[945] Chron. Henry VI., 31.

[946] Devon, Issue Roll, 448.

[947] Excerpta Historica, 278, Will of Sir John Steward. This, however, does not prove that Eleanor was confined at Calais, as the editor of this will thinks, for Steward or Stiward was one of the two gentlemen appointed to take care of her at Leeds Castle, and in her later confinement.

[948] See Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 107; Devon, Issue Roll, 441.

[949] Hall, 202. See also ‘Lament of the Duchess of Gloucester,’ a contemporary ballad, ‘A word for me durst no man say,’ Political Songs, ii. 206.

[950] Rymer, V. i. 110.

[951] Lansdowne MS., i. f. 79.

[952] Sloane MS., 248. See App. A.

[953] William of Worcester, 461.

[954] Fabyan, 614.

[955] Cotton MS., Julius, B. ii. ff. 68vo, 75. Randolph seems to have had considerable connection with Gloucester, and to have been one of his literary followers. There still exists amongst a collection of astrological tables certain ‘Canones pro tabulis ejus (i.e. Humphrey) astronomicis secundum Fratrem Randolfe’; Sloane MS., 407, ff. 224-227.

[956] Eng. Chron., 60.

[957] Political Songs, ii. 205.

[958] Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813, ff. llvo, 12, a sixteenth-century collection of songs, but this one by internal evidence was evidently written by a contemporary.

[959] Chron. Henry VI., 30.

[960] See Political Songs, ii. 207.

[961] See e.g. Cal. Rot. Pat., 277.

[962] Ancient Correspondence, vol. lvii. No. 97.

[963] Add. Charters, 44, 531.

[964] Cotton MS., Nero, D. vii. f. 154 (June 25, 1431).

[965] Bedford described Joan of Arc as ‘a disciple and Lyme of the Feend called the Pucelle that used fals enchantements and Sorcerie’; Rymer, IV. iv. 141.

[966] Rot. Parl., iv. 118.

[967] Lond. Chron., 107; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii. 331. See also Harleian MS., 2256, f. 193vo.

[968] Fabyan, 614; Holkham MS., p. 10.

[969] Shakespeare, second part of King Henry VI., Act II. Scene iv.

[970]

‘But then he fell into a foul error,
Moved by his wife Eleanor Cobham,
To truste her so men thought he was to blame.’

This is how the incident struck the rhyming chronicler Hardyng, 400.

[971] Ordinances, v. 199.

[972] Ibid., v. 280.

[973] Amundesham, Annales, ii. App. B. 289. We find him at Greenwich in the following year also (Dugdale, Monasticon, ii. 245), and again on another occasion (Beckington Correspondence, ii. 244). See also Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 16.

[974] Inquisitiones, A.Q.D. File 449, No. 1 (June 13, 1442).

[975] We find Gloucester and Kemp adopting the same attitude with regard to the prosecution of the war in 1443; Ordinances, v. 224. Kemp was alienated from the Beaufort counsels by the advent of Suffolk, with whom he could not agree (see Ramsay, ii. 115).

[976] Ordinances, v. 266.

[977] Charter printed in Dugdale, Monasticon, ii. 244, 245. The transfer was completed, for reference is made to it in 1454; Rot. Parl., v. 253.

[978] Rot. Parl., v. 56.

[979] Rymer, V. i. 130.

[980] Ordinances, vi. 32; cf. Rymer, V. i. 130.

[981] Rymer, V. i. 112.

[982] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 177-248.

[983] Ibid., ii. 212-215, 244.

[984] Eng. Chron., 61. The writ to Gloucester as Warden of the Cinque Ports to observe and proclaim the truce is dated January 2, 1445; Rymer, V. i. 153.

[985] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, i. 123. See also Polychronicon, f. 337; Fabyan, 618; Grafton, i. 624; Holinshed, iii. 207.

[986] Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 104.

[987] Polychronicon, f. 337vo; Fabyan, 617; Holinshed, iii. 207; Stow, 384; cf. Chronicles of London Bridge, 275; Carte, Hist. of England, ii. 727.

[988] Rot. Parl., v. 73.

[989] Polydore Vergil, 69.

[990] Basin, i. 189.

[991] Ægidius, De Regimine Principium, III. ii. 15.

[992] Basin, i. 150, says that the subsequent events justified Gloucester’s wish to continue the war.

[993] Basin, i. 150, says that Somerset’s secrecy was so great, that it is doubtful whether at the end of his campaign his intentions were known even to himself.

[994] Waurin, iv. 351, 352. He says the Bishop of Salisbury was one of this party, but he probably means Moleyns, who was Dean of Salisbury.

[995] For an account of this see T. Gascoigne, Loci e Libro Veritatum, edited by J. E. Thorold Rogers (Oxford, 1881), p. 190.

[996] This is the fear ascribed to Gloucester’s enemies in Fabyan, 619, and Leland, Collectanea, I. ii. 494. Eng. Chron., 63, hints at some plan which the common people did not know of as yet, and which Suffolk and his party could not carry out until Gloucester should be out of the way. Basin, i. 189, also suggests that Gloucester’s known hostility to the cession of Maine had something to do with his suspicious death.

[997] Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Hall, 209; Polydore Vergil, 71.

[998] Chron. Henry VI., 33; Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Whethamstede, i. 179. Cf. Hardyng, 400.

[999] Stevenson, Letters and Papers, i. 110, 111.

[1000] Ibid., i. 116, 123.

[1001] Chron. Henry VI., 33; Waurin, iv. 353.

[1002] Polydore Vergil, 72; Hall, 209; Holinshed, iii. 210, 211; Holkham MS., p. 58.

[1003] Eng. Chron., 62.

[1004] Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 521.

[1005] Stubbs, iii. 135. Cf. Carte, Hist. of England, ii. 727.

[1006] Gloucester was a member of the Fraternity.

[1007] Brief Notes, 150; Richard Fox, 116.

[1008] Eng. Chron., 62; Chron. Henry VI., 33; Short Eng. Chron., 65; Lond. Chron., 135.

[1009] From a pardon to one of Gloucester’s servants of a later date it seems that the Duke came to Bury straight from Greenwich (Rymer, V. i. 179). Stow, 386, followed by Holkham MS., p. 59, says he came from ‘his Castle of Devizes in Wiltshire.’ Brief Notes, 150, says he came from Wales.

[1010] Ramsay, ii. 73, says, ‘Gloucester made a show of resistance, a crowning act of folly, of which his adversaries made the most.’ I can find no authority to justify this statement.

[1011] Chron. Henry VI., 33; Lond. Chron., 135, says ‘he mekely obeied’ when put under arrest.

[1012] Brief Notes, 150.

[1013] Chron. Henry VI., 33.

[1014] Richard Fox, 116.

[1015] Rot. Parl., v. 128.

[1016] The ruins of St. Saviour’s Hospital can still be seen on the road leading from Bury to Thetford.

[1017] Richard Fox, 116, 117; Eng. Chron., 62, 63; Gregory, 188; Chron. Henry VI., 33, 34; Hardyng, 400; William of Worcester, 464; Lond. Chron., 135; Brief Notes, 150; Stow, 386; Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 521; Short Eng. Chron., 65. An entry on the verso of the last folio of Lincoln MS., 106, records the death of Gloucester. Holinshed, iii. 211.

[1018] Brief Notes, 150; Fabyan, 619.

[1019] Brief Notes, 150, erroneously states that he was buried here. The site of this Franciscan monastery can still be traced about half a mile outside Bury St. Edmunds on the Thetford road. Lewis, Topographical Dictionary, i. 659.

[1020] Richard Fox, 117, 118.

[1021] Mathieu de Coussy, 31, is the only contemporary writer to lay stress on this.

CHAPTER VIII

[1022] Whethamstede, i. 179.

[1023] Hardyng, 400. Another rhymer of the same period says:

‘For shame and anguishe off whiche jealousy
It toke hym sone after and soo lowe brought hym dawne
That in short while after it caused hym to dye.’

Rawlinson, MS., Classis, C. 813, f. 12vo.

[1024] Chron. Henry VI., 34.

[1025] Eng. Chron., 63. Cf. Polychronicon, f. 338vo. Short Eng. Chron., 65, says, ‘And sone after he disseyed, the sykness howe God knoweth.‘

[1026] Lond. Chron., 135.

[1027] Waurin, v. 3. Cf. Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 521.

[1028] Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Basin, i. 190. The latter adds that a report that he died of natural causes was circulated to disarm suspicion.

[1029] Rot. Parl., v. 226.

[1030] Gregory, 189.

[1031] It is possible that this second allusion to Gloucester’s death is the work of Gregory’s continuator.

[1032] Stow’s Memoranda, 97, evidently the transcript of an original document. Cf. Stow (Annales), 390, and also a proclamation by Jack Cade at the same time. ‘It is a hevy thynge that ye good Duke of Gloucester was apeched of treason by a fals traytour alone, and so was murderyd and might never come to his answer.‘ Stow’s Memoranda, 95.

[1033] ‘The Dyrge of the Commons of Kent,’ printed in Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles (Camden Series), p. 103.

[1034] Gregory, 193.

[1035] Political Songs, ii. 224.

[1036] Eng. Chron., 88.

[1037] Political Songs, ii. 268.

[1038] Brief Notes, 149.

[1039] He is said to have finished his chronicle in 1493.

[1040] Fabyan, 619.

[1041] See, for instance, Polydore Vergil, 73; Hall, 209; Leland, Collectanea, I. ii. 494; Speed, 622; Weever, Ancient Funeral Monuments, 555; Tanner, Bibl. Brit., 421; Sandford, Genealogical Hist., 309. Cf. Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 210.

[1042] See Kymer’s Dietarium in Liber Niger Scaccarii, ii. 550-559. Cf. Sharon Turner, ii. 299, note 35.

[1043] George Chastellain, Œuvres (ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Bruxelles, 1865), vii. 87.

[1044] Ramsay, ii. 76, giving as a reference Eng. Chron., 118 (the account of Fox), says, ‘It is more material to point out that two Chaplains and twelve gentlemen of the Household remained with Gloucester through his illness and followed him to his grave.’ The writer quoted does not say this, he merely states that these retainers followed the body to St. Albans, and it is definitely established by Cotton MS., Vitellius, A. xvi. f. 105, that all Gloucester’s servants were removed from attendance on him after his arrest. This is not contradicted by the assertion that some of them followed him to the grave after his death. It may be noticed, by the way, that the account of Fox is not quite accurate, for he places Richard Nedam among the mourners who followed the coffin, a man who was then under arrest at Winchester, and later condemned to death and reprieved.

[1045] Second Part of Shakspeare’s King Henry VI., Act III. Scene ii.

[1046] Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 1.

[1047] Stow’s Memoranda, 95.

[1048] Fabyan, 619.

[1049] Waurin, v. 4; Mathieu de Coussy, 30; Basin, i. 190. Cf. Chron. Henry VI., 34.

[1050] Suffolk as his share of the plunder received the title of Earl of Pembroke with some of Gloucester’s possessions in South Wales, including Pembroke, Tenby, and Kilgerran Castles; Lords’ Reports, v. 254, 255; Cal. Rot. Pat., 285. He was also created Chamberlain; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 35. The same membrane gives his appointment as Constable of Dover and Warden of Cinque Ports in succession to Gloucester, but another membrane gives the appointment of Lord Saye de Sele to this office on the same day, which is more probably the effective gift; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 1. Margaret’s share consisted of the Manor of Middleton and the Hundreds of Middleton and Merden, the Castle and Lordship of Colchester and the Hundred of Tendring, the Castle, Town, and Lordship of Marlborough, with the forest of Savernake and the office of Constable of Gloucester Castle. All these had belonged to Humphrey. Rymer, V. i. 170. See also Duchy of Lancaster Accounts (Various), Bundle v. No. 8.

[1051] Rot. Parl., v. 132.

[1052] Inquisitiones Post Mortem, 25 Henry VI., No. 26, m. 8; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 1 and m. 35; Rymer, V. i. 170. Another grant of Gloucester’s possessions was made on February 27; Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 5.

[1053] Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 108. Gregory, 188, says 38 servants.

[1054] So Rymer, V. i. 179, but Gregory, 188, says July 14 at Westminster.

[1055] Rymer, V. i. 179; Cal. Rot. Pat., 290; Gregory, 188; Short Eng. Chron., 65; Leland, Collectanea, I. ii. 494.

[1056] Eng. Chron., 62. Eleanor was at this time imprisoned in Wales, so the accusation may have seemed plausible at first; Brief Notes, 154.

[1057] See list of prisoners in Ellis, Letters, 2nd Series, i. 108.

[1058] Statutes of the Realm, ii. 344.

[1059] Chron. Henry VI., 33.

[1060] Mathieu de Coussy, 30.

[1061] Gregory, 188; Richard Fox, 118; Short Eng. Chron., 65. For pardons see Rymer, V. i. 179, and Cal. Rot. Pat., 290, 291. Cf. Excerpta Historica, 281-390.

[1062] Richard Fox, 118.

[1063] Fabyan, 619.

[1064] Mathieu de Coussy, 30.

[1065] Polychronicon, f. 338vo. Whethamstede, i. 182, says much the same thing.

[1066] Political Songs, ii. 268. Cf. Leland, Collectanea, I. iv. 494.

[1067] Rawlinson MS., Classis, C. 813, f. 126.

[1068] His last recorded presence at the Council Board was in June 1443.

[1069] Chron. Henry VI., 35; Waurin, iv. 353, 354; Ordinances, vi. 89.

[1070] Beaucourt, iii. 10.

[1071] See above, p. 262.

[1072] Rot. Parl., v. 335; Whethamstede, i. 181. Cf. Speed, 667.

[1073] Stow, 365, puts this event as the first sign of the breaking up of the Burgundian alliance.

[1074] Shakespeare’s Second Part of King Henry IV., Act IV. Scene v.

[1075] Waurin, ii. 423.

[1076] Harleian MS., 139, f. 206; Rot. Pat., 5 Henry VI., Part ii. m. 16.

[1077] For this state of anarchy and distress see Ramsay, ii. 51-53.

[1078] Rot. Parl., v. 115.

[1079] Rot. Parl., v. 448.

[1080] Polydore Vergil, 72; Holinshed, iii. 211.

[1081] Chron. Henry VI., 30.

[1082] Rot. Pat., 25 Henry VI., Part i. m. 5 and m. 19.

[1083] Hist. Croyland. Contin., i. 517.

[1084] Gregory, 188.

[1085] Sandford, Genealogical History, 309.

[1086] Whethamstede, i. 179-181. A free translation of the Latin original. For a like opinion, cf. Rastell, 262.

[1087] Political Songs, ii. 157, 205.

[1088] Rot. Parl., iv. 300, 301.

[1089] Accounts (Exchequer Q. R.), Bundle 515, No. 7.

[1090] Ancient Correspondence, vol. lvii. No. 97.

[1091] Ibid., vol. xliv. No. 40.

[1092] Holkham MS., p. 27.

[1093] William of Worcester, 463.

[1094] Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii. 283.

[1095] Ibid., ii. 282.

[1096] Cf. St. Albans Chron., i. 31, et passim.

[1097] See Ashmole MSS., 1796, in the Bodleian Library, a book dealing with astrological subjects, written at St. Albans.

[1098] Epist. Acad., 217. It is perhaps worth noticing that when addressing letters to Bedford and Gloucester in support of the candidature of Thomas Chace to the Bishopric of Meath, the University of Oxford dwelt at some length in the letter to Gloucester on the energy with which this man, when Chancellor of the University, had extirpated heresy, but did not allude to this favourable trait in his character to Bedford; Epist. Acad., 105. This would seem to imply that Gloucester’s orthodoxy was known to be more rigid and unbending than that of Bedford.

[1099] Oriel MS., xxxii. f. 1vo.

[1100] Durham MS., C. iv. 3, f. 7.

[1101] Paston Letters, i. 24; Beckington Correspondence, i. 223.

[1102] Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 471.

[1103] Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 472.

[1104] Ibid., iii. 473.

[1105] Papal Letters, vii. 36.

[1106] A papal collector was released from the Tower in 1427. St. Albans Chron., i. 16, 17.

[1107] Ordinances, iii. 211.

[1108] May 24, 1426. See Creighton’s Papacy, ii. 158.

[1109] The letters exchanged are to be found in Wilkins’s Concilia, iii. 471-486. See also Creighton’s Papacy, ii. 158, 159, and Hook’s Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, v. 91-103.

[1110] See Beckington Correspondence, i. 281.

[1111] See various letters in Beckington Correspondence, i. 279-284.

[1112] Papal Letters, vii. 29.

[1113] Beckington Correspondence, i. 284, 285.

[1114] However, Wheathampsted, Gloucester’s friend, wrote to Martin V. excusing the Archbishop’s conduct, Cotton MS., Claudius, D. 1, f. 1, and 1vo.

[1115] He was evidently interested in the conciliar movement, for among his books was a volume containing records of all the doings, both public and secret, at the Council of Constance. Cotton MS., Nero, E. v.

[1116] Martène and Durand, Amplissima Collectio, viii. 816, 817. Cf. Harleian MS., 826, f. 15.

[1117] Add. MS., 26, 784 f. 30vo.

[1118] Beckington Correspondence, ii. 37.

[1119] See Henry’s justification of the release of Orleans, Stevenson, Letters and Papers, ii. 451-460.

[1120] Register Curteys, in Archæologia, xv. 70, 71.

[1121] Tanner MS., 196, f. 40vo.

[1122] Amundesham, Annales, i. 308.

[1123] St. Albans Chron., passim.

[1124] Newcome, Hist. of the Abbey of St. Albans, 510.

[1125] Amundesham, Annales, ii. 189, 190.

[1126] Ibid., i. 65; Rot. Parl., v. 307.

[1127] Amundesham Annales, App. A, ii. 265; App. D, ii. 295. Cf. Arundel MS. 34, ff. 66vo, 67, and Whethamstede, i. 26.

[1128] Amundesham, Annales, App. B, ii. 278-290.

[1129] Charter printed in Dugdale’s Monasticon, ii. 244, 245; Whethamstede, i. 94.

[1130] Cotton MS., Claudius, A. viii. f. 195. Gough, in his addition to Camden’s Britannia, i. 348, wrongly attributes the building of this tomb to Wheathampsted.

[1131] Camden’s Britannia (Gough’s additions), i. 348; Grainger’s Biographical History of England, i. 121.

[1132] Archæologia, viii. 104.

[1133] Camden’s Britannia (Gough additions), i. 348.

[1134] See App. E.

[1135] Camden’s Britannia, ii. 73.

[1136] Holinshed, iii. 211, 212.

[1137] Hall, 212; Sandford, Genealogical Hist., 308. They follow Polydore Vergil.

[1138] Holkham MS., p. 63.

[1139] Fabyan, 619.

[1140] Mathieu de Coussy, 30.

[1141] Waurin, iii. 214.

[1142] Whethamstede, i. 183.

[1143] Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximi Commentarii (Rome, 1584), 414.

[1144] Chron. Henry VI. A paraphrase of the original Latin.

[1145] See his Dietary printed in Liber Niger Scaccarii, 552-559. Cf. Hearne MS. Diary, cxvii. ff. 136, 137, and cxvii. f. 37; Sharon Turner, ii. 299, n. 35.

[1146] ‘A Ballade: Warning men to beware of Deceitful Women,’ by John Lydgate. Printed in Chaucerian and other Pieces, edited by W. W. Skeat as a supplement to The Complete Works of Chaucer.

[1147] Ancient Correspondence, vol. lvii. No. 97.

[1148] Chron. Henry VI., 30.

[1149] Sandford, Genealogical Hist., 311; Brooke’s Catalogue of the Nobility, 170; Doyle, iii. 511.

[1150] Dugdale, ii. 284.

[1151] List of letters of legitimisation printed in Beaucourt, v. 331.

[1152] Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archæological Society, iii. 308; Dugdale, i. 362. Dugdale quotes an old MS. in Berkeley Castle as his authority.

[1153] MSS. of the Dean and Chapter of Ely, Hist. MSS. Rep., xii. App. IX. 95.

[1154] MSS. of the Corporation of Hythe, Hist. MSS. Rep., iv. 435.

[1155] Beckington Correspondence, i. 279.

[1156] St. Albans Chron., i. 139.

[1157] Amundesham, Annales, i. 308.

[1158] Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777. Inscription on last folio.

[1159] Whethamstede, i. 179.

[1160] See Chapter IX.

[1161] Bodley MS., 3618. f. 2.

[1162] Cod. Laurentiano, Plut., lxii. 30, f. 2.

[1163] Macray, Annals of the Bodleian, 4, 5.

CHAPTER IX

[1164] We find payments made for covering the King’s books in velvet and satin; Rymer, IV. ii. 155.

[1165] Stow, 344. He tells us that he had himself seen copies of these translations.

[1166] Tyler, Henry of Monmouth, i. 394-400, where the poem is printed.

[1167] Ashmole MS., 59, f. 135.

[1168] Tyler, Henry of Monmouth, 331.

[1169] Hoccleve’s Works, iii. 75.

[1170] Ipodigma Neustriæ, 1-5.

[1171] Rymer, IV. iv. 105.

[1172] Voigt, ii. 254-256.

[1173] Vatican Transcripts, v. 34-42, copied from Bibl. Vat. MS., 5221.

[1174] Vespasiano, 547, 548. Cf. Voigt, ii. 255.

[1175] Delisle, Sir Kenelm Digby, Paris, 1892, p. 11; Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, i. 52, 53.

[1176] Bibliothèque de Sainte Geneviève, MS. français, 777.

[1177] See Bale, 583, and the testimony of several Italian humanists.

[1178] Monstrelet, 265.

[1179] Æn. Sylv., Opera, 548, Epistola lxiv.

[1180] For this date see Voigt, ii. 256. For Poggio’s visit to England see Shepherd’s Life of Poggio, 136.

[1181] Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. latin, 8537, f. 300.

[1182] Archivio Lombardo, vol. x. Anno xx. p. 62.

[1183] Engl. Hist. Review, xix. 519. Letter of Candidus to Gloucester.

[1184] Leonardi Bruni, Epistolæ, vol. ii. lib. VIII. No. 6.

[1185] Bodley MS., 2143 (Auct. F., v. 27), f. 1. The dedication is printed in Chandler Catalogue of the editions of Aristotle, 41-44.

[1186] This dedication can be seen in Bodley MS., Laud. Lat., 60. No mention is made of Gloucester.

[1187] Vespasiano, 437. Gloucester is mixed up with John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, by Vespasiano, who ought to have known better, as he was the latter’s friend.

[1188] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 512-513. A summary of the letter is given in Bibliographia, i. 325, 326.

[1189] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 55.

[1190] Ibid., ff. 55vo, 56vo.

[1191] Ibid., f. 57vo.

[1192] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 58.

[1193] Voigt, ii. 259, says that Gloucester’s relations with Candido dated back from the time when he translated the Vita Henrici Quinti of Livius into Italian. As this was done in 1463, after Gloucester’s death, it cannot exactly be said to have originated his connection with the translator. See Tabulæ Codicum Palatina Vindobonensi, ii. 106.

[1194] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 513, 514; Bibliographia, i. 326.

[1195] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, ff. 59, 60.

[1196] Ibid., f. 13vo.

[1197] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 31vo.

[1198] Durham MS., C. iv. 3, ff. 6, 7. Since securing a transcript of this letter I find that it has been printed by Dr. W. L. Newman, in Eng. Hist. Review, xx. 496-498, together with a discussion of the rest of the correspondence between Gloucester and Candido. Cf. Sassi, Historia Literaria-Typographica, p. ccc.

[1199] Leonardi Bruni, Epistolæ, vol. ii. lib. VIII. No. 6, pp. 119-122.

[1200] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 61vo.

[1201] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 514; Bibliographia, i. 326.

[1202] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 514, 515; Bibliographia, i. 327. Two of these dedications—those to the sixth and tenth book—are in Durham MS., C. iv. 3.

[1203] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 515.

[1204] Cod. Riccardiano, 827, f. 60vo.

[1205] Eng. Hist. Review, xix. 525.