissembling,
 A beacon to thy neighbours for all fraud.
 Thy deeds of violence men count and reckon.
 Who takes the sword shall perish by the sword.
Thou hast deserved men's hatred. They shall hate thee.
 Thou hast deserved men's fear. Their fear shall kill.
 Thou hast thy foot upon the weak. The weakest
 With his bruised head shall strike thee on the heel.
Thou wentest to this Egypt for thy pleasure.
 Thou shalt remain with her for thy sore pain.
 Thou hast possessed her beauty. Thou wouldst leave her.
 Nay. Thou shalt lie with her as thou hast lain.
She shall bring shame upon thy face with all men.
 She shall disease thee with her grief and fear.
 Thou shalt grow sick and feeble in her ruin.
 Thou shalt repay her to the last sad tear.
Her kindred shall surround thee with strange clamours,
 Dogging thy steps till thou shalt loathe their din.
 The friends thou hast deceived shall watch in anger.
 Thy children shall upbraid thee with thy sin.
All shall be counted thee a crime,—thy patience
 With thy impatience. Thy best thought shall wound.
 Thou shalt grow weary of thy work thus fashioned,
 And walk in fear with eyes upon the ground.
The Empire thou didst build shall be divided.
 Thou shalt be weighed in thine own balances
 Of usury to peoples and to princes,
 And be found wanting by the world and these.
They shall possess the lands by thee forsaken
 And not regret thee. On their seas no more
 Thy ships shall bear destruction to the nations,
 Or thy guns thunder on a fenceless shore.
Thou hast no pity in thy day of triumph.
 These shall not pity thee. The world shall move
 On its high course and leave thee to thy silence,
 Scorned by the creatures that thou couldst not love.
Thy Empire shall be parted, and thy kingdom.
 At thy own doors a kingdom shall arise,
 Where freedom shall be preached and the wrong righted
 Which thy unwisdom wrought in days unwise.
Truth yet shall triumph in a world of justice.
 This is of faith. I swear it. East and west
 The law of Man's progression shall accomplish
 Even this last great marvel with the rest.
Thou wouldst not further it. Thou canst not hinder.
 If thou shalt learn in time thou yet shalt live.
 But God shall ease thy hand of its dominion,
 And give to these the rights thou wouldst not give.
The nations of the East have left their childhood.
 Thou art grown old. Their manhood is to come;
 And they shall carry on Earth's high tradition
 Through the long ages when thy lips are dumb,
Till all shall be wrought out. O Lands of weeping.
 Lands watered by the rivers of old Time,
 Ganges and Indus and the streams of Eden,
 Yours is the future of the world sublime.
Yours was the fount of man's first inspiration,
 The well of wisdom whence he earliest drew.
 And yours shall be the flood time of his reason,
 The stream of strength which shall his strength renew.
The wisdom of the West is but a madness,
 The fret of shallow waters in their bed.
 Yours is the flow, the fulness of Man's patience
 The ocean of God's rest inherited.
And thou too, Egypt, mourner of the nations,
 Though thou hast died to-day in all men's sight,
 And though upon thy cross with thieves thou hangest,
 Yet shall thy wrong be justified in right.
'Twas meet one man should die for the whole people.
 Thou wert the victim chosen to retrieve
 The sorrows of the Earth with full deliverance.
 And, as thou diest these shall surely live.
Thy prophets have been scattered through the cities.
 The seed of martyrdom thy sons have sown
 Shall make of thee a glory and a witness
 In all men's hearts held captive with thine own.
Thou shalt not be forsaken in thy children.
 Thy righteous blood shall fructify the Earth.
 The virtuous of all lands shall be thy kindred,
 And death shall be to thee a better birth.
Therefore I do not grieve. Oh hear me, Egypt!
 Even in death thou art not wholly dead.
 And hear me, England! Nay. Thou needs must hear me.
 I had a thing to say. And it is said.

THE END