CHAPTER I
[1] Prutz, p. lxx.
[2] See Bolingbroke’s Chamberlain’s Accounts, Prutz, 99; Expeditions of Derby, 107. William of Worcester, ii. 443, gives the date of Humphrey’s birth as 1390. Holkham MS., p. 7, ventures on the entirely imaginary date of June 3, 1393.
[3] See Doyle, ii. 317, and under the title ‘Hereford.’
[4] Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various), Bundle i. No. 6.
[5] Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various), Bundle iv. No. 1.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Elmham, Vita, 5.
[8] See Anstis, Order of the Bath (Observations Introductory).
[9] Liberatio Pannorum in Magna Garderoba, printed in Anstis, Order of the Bath, 22. Cf. Fabyan, 565; Holinshed, iii. 3.
[10] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 45. Cf. Froissart’s Chronicle, Book iv. C. 16.
[11] Gregory, 102; Fabyan, 565.
[12] Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV., Part iv. m. 7; Add. MS. 15,664, f. 15.
[13] Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV., Part viii. m. 1.
[14] Ibid., Part v. m. 24.
[15] Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancers, Roll xi. m. 12, printed in Wylie, iv. 219.
[16] Chron. Henry IV., 7, 8; Annales Henrici Quarti, 323-330; Lond. Chron., 86; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 243-245; Higden, f. 150vo; Chronique des Pays Bas, 316-325.
[17] Rot. Pat., 2 Henry IV., Part ii. m. 22.
[18] See Cal. Rot. Pat., 245-249, 251, 256; Rot. Parl., iii. 670.
[19] Queen’s Remem. Ward. Acct., printed in Wylie, iv. 205; Devon, Issue Roll, 294.
[20] Waurin, ii. 61.
[21] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 258; Gregory, 103; Elmham, Vita, 7.
[22] Beltz, p. clv. Humphrey’s name occurs as a creation of Henry IV. in the list in Ashmole, Order of the Garter, 506.
[23] Anstis, Order of the Garter, i. 14.
[24] Beltz, p. clv.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Rymer, IV. i. 76.
[27] Ibid., IV. i. 106; cf. Chron. Henry IV., 49.
[28] Capgrave, Chron. of Eng., 292; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 274; Chron. Henry IV., 49.
[29] Leland, Collectanea, vi. 300, 301.
[30] Duc. Lanc. Accounts (Various), Bundle iv. No. 1.
[31] Ibid.; Receiver Gen. Rec., 1 Henry IV. Holkham MS., p. 7, says that Humphrey was ‘instructed in the fundamentals of good literature’ by Sir Lewis Clifford, but there is no known authority for this statement.
[32] Bale (1559 edition), 583. He does not mention it in his 1548 edition, which seems to imply that he was using some newly acquired authority, though of course implicit confidence cannot be placed in the statement. Leland, Commentarii, 422, follows Bale’s later statements.
[33] Rymer, iv. ii. 14, 15.
[34] Waurin, ii. 162.
[35] May 7, 1413. Rot. Pat., 1 Henry V., Part iii. m. 44.
[36] Such at least were the duties of the Chamberlain under Edward IV.; Ordinances of the Household, 29.
[37] Rot. Pat., 1 Henry V., Part v. m. 8.
[38] Ibid., Part iv. m. 4.
[39] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 297.
[40] Rot. Pat., 6 Henry IV., Part i. m. 25.
[41] Rot. Parl., iv. 17, 443.
[42] Ibid., iv. 270.
[43] Ibid., iv. 17.
[44] Ibid., iv. 24.
[45] Basin, i. 5, 6; St. Rémy also hints this.
[46] The original MS. of this treaty is preserved at Dijon. See De Beaucourt, i. 132, 133.
[47] Des Ursins, 502.
[48] Rymer, IV. i. 77, 79, 80; Des Ursins, 500.
[49] Des Ursins, 500.
[50] See St. Rémy, 586.
[51] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 305; St. Rémy, 387, 388; St. Denys, v. 499.
[52] Ordinances, ii. 153.
[53] Memorials of London, 604, 605, document printed from the City of London Letter Book, i. f. cl. London lent Henry 10,000 marks, Rymer, IV. ii. 141.
[54] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 114; Lydgate’s poem printed in Lond. Chron., Appendix, p. 216.
[55] Monstrelet, 361, 362; St. Denys, v. 501.
[56] An earlier embassy to France had reported that the French were behaving treacherously (Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 301), whilst these French envoys reported on their return that Henry had never meant to come to terms (St. Denys, v. 531-533). Such distrust of each other’s intentions made an agreement impossible.
[57] Monstrelet, 363; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 305; St. Denys, v. 513-525; St. Rémy, 387, 388; Redmayne, 32-37.
[58] Holkham MS., p. 13, ascribes the discovery of the conspiracy to the ‘prudence and careful circumspection’ of Gloucester.
