[411] Gesta, 159, 160; Livius, 95; Elmham, Vita, 333; Chastellain, 112. According to Waurin, ii. 422, and Monstrelet, 530, the regency of England was given to the Duke of Exeter. Waurin also says that the regency of France was to devolve on the Duke of Burgundy, but if he refused, Bedford was to take his place, and this chronicler goes on to say that Bedford only undertook the office after Burgundy’s refusal to accept the post.

[412] Gesta, 160.

[413] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 344.

[414] Hall, 114.

[415] Ramsay, ii. 78.

[416] Stubbs, iii. 94.

[417] Rymer, IV. ii. 139. By this will Gloucester was left a bed and £100.

[418] Testamenta Vetusta, i. 21.

[419] Rymer, IV. iii. 8.

[420] Rymer, IV. iii. 7. Ramsay, i. 246, while allowing that no chronicler gives any reason for the breach between Henry V. and the Bishop of Winchester, suggests that it may have been due to a possible demand of the latter for some security for the money he had lent to the former. Security had been given on July 18, but there is nothing in this to explain the Chancellor’s resignation. At any rate, if these two men could not agree as to this debt, it is obvious that they had no confidence in one another.

[421] Hardyng, 391.

[422] Rymer, IV. iv. 80.

[423] Lords’ Reports, iii. 856; Ordinances, iii. 3.

[424] Ordinances, iii. 6; Rot. Parl., iv. 169; Rymer, IV. iv. 82.

[425] ‘Ad parliamentum illud finiendum et dissolvendum de assensu concilii nostri plenam commisimus potestatem.’ Ordinances, iii. 7. Stubbs thinks that it is probable that ‘de assensu concilii nostri’ alludes to the last three words, that Gloucester misconstrued the sentence, and that the Council accepted his misconstruction for their own ends (Stubbs, iii. 96, n. 3); but judging from their general attitude to Gloucester it seems more likely that the lords intended to put a check on him all along, else why introduce words which had not occurred before? It is more than possible that they wished Gloucester to accept it in the way Stubbs reads it, and at a later date to construe them to their own advantage. Gloucester’s only chance was to try to preclude this possibility. He threw his stake and lost.

[426] Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 345.

[427] Ibid., ii. 345, 346.

[428] Rymer, IV. iv. 82; Rot. Parl., iv. 170.

[429] Hardyng, 390.

[430] Delpit, Doc. Fr., No. CCCLXVII. p. 233.

[431] Rot. Parl., iv. 171, 172.

[432] Lords’ Reports, v. 192.

[433] Rot. Parl., iv. 326.

[434] Rot. Parl., iv. 174; Rymer, IV. iv. 83; Lords’ Reports, v. 192; Hall, 115; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 346.

[435] Rot. Parl., iv. 175.

[436] Rot. Parl., iv. 175; Ordinances, iii. 15, 16.

[437] Rot. Parl., iv. 178.

[438] Ordinances, iii. 18.

[439] Ibid., iii. 16, 17, 18; Rot. Parl., iv. 176.

[440] Rot. Parl., iv. 176.

[441] Polydore Vergil, 2.

[442] Hall, 115; Polydore Vergil, 2.

[443] Monstrelet, 533.

[444] Ibid., 538; Waurin, iii. 6, 7.

[445] Beckington Correspondence, i. 139-143. This document has no date, but it was evidently drawn up early in the reign. Stubbs, iii. 102, puts it as probably occurring before the Parliament at Leicester in 1426, and points to the last clause for evidence that Gloucester’s Hainault expedition was alluded to. On the other hand, this may have been dictated by a presentiment of Gloucester’s intentions in Hainault, which became evident soon after the opening of the reign, if not before. Bedford probably wanted to restrain Gloucester, and Gloucester must have desired the support of his powerful brother. There is also ample evidence that Bedford was in the hands of Beaufort in 1426, certainly till after the Parliament of Leicester, and therefore would not at that time ally himself with his brother.

[446] Ordinances, iii. 26, 27; Rymer, IV. iv. 86; Cal. Rot. Pat., 269.

[447] Ordinances, iii. 10, 15.

[448] Ibid., iii. 51.

[449] Rot. Parl., iv. 174; Cal. Rot. Pat., 269.

[450] Ordinances, iii. 69, 77.

[451] Cal. of French Rolls, Rep. 48, p. 226.

[452] Carte, ii. 250.

[453] Beltz, pp. lxi, lxii. Wardrobe accounts, however, are not always reliable.

[454] Rymer, IV. iv. 102; Rot. Parl., iv. 197; Cal. Rot. Pat., 270.

[455] London Chron., 112 and 165.

[456] Rot. Parl., iv. 200.

[457] Ibid., iv. 201. Ordinances, iii. 151, where an additional paragraph decrees that any matter of dispute between any members of the Council is to be submitted to the judgment of the rest.

[458] Rot. Parl., iv. 299.

[459] Rymer, IV. iv. 98.

[460] Chron. Henry VI., 4, 5.

[461] Rymer, IV. iv. 115. It was not long before Gloucester was remonstrating with James for giving support to the French in 1424. Polydore Vergil, 11.

[462] Later in the reign Gloucester complained that this marriage was an insidious attempt by Beaufort to increase the power of his house.

[463] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198; Rot. Parl., iv. 202.

[464] Cotton MS., Julius, B. i. f. 68.

[465] Chron. Henry VI., 6.

[466] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198^vo; Chron. Henry VI., 6.

[467] Ordinances, iii. 169. March died January 19, 1425.

CHAPTER IV

[468] Lond. Chron., 110; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 342; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 196^vo.

[469] Ordinances, iii, 10.

[470] Polydore Vergil, 5.

[471] This story is told by Wagenaar, see Beiträge, 48, 49.

[472] Chron. Henry VI., 6. Allusion to advice given by Italian clerics justifying the marriage is made in Jacqueline’s claim that Gloucester should be recognised as Regent of Hainault. Particularités Curieuses, 77. Martin V. also in a letter to his representatives in England alluded to the existence of an opinion, signed by many persons under seal, to the effect that in the question of divorce justice was on the side of Gloucester. Papal Letters, vii. 27.

[473] A Latin chronicler in the Low Countries certainly says ‘Quibus nupciis regaliter in Anglia celebratis’ (Beiträge, 16). But this cannot stand against the unanimous silence of all other contemporary writers.

[474] Cartulaire, iv. 599.

[475] Ibid., iv. 318. Also Particularités Curieuses, 58.

[476] Cartulaire, iv. 328.

[477] Beiträge, 51.

[478] Hall, 116. Stow also, wise after the event, alludes to the marriage as ‘a thing thought unreasonable’; Annales 366.

[479] Rymer, IV. iv. 90.

[480] Dec. 20, 1423. Rot. Parl., iv. 242; Lords’ Reports, v. 197, 198; Rymer, IV. iv. 103. Löher says that before the marriage of Bedford and Anne of Burgundy Humphrey had been a candidate for this lady’s hand (Löher, Jakobäa von Bayern, ii. 141). He is followed in this statement by Miss Putnam (A Mediæval Princess, 87), but I can find no authority for it. Probably it is a mistake arising from the fact of Bedford’s early candidature for the hand of Jacqueline.

[481] St. Albans Chron., i. 4, 5.

[482] Ibid., i. 66. The date given is 1423, but this is old style; cf. Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154.

[483] Waurin, iii. 24-27. The Duke of Brittany was included in this alliance.

[484] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 387. This letter is here attributed to Beaufort, but merely on presumptive evidence. It is given in fuller form in the Journal des Savants, 1899, pp. 192-194. It was sent to the Council through some English prelate, probably Beaufort.

[485] Beltz, p. lxii.

[486] The University of Paris saw the danger too, and besides the warning letter to the English Council, referred to above, had written both to Burgundy and Gloucester, urging them to keep the peace. Journal des Savants, 1899, pp. 189 and 191, 192.

[487] Cartulaire, iv. 354, 355, October 8, 1423.

[488] Ibid., iv. 341, June 16, 1423.

[489] Cartulaire, iv. 340, 341, 355, 356.

[490] Monstrelet, 551; Waurin, iii. 84.

[491] Cartulaire, iv. 368.

[492] Monstrelet, 581; Waurin, iii. 89.

[493] Cartulaire, iv. 380, 381. Jacqueline agreed to this on May 8, and Gloucester on May 28.

[494] Ibid., iv. 373, 374.

[495] Cartulaire, iv. 386-388.

[496] Ibid., iv. 109.

[497] Cartulaire, iv. 388, 389.

[498] Ibid., iv. 384-386.

[499] Ibid., iv. 391. This judgment was given on June 19, 1424.

[500] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 388, 389,

[501] Cartulaire, iv. 350.

[502] There is no evidence that he asked for it, but he certainly was not given it, else some record of it would survive.

[503] The Prior of Ely refused to lend £200; MSS. of Dean and Chapter of Ely. Hist. MSS. Rep., xii. App. IX. 395.

[504] Hist. MSS. Rep., v. 546; MSS. of Corporation of New Romney.

[505] St. Albans Chron., i. 8. This comes under 1426, but Jacqueline was not in England then. The editor changes it to 1425, and suggests that Jacqueline was over in England at that time. There is no ground for this suggestion.

[506] Cartulaire, iv. 408 find 410; Particularités Curieuses, 71.

[507] Ordinances, iii. 165; Devon, Issue Roll, 395.

[508] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 397; Beckington Correspondence, i. 281.

[509] Cartulaire, iv. 413; Particularités Curieuses, 73.

[510] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 398. Letter of one of Gloucester’s followers to Beaufort. There were other copies of this letter addressed to other English lords.

[511] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 398.

[512] Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 126-128. The terms were despatched from Paris on October 28; Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 273, 274. Stevenson attributed this document to 1434 for no good reason. Owing to delays it did not reach Gloucester till November 18; Ibid., ii. 400.

[513] Dynter, iii. 854, 855; Preuves de l’histoire de Bourgogne, iv. No. XLVI. p. 53; St. Rémy, 471.

[514] Monstrelet, 563; Waurin, iii. 129-131.

[515] Waurin, iii. 133.

[516] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, i. 279-285.

[517] Ibid., ii. 392, 393.

[518] Desplanque, Projet d’Assassinat, Preuves, pp. 57, 59.

[519] For a discussion upon these documents, see the above treatise in Mémoires couronnés par l’Académie royale de Belgique, vol. xxxii.; and also Cosneau, Richemont, 501, 502; De Beaucourt, ii. 658-660.

[520] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 399.

[521] Ibid., ii. 399; Cartulaire, iv. 418.

[522] Cartulaire, iv. 418. A letter written to Mons telling of Gloucester’s coming. This corresponds with Eberhard Windeck’s report of 4000 men (Windeck, cap. 215, p. 162). Waurin, iii. 125, says 5000. Holkham MS., p. 8, follows Stow in saying 1200. Pierre de Fénin, p. 601, also says 1200. An entry in the Registre de Mons of November 27, 1424, says Gloucester arrived near Mons with between 4000 and 5000 men (Cartulaire, iv. 420), but he had then been joined by some of the troops belonging to the Dowager-Duchess.

[523] Waurin, iii. 126; Monstrelet, 562.

[524] Kymer’s ‘Dietary,’ in Liber Niger Scaccarii, App. vol. ii. pp. 551-559.

[525] Cartulaire, iv. 418; Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564.

[526] Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Pierre de Fénin, 601.

[527] In October 1424 the Duke of Brabant had written to Mons to announce his intention of resisting Gloucester; Cartulaire, iv. 414. Resistance to Jacqueline and her husband was therefore a certainty.

[528] St. Rémy, 472.

[529] Cartulaire, iv. 419.

[530] Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[531] Cartulaire, iv. 382, 383.

[532] Ibid., iv. 407.

[533] See Ibid., iv. 81, 82.

[534] Ibid., iv. 419.

[535] Ibid., iv. 420.

[536] Registre de Mons, Cartulaire, iv. 420.

[537] It is possible that this ‘Jan Lorfevre’ is none other than the chronicler Jean Le Fevre Seigneur de St. Rémy, who was with the English army on the day of Agincourt, but of whom we know nothing more till he reappears in 1430 as an ambassador from Burgundy.

[538] Particularités Curieuses, 76, 77; Cartulaire, iv. 423; St. Rémy, 472.

[539] Cartulaire, iv. 424; Particularités Curieuses, 78.

[540] Dynter, iii. 858.

[541] Monstrelet, 564; Waurin, iii. 135.

[542] Cartulaire, iv. 425, 426.

[543] Ibid., iv. 427.

[544] Ibid., iv. 428, 430, 433.

[545] Hal is mentioned by Monstrelet and Waurin, and in an entry in the archives of Valenciennes as an exception to the rule that all the Hainault towns accepted Gloucester’s rule; but Hal was in Brabant and therefore was not called on to acknowledge the new governor of Hainault. See Waurin, iii. 135; Monstrelet, 564; Cartulaire, iv. 421.

[546] Cartulaire, iv. 437, 438. On Jan. 9 Gloucester alludes to this grant as 80,000 pounds tournois; Cartulaire, iv. 441.

[547] Chronique des Pays Bas, 387.

[548] Cartulaire, iv. 428.

[549] Ibid., iv. 434. For another protest on the same subject from the citizens of Mons, see Particularités Curieuses, 86.

[550] Particularités Curieuses, 92.

[551] Cartulaire, iv. 431.

[552] Ibid., iv. 438-440.

[553] Ibid., iv. 436, December 25, 1424.

[554] February 4, 1425, Particularités Curieuses, 86.

[555] Cartulaire, iv. 448. The letter reached Mons on February 24, 1425.

[556] Ibid., iv. 446, 447.

[557] Ibid., vi. 295; Papal Letters, vii. 29. Martin V. also wrote to the papal nuncios in England to the same effect; Papal Letters, vii. 27.

[558] Brabant received the letter on April 29, 1425; Dynter, iii. 866, 867.

[559] Letter to the Bishop of Winchester, dated January 8, 1425, in Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 416; Dynter, iii. 859.

[560] Pierre de Fénin, 601; Dynter, iii. 859.

[561] Letter as above, Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 410.

[562] Ibid., ii. 411.

[563] Monstrelet, 563, 564; St. Rémy, 471.

[564] Stowe MS., 668, f. 32^vo; Waurin, iii. 136; Monstrelet, 564.

[565] So Waurin, iii. 164; Monstrelet, 569. Pierre de Fénin, 602, gives 50,000 men, and Dynter, iii. 861, estimates the army at 60,000.

[566] Pierre de Fénin, 601.

[567] Waurin, iii. 137, 138; Monstrelet, 564; Chronique des Pays Bas, 388; Dynter, iii. 859-861.

[568] Pierre de Fénin, 602; Waurin, iii. 167.

[569] So Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165. Pierre de Fénin, 602, says the siege lasted twelve days.

[570] Dynter, iii. 861-863; Monstrelet, 569; Waurin, iii. 165-167; Pierre de Fénin, 602.

[571] Cartulaire, iv. 451; St. Rémy, 472.

[572] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 401-404. The letter is undated, but owing to its allusions to the recent invasion of Hainault, it seems to have been written at this time.

[573] Dynter, iii. 864.

[574] Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 170-174; Dynter, iii. 864. The English forces despatched to follow St. Pol are estimated at 6000 by St. Rémy, 472, 473, while the Chronicon Zanfleet in ‘Amplissima Collectio,’ v. 416, suggests that the only reason why St. Pol did not attack those who followed him was because some of the Brabant nobles in his army were in Gloucester’s pay.

[575] Monstrelet, 570; Waurin, iii. 169, 170.

[576] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 33, 34; Monstrelet, 565; Waurin, iii. 139-145; St. Rémy, 474.

[577] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 34, 35^vo; Monstrelet, 566, 567; Waurin, iii. 145-152; St. Rémy, 474.

[578] Stowe MS., 668, ff. 35, 36^vo; Monstrelet, 567, 568; Waurin, iii. 153-157; St. Rémy, 475, 476. The various authorities differ as to the dates of the letters. For the first letter the Stowe MS., Waurin, and Monstrelet have January 12, whilst St. Rémy has it as January 22. For the second letter the dates are Waurin and Stowe MS., March 13; Monstrelet, March 3; St. Rémy, March 12. For the third letter, Monstrelet and St. Rémy give March 16; Stowe MS. and Waurin, March 26. I am inclined to follow the Stowe MS. all through.

[579] Waurin, iii. 159-163; Monstrelet, 568, 569.

[580] Pierre de Fénin, 603.

[581] Waurin, iii. 161-169.

[582] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 390, 391.

[583] Waurin, iii. 175; Pierre de Fénin, 603.

[584] Particularités Curieuses, 97, 98. This demand was made on March 21.

[585] Particularités Curieuses, 99. The letter reached Mons on March 29.

[586] Dynter, iii. 864.

[587] Ibid., iii. 865.

[588] On a MS. copy of Froissart’s Chronicles—MS. français, 831, of the National Library at Paris—these words are written at the end of the text: ‘Plus leid n’y a Jaque de Baviere; la meins amée est Jaque; plus belle n’y a que my Warigny, nulle si belle que Warigny.’ The interpretation is not plain, but the inference is that Jeanne de Warigny was the object of Gloucester’s affections while he was in Hainault. This lady had married Henri de Warigny, one of Jacqueline’s esquires, in 1418, and though she was of no lineage herself, her husband came of one of the oldest families in Hainault. The MS. in which this is found once belonged to Richard, Earl of Warwick, but the writing is not in his hand. For a discussion of this matter see Kervyn de Lettenhove, Froissart, ii. 260-263, also Beiträge, 274, 275, and Putnam, A Mediæval Princess, pp. 305-309.

[589] Particularités Curieuses, 90.

[590] Pierre de Fénin, 603; St. Rémy, 476.

[591] Waurin, iii. 175; Monstrelet, 571; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 33.

[592] St. Rémy, 476; Cartulaire, iv. 549.

[593] Waurin, iii. 176; Monstrelet, 571.

[594] This date is established by a letter written by Gloucester to Jacqueline on his way home; Particularités Curieuses, 112.

[595] Chronique des Pays Bas, 388.

CHAPTER V

[596] Lond. Chron., 166.

[597] Rot. Parl., iv. 462.

[598] See Monstrelet, 575; St. Rémy, 476; Waurin, iii. 188. This last says that a demand for men and money made by Gloucester was refused.

[599] Rot. Parl., iv. 289.

[600] Ibid. iv. 267-274.

[601] Ordinances, iii. 169. The date of this gift is May 22, 1425.

[602] See the tone of Bedford’s letter to the Pope urging the divorce of Jacqueline from the Duke of Brabant. Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 388, 389.

[603] See Ashmole MS., 59, ff. 57-60, where Lydgate voices the universal sympathy for Jacqueline, and also the action of the London women below.

[604] Commonly called Lord Cobham, because both his father and grandfather had been summoned to Parliament, though he himself never was. See Nicolas, Historic Peerage, and G. E. C., Peerage, under his name. He is possibly the Reginald Cobham who commanded part of Gloucester’s retinue in 1417, and served under him in the Côtentin.

[605] Monstrelet, 571; Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[606] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198^vo. Mons had already petitioned Burgundy to take Jacqueline under his protection, that is, assume control over her. Cartulaire, iv. 465.

[607] Monstrelet says June 13, an obvious mistake. Cartulaire, iv. 475.

[608] Monstrelet, 573: Waurin, iii. 182, 183. In a letter written to Jacqueline from Calais, on his homeward journey, he had promised her to return to Hainault speedily. See Particularités Curieuses, 112.

[609] Waurin, iii. 183.

[610] Monstrelet, 574; St. Rémy, 477.

[611] Rot. Parl., iv. 277.

[612] Ibid.

[613] Monstrelet, 576, describes Burgundy’s measures, ‘tout en abstinence de sa bouche, comme en prenant peine pour lui mettre en haleine.’ See also Waurin, iii. 190; St. Rémy, 477.

[614] Monstrelet, 577.

[615] Besides the attempt to settle the dispute by arbitration before the campaign to Hainault which we have already mentioned, Bedford had been in constant communication with his brother, in the hope of bringing the incident to a close. See Stevenson’s Letters and Papers, Appendix to Introduction, 1. pp. lxxxii and lxxxv; Devon, Issue Roll, 390.

[616] This Bull was published on May 1 at Rome; Cartulaire, iv. 296. Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 412-414, gives the date as April 24.

[617] Planché, Preuves, IV. pp. lii, liii, Document No. XLVI. Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 412-414, gives the date of this decision as September 24.

[618] Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 477. Waurin, iii. 196, says that both dukes were angered at this decision.

[619] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 407-409.

[620] Monstrelet, 577; St. Rémy, 480.

[621] Dynter, iii. 465.

[622] Rastell, 258; Waurin, iii. 200-204; Fabyan, 595. Monstrelet, 578, gives the number of men as 500; Pierre de Fénin, 604, gives 1000; and St. Rémy, 480, estimates the expedition at 1500 men.

[623] Ordinances, iii. 167. The appointment is dated February 26, 1425.

[624] Beaufort himself confessed to this action of his when answering his opponent’s charges at the Parliament of Leicester; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 74^vo, 75^vo; Hall, 131, 132.

[625] Ordinances, iii. 174-177.

[626] Lond. Chron., 114; Cotton MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 34; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 72.

[627] Gregory, 159; Fabyan, 595.

[628] Gregory gives the date as September 29, but this is obviously a mistake, for Eng. Chron., 53, and Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 83, both give October 29. It was the custom at this time to elect the Mayor on the feast of St. Simon and St. Jude (October 28), but falling as it did this year on a Sunday the ceremony was postponed till the Monday. See Chronicles of London Bridge, 235. Cf. Harleian MS., 2256, f. 198^vo.

[629] Gregory, 159; Eng. Chron., 53, 54; Fabyan, 595, 596. See also Monstrelet, 578, and Chronicles of London Bridge, 235.

[630] Short Eng. Chron., 59. The authorities above cited all emphasise Gloucester’s popularity in London. For this, see also Chron. Henry VI., 7.

[631] October 31.

[632] i.e. battle.

[633] Hall, 130; Fabyan, 596; MSS. of the Duke of Sutherland, Hist. MSS. Report, v. App. p. 213. Cf. Holkham MS., p. 28.

[634] Ramsay, i. 361, asserts that Gloucester was the aggressor.

[635] Ramsay, i. 362, note 3. The suggestion that this was a commendable action, however, originates with the Bishop of Winchester himself. See Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 80.

[636] This is stated by Ramsay, i. 362, note 1, but he gives no authority for the statement, nor can I find any.

[637] Ordinances, iii. 178.

[638] Gregory, 160.

[639] Ordinances, iii. 179.

[640] Ibid., iii. 197.

[641] Ibid., iii. 210.

[642] Gregory, 160; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 200; Hall, 130.

[643] Fabyan, 596.

[644] Lords’ Reports, iv. 863.

[645] These instructions to the messengers of the Council are to be found in Ordinances, iii. 181-187. Cf. Fabyan, 596.

[646] Rot. Parl., iv. 296.

[647] Gregory, 160; Fabyan, 596.

[648] Rot. Parl., iv. 296.

[649] Ibid.

[650] Ibid., iv. 297.

[651] Ibid., iv. 298.

[652] He had accompanied Gloucester to Hainault.

[653] We find him at variance with Gloucester later. See below, pp. 230, 234.

[654] He resigned the treasurership at the same time that Beaufort resigned the chancellorship, after the judgment.

[655] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 72^vo-74; Arnold’s Chron., 287, 288; Hall, 130, 131; Fabyan, 597. There is a copy of these articles also in the MSS. of the Inner Temple, MS. 538, 17, f. 45^vo; Hist. MSS. Rep., xi. App. VII. p. 238.

[656] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 74, 75^vo; Hall, 132.

[657] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 68^vo.

[658] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 76, 77^vo; Hall, 132, 133.

[659] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 76.

[660] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. f. 78; Hall, 133.

[661] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 78-80; Hall, 132, 133. Arnold’s Chron., 288-295, also gives the whole account. Holkam MS., pp. 30-32.

[662] Rot. Parl., iv. 298, 299; Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 80-86; Hall, 135, 136; Arnold’s Chron., 296-300.

[663] Eng. Chron., 54.

[664] Rot. Parl., iv. 299, says March 13 for Beaufort and March 18 for Bath. Ordinances, iii. 212, 213, says March 16.

[665] Rot. Parl., iv. 299. March 16, Rymer, IV. iv. 119.

[666] St. Alban’s Chron., i. 8, 9.

[667] Chron. Henry VI., 9; Hall, 138

[668] Rot. Scot., ii. 256; Rymer, IV. iv. 121.

[669] St. Albans Chron., i. 11. Exeter died in the last days of 1426. After the obsequies at St. Paul’s his body was taken to Peterborough and buried there. See Harleian MS. 2256, f. 199.