[59] Edmund, Earl of March, was the grandson of Philippa, daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III., and so had a claim to the throne of England as a descendant of that King by an elder line than Henry V., who claimed through John of Gaunt, the younger brother of Lionel, Duke of Clarence.
[60] St. Rémy. 389.
[61] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 306, 307.
[62] Rot. Parl., iv. 65; Stowe, 346, 347.
[63] Rot. Parl., iv. 66. Probably the Duke of York was made to serve in order to minimise the dynastic aspect of the plot.
[64] Eng. Chron., 40. See also Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 305-307; Redmayne, 41. Certain hitherto unused matter with regard to this conspiracy is to be found in the Deputy Keeper’s Forty-third Report, 579-594.
[65] Rot. Parl., iv. 64.
[66] Gesta, 13; Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 307. Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 2, says there were only three hundred and twenty sail.
[67] Elmham, Vita, 35.
[68] For discussion of probable number of army, see Ramsay, i. 200, and Kingsford, 137, note.
[69] Rot. Parl., iv. 320.
[70] Ordinances, iii. 9.
[71] Hunter’s Tracts, i. 21, 22.
[72] Printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 373.
[73] Ordinances, v. 26.
[74] Hunter’s Tracts, i. 21, 22.
[75] Nicholas’s Agincourt, 333-336.
[76] Hunter’s Tracts, i. 22.
[77] Gesta, 13; Elmham, Vita, 36, 37.
[78] Elmham, Vita, 40.
[79] Gesta, 15; Hardyng’s Journal, 389.
[80] So at least says St. Denys, v. 535.
[81] Elmham, Vita, 37-39; Gesta, 15; Livius, 8; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 307; Hardyng’s Journal, 389.
[82] Gesta, 15, 19; Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Elmham, Vita, 38, 39; St. Denys, v. 537; Delpit, Doc. Fr., 217, No. CCCXXIX.
[83] Livius, 8.
[84] Gesta, 16, 17.
[85] Elmham, Vita, 38-41; Gesta, 20; Livius, 9; Hardyng’s Journal, 389.
[86] Elmham, Vita, 42; Livius, 10.
[87] Elmham, Vita, 42. Livius, 9, says that Gloucester was given control over the whole siege. He is followed by Stow, 348. This, however, is very improbable.
[88] Elmham, Vita, 42.
[89] Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Elmham, Vita, 43.
[90] St. Denys, v. 537; Gesta, 21.
[91] Gesta, 22, 24, 25; Hardyng’s Journal, 389; Livius, 10; Waurin, ii 184.
[92] Gesta, 26.
[93] Epist. Acad., 237. For a short account of Ægidius de Columna (Romanus), who lived from 1296 to 1316, see W. Cave, Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria (Oxford, 1743), ii. 340.
[94] Cambridge University Library MS., Ee. 2. 17.
[95] Gesta, 23, 24.
[96] Ibid., 27.
[97] Ibid., 28.
[98] Gesta, 29-32; Elmham, Vita, 46, 47; Hardyng’s Journal, 390; Delpit, Doc. Fr., 217, No. CCCXXIX.
[99] St. Denys, v. 542.
[100] St. Rémy, 391. The two castles at the mouth of the harbour held out for two more days; Waurin, ii. 187.
[101] ‘Le souverain port de toute Northmandie, et le plus prouffitable pour leur guerre mener en ce quartier’; Waurin, ii. 184.
[102] Monstrelet, 367. Elmham, Vita, 44, denies the scarcity of provisions.
[103] Gesta, 26, 27, 31.
[104] Waurin, ii. 187; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 309. The Earls of March and Arundel and the Earl Marshal also returned home.
[105] Delpit, Doc. Fr., 217, No. CCCXXIX.; Livius, 11.
[106] Livius, 10.
[107] Gesta, 34; St. Rémy, 391. Complaint of the Sieur de Gaucourt printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, App. VI. p. 25.
[108] Rymer, IV. ii. 147.
[109] Gesta, 36, which, however, gives October 7 in another place. Hardyng gives October 1, but he is a week too early all through. Waurin, ii. 188, says the English stopped a fortnight at Harfleur.
[110] So Gesta, 36; Hardyng’s Journal, 390; but Waurin, ii. 188, gives 2000 lances and 14,000 archers, an absurd estimate. See Nicholas’s Agincourt, 78, where it is concluded that Henry had between six and nine thousand men.
[111] Roll of men at Agincourt printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 336.
[112] Gesta, 36; Livius, 11, 12.
[113] Waurin, ii. 188.
[114] Gesta, 37; Elmham, Vita, 52: Livius, 13.
[115] Gesta, 39; Hardyng’s Journal, 390; Waurin, ii. 191; Monstrelet, 371.
[116] St. Rémy, 393. Cf. Waurin, ii, 191.
[117] Gesta, 42. Stow, 349, attributes these stakes to the forethought of the Duke of York.
[118] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 310.
[119] Gesta, 43, 44; St. Rémy, 393; Waurin, ii. 193; Monstrelet, 371.
[120] Livius, 14; Elmham, Vita, 54, 55; Waurin, ii. 195; Gesta, 45.
[121] Monstrelet, 373; St. Rémy, 396; Elmham, Vita, 58, 59.
[122] Gesta, 47; Livius, 16; St. Rémy, 396.
[123] St. Rémy, 397, 399.
[124] Des Ursins, 518.
[125] Waurin, ii. 211; St. Rémy, 399; Gesta, 49.
[126] Monstrelet, 369; St. Rémy, 395. For the letters which passed between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France at this time, see Des Ursins, 510-518.
[127] Gesta, 50; St. Rémy, 397; Redmayne, 43.
[128] St. Rémy. 400.
[129] Gesta, 50; Basin, i. 20.
[130] St. Rémy, 398. Cf. Des Ursins, 520.
[131] Des Ursins, 518.
[132] Gesta, 52; St. Rémy, 400.
[133] Gesta, 53; St. Rémy, 400.
[134] Livius, 20; Gesta, 59.
[135] Polit. Songs, ii. 125. This poem is also printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 281.
[136] Dux incautius, Livius, 20. Indiscreet hardiness, Holkham MS., p. 14.
[137] Livius, 20; Elmham, Vita, 67; Gesta, 59; Redmayne, 47. Cf. Stow, 350; Holkham MS., p. 15.
[138] Gesta, 55; Livius, 20; Elmham, Vita, 68; St. Rémy, 401.
[139] Gesta, 59.
[140] Poem printed in Nicholas’s Agincourt, 323, and also at the end of Lond. Chron.
[141] Holkham MS., p. 15.
[142] Gesta, 58; Basin, i. 23.
[143] Gesta, 58; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 313.
[144] St. Rémy, 402; Lond. Chron., 102; Gesta, 59; Elmham, Vita, 71. There is a long account of the entry into London in the Gesta, 61-68, and in Lydgate’s poem printed in Lond. Chron., 231-233.
CHAPTER II
[145] Gesta, 59.
[146] Cal. Rot. Pat., 265. Llanstephan had belonged to Henry Gwyn, killed on the French side at Agincourt.
[147] November 27, 1415. The actual patent of appointment is not given, but it is referred to in a later entry. Rot. Pat., 4 Henry V., m. 22.
[148] Rot. Parl., iv. 91. Bedford is mentioned as Lieutenant of England in the same document, and this definitely shows that it was of a date anterior to the King’s return.
[149] December 28, Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V., Part ii. m. 16. In the reign of Henry VI. Gloucester alludes to having the reversion of Carisbrooke and the Isle of Wight, then in the hands of the Dowager-Duchess of York (Ancient Petitions, File 85, No. 4220), so no absolute grant of this was made at this time.
[150] Jan. 27, Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V., Part ii. m. 12.
[151] See Aschbach, passim.
[152] Elmham, Vita, 74; Gesta, 76.
[153] Rymer, iv. ii. 157.
[154] Ibid., iv. ii. 157.
[155] Ordinances, ii. 195, 196.
[156] MSS. of Corporation of New Romney, Hist. MSS., Rep. v. 539.
[157] Holinshed, iii. 85. Aschbach, ii. 162, accepts the story. Windeck, Sigismund’s secretary, who might have described the incident in his Life of the Emperor, did not come over at the same time as his master, but followed a few days later. See cap. 59.
[158] Redmayne, 49, gives a variation of the story, placing the incident at Calais, and Warwick as the actor; but as Sigismund arrived there by land, this is manifestly impossible. Hall also gives it in yet another version.
[159] Windeck, cap. 59; Des Ursins, 529, 530.
[160] Lond. Chron., 103; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 118; Gesta, 75, 76; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 133; Livius, 23; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, c. iv. f. 28vo, gives May 4 as the day of arrival at Dover.
[161] Gesta, 76.
[162] Rot. Parl., iv. 95, 96.
[163] Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 118; Elmham, Liber Metricus, 134.
[164] Rymer, iv. ii. 135; Elmham, Vita, 87; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 118.
[165] Caro, Bundniss von Canterbury, 57; Aschbach, ii. 164.
[166] A detailed account of the banquet in celebration of Sigismund’s enrolment in the Order of the Garter is given in Lond. Chron., 159.
[167] Elmham, Liber Metricus, 134.
[168] Cal. of Norman Rolls, Rep. 41, App. i. 688; Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 44, App. 583.
[169] The King at first intended to lead this expedition. Memorials of London, 628; Elmham, Vita, 78, 79; Capgrave, De Illustribus Henricis, 120; Livius, 25; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 180; Rymer, iv. ii. 168. Des Ursins, 532, says that Gloucester accompanied Bedford.
[170] Windeck, cap. 60.
[171] Sigismund and his followers distributed copies of the following verses among the citizens of Calais, as a tribute to their royal reception in England: