Rëelection of Mr. Jefferson.—In 1805, Mr. Jefferson was elected a second time to the office of president. The electoral votes were one hundred and seventy-six, of which he received one hundred and sixty-two. George Clinton was chosen vice-president. The following is the official canvass of the votes:

Conspiracy and Trial of Burr.—In the spring of 1807, Colonel Aaron Burr was arrested on the Tombigbee river, Mississippi territory, on a charge of treason against the United States; and was conveyed to Richmond, Virginia, for trial. Other arrests were made of persons supposed to be concerned with him in his treasonable scheme—among them were Generals Adair and Dayton, Blannerhasset, Swartwout, Alexander, Smith, Bollman, Ogden, &c. Burr and Blannerhasset alone were brought to trial. The trial of the former took place in May, 1807, before the circuit court of the United States, Judge Marshall presiding. No indictment was found by the grand jury until the 25th of June, when two bills were presented against Burr—one for treason, the other for a misdemeanor. On the 30th of June, he was committed to the penitentiary for safe keeping until the 3d day of August. From the 5th until the 17th of August, the court was engaged in obtaining a jury and discussing points of law. On that day, the treason case was opened, and an examination of witnesses on the part of the government commenced. On the 1st of September, the case was given to the jury, and as no overt act was proved against Colonel Burr to sustain the charge of treason committed within the state of Virginia, the jury rendered a verdict of "Not guilty."

On the 9th of September, a jury was empaneled to try Colonel Burr on the indictment for misdemeanor, which consisted of seven counts; the substance of which was, that Aaron Burr did set on foot a military enterprise, to be carried on against the territory of a foreign prince, viz: the province of Mexico, which was within the territory of the king of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace. After proceeding in the trial at some length, the district attorney himself moved that the jury should be discharged—the evidence of the guilt of the accused not appearing, sufficient. To a discharge of the jury without the rendition of a verdict, Burr objected; whereupon the jury retired, and soon returned with a verdict of "Not guilty."

The distinguished talents of Colonel Burr, his well-known cunning and intrigue, and the eminent station he had occupied in the United States, together with the grave charges against him of a contemplated dismemberment of the Union, with other projects—all combined to attach interest and importance to his trial. In his message to congress, developing the designs of Burr, as the government understood them, President Jefferson accused him of designing to revolutionize the territory west of the Alleganies, and of establishing an independent government, of which New Orleans was to be the capital, and himself the chief. In addition to this project, Colonel Burr, it was alleged, had formed another, which, in case of the failure of the first, might be carried on independent of it, viz: an attack on Mexico, and an establishment of an empire there. To serve as a pretext for all his preparations, and an allurement for such followers as really wished to acquire settlements in that country, it was stated that a third object was provided—the settlement of the pretended purchase of a tract of land on the Washita, claimed by a Baron Bastrop.

Such were the plans of Burr, according to intelligence communicated from time to time to the government of the United States. On the belief of the guilt of Burr, or through utter hostility to him, Jefferson acted; and with an evident design to prevent his escape, he succeeded in procuring the passage of a bill in the senate for suspending the writ of habeas corpus; but it was rejected by the house, by the strong vote of one hundred and thirteen to nineteen.

Burr, to his dying day, denied any intention of dismembering the Union; but avowed the projects which did not involve the charge of treason. "In his latter days," says his biographer, "Colonel Burr had no longer any motive for concealment; nor did he evince the least desire to suppress the facts in relation to any of his acts, even where the promulgation of those facts was calculated to effect his moral character. According to his representation, repeated at a time, and under circumstances the most solemn and impressive, (Burr at this time was expected to survive but a short time,) his views were twofold, viz: First, The revolutionizing of Mexico; and, Second, A settlement on what was known as the Bastrop lands."

It is further added by his biographer, that "during the years 1806 and 1807, Herman Blennerhasset kept a private journal, in which are recorded the principal incidents arising out of his connexion with Colonel Burr. Portions of it are interesting and amusing. The entries confirm the particular statements of Truxton, Bollman,[69] and others, and repudiate the idea of treasonable designs. It appears that in December, 1805, Blennerhasset addressed a letter to Colonel Burr, expressing a wish to participate in any speculation in the Western country that might present itself to Burr. A Spanish war was hourly anticipated, and Blennerhasset proposed to join Burr in any expedition that might be undertaken against the Spanish dominions.

"In August, 1806, in consequence of this overture, Burr visited Blannerhasset at his home on the Ohio, and the next day rode with him to Marietta, and then separated, Burr being on his way to Chilicothe. From Marietta to Blannerhasset's was about fifteen miles. Some time after, Burr returned to Blannerhasset, to whom he said that an expulsion of the Spaniards from the American territory, or an invasion of Mexico, would be pleasing to the administration, if it could be accomplished without an open, formal war, which would be avoided as long as possible, from parsimony on the one hand, and the dread of France on the other."

We have thus given such a statement of this subject as our limits permit, and as seems due to the respective parties engaged in it. Different opinions will doubtless be entertained with reference to Burr's real designs. That he contemplated the dismemberment of the Union, and the founding of an empire, of which New Orleans was to be the centre, and himself the head, will be questioned by some. That he was capable of devising such a project, and would have accomplished it, if in his power, no one acquainted with the deep designing character of the murderer of Hamilton, can doubt. With exalted talents—with an early education and parental counsel, as liberal and watchful as ever, perhaps, fell to the lot of mortal to enjoy—with the favor and patronage of a people, seldom so generously conferred, or so long and uniformly enjoyed—Burr proved himself a selfish, unprincipled man. One thing is certain, and this he admitted—that he designed the invasion and overthrow of the Mexican government, and the erection of an independent power in its place. And to further his views, he induced not a few, by "inuendoes and otherwise," to believe that his arrangements for the accomplishment of this were with the knowledge, if not the approbation, of the United States' government.

France and England, 1806.—A contest between these two powers, which had been waging for some time, and which had involved the whole of Europe, began now seriously to affect the commercial interests of America. It being the obvious policy of the latter to preserve a strict neutrality in respect to these belligerent powers, every act of the American government had respect to maintaining the same. Being neutral, her vessels carried from port to port the productions of France and her dependent kingdoms; and also to the ports of those kingdoms, the manufactures of England, bringing, by means of this "carrying trade," vast wealth to the nation. These advantages were, however, too great to be long enjoyed unmolested. American ships, carrying to Europe the produce of French colonies, were captured by British cruisers, and condemned by their courts as lawful prizes; and now, several European ports, under the control of France, were, by British orders in council, May 16, 1806, declared to be in a state of blockade, although not invested with a British fleet; and American vessels, attempting to enter those ports, were also captured and condemned. France and her allies suffered from these proceedings, but far less than the United States. By way of retaliation, in November of the same year, Buonaparte issued a decree at Berlin, declaring the British islands to be in a state of blockade, and of course authorizing the capture and condemnation of all neutral vessels attempting to trade with them. Thus, from the retaliatory measures of these two rival powers, the commerce of the United States was seriously injured.

Although the relations of Great Britain and America were at this time ostensibly pacific, yet there existed, and had long existed, a claim on the part of Great Britain, and a pretence under that claim, which was denied by the several presidents during their administrations. This was what was denominated "the right of search"—founded upon the English principle, that no act of a subject can change his allegiance to the government under which he was born. Upon this principle, Great Britain, soon after the peace of 1783, claimed the right to board and search neutral vessels, and take therefrom all British seamen found therein. In the exercise of this pretended right, citizens of the United States had been seized, and, being transported to a distant part of the world, had been compelled to perform the degrading part of British sailors. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, the odious practice was still continued, and every year was adding to its aggravations.

Attack on the Chesapeake.—At length, an event occurred, growing out of this pretended "right of search," which roused the indignation of the American people.

A British armed ship, called the Melampus, while lying in Hampton roads, lost, by desertion, several of her crew, viz: William Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strachan, John Little, and Ambrose Watts. Not long after, the first three offered themselves for enlistment on board the Chesapeake, then at Norfolk, Virginia, preparing for the Mediterranean.

The British consul at Norfolk; being apprised of this circumstance, wrote a letter to the American naval officer, requesting these men to be returned. With this request the officer refusing to comply, the British agent requested an order from government for their surrender. An examination, however, into the characters and claims of the men in question, resulted in proof that Ware, Martin, and Strachan, were natives of America. The two former had protections, or notarial certificates of their being American citizens. Strachan had no protection, but asserted that he lost it previously to his escape. Such being the circumstances of the men, the government refused to surrender them.

On the 22d of June, the Chesapeake weighed anchor, and proceeded to sea. She passed the British ships Bellona and Melampus, lying in Lynnhaven bay. There were two ships lying off Cape Henry, one of which, the Leopard, Captain Humphreys, weighed anchor, and, in a few hours, came alongside the Chesapeake.

A British officer immediately came on board, and demanded the deserters. To this, Captain Barron replied, that he did not know of any being there, and that his duty forbade him to allow of any muster of his crew, except by their own officers.

During this interview, Barron, noticing some proceedings of a hostile nature on board the adverse ship, gave orders, on the departure of the officer, to clear his gun-deck, and, after some time, directed his men to their quarters secretly, and without beat of drum; still, however, without any serious apprehensions of an attack.

Before these orders could be executed, the Leopard commenced a heavy fire, which proved very destructive. In thirty minutes, the hull, rigging, and spars of the Chesapeake were greatly damaged; three men were killed and sixteen wounded; among the latter, was the captain himself. Such was the previous disorder, that, during this time, the utmost exertions were insufficient to prepare the ship for action, and the captain thought proper to strike his colors.

The British captain refused to accept the surrender of the Chesapeake, but took from her crew Ware, Martin, and Strachan, the three men formerly demanded as deserters, and a fourth, John Wilson, claimed as a runaway from a merchant ship.

"On receiving information of this outrage, the president, by proclamation, interdicted the harbors and waters of the United States to all armed British vessels, forbade intercourse with them, and ordered a sufficient force for the protection of Norfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appeared to require. An armed vessel of the United States was dispatched, with instructions to the American minister at London, to call on the British government for the satisfaction and security which the outrage required."

Pursuant to these instructions, Mr. Monroe, then minister resident at the court of St. James, demanded reparation; and, as an essential part of that reparation, security against future impressments from American ships. But Mr. Canning, the British minister, objected to uniting these subjects, and Mr. Monroe not being authorized to treat them separately, Mr. Rose was dispatched, by the English government, as envoy extraordinary to the United States, to adjust the difficulty which had arisen on account of the Chesapeake.[70]

Orders in Council.—In November, Great Britain issued her orders in council, which measure she declared to be in retaliation of the French decree of November, 1806. By these orders, all neutral nations were prohibited from trading with France or her allies, excepting upon the payment of a tribute to England.

Milan Decree.—Scarcely had the news of the adoption of the above orders reached Milan, where Buonaparte then was, than he issued, December 17th, a retaliatory decree, called the "Milan Decree," which confiscated any and every vessel found in any of his ports, which had allowed herself to be searched by an English ship, or had paid the tribute demanded.

Embargo.—Congress had been summoned, by proclamation of the president, to meet as early as the 27th of October. The wanton attack upon the Chesapeake had filled the country with indignation—all parties felt the national honor insulted; forgetting, for the time, political jealousies and animosities, all concurred in demanding satisfaction for the outrage.

There were other subjects, also, which, in the opinion of the executive, required the thoughtful consideration of the national legislature. The conduct of the continental belligerents was preying upon the vital interests of America. Great Britain was asserting rights which could never be allowed, and assuming a lofty tone which would excite no other feelings but indignation.

In view of the circumstances of the country, the president recommended to congress to lay an embargo—by which measure he designed to detain seamen, ships, and merchandise in port, to preserve them from the dangers to which they were exposed on the ocean; but the higher motive for recommending such a measure, probably, was the hope of thereby inducing—coercing, we might with more truth say—the belligerent powers to respect the laws of nations. In accordance with the recommendation of the president, an embargo was laid.

This measure was not without its commercial and political effects. The large shipping interest then in the United States was locked up by means of it, and vessels abroad, which were obliged to come in, could go out no more. To the New England states, which were prëeminently commercial, the embargo was highly obnoxious. They believed the measure both impolitic and oppressive.

A rapid change in the political opinions of the people of New England was the consequence. A large majority, embracing many who had supported the administration, now united with the federal party, and opposed its measures with zeal. Thus pressed by public sentiment, the government felt the necessity of repealing the embargo, which it was the more willing to do, from the consideration that it had failed to effect its principal object; but, at the same time, another law was passed, prohibiting all intercourse with France and Great Britain for one year. "Provision was made in this law, that, should either of the hostile nations revoke her edict, so that the neutral commerce of the United States should be no longer violated, the president should immediately make it known by proclamation, and, from that time, the non-intercourse law should cease to be enforced as it regarded that nation."

Election of Mr. Madison.—In this critical posture of affairs, the period having again arrived for the election of president, Mr. Jefferson signified his determination to follow and confirm the example of Washington, by retiring to private life at the expiration of his second term. "Never did a prisoner," said he, "released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall, on shaking off the shackles of power. I thank God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with me the most constant proofs of public approbation. I leave every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, that, if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will be because no human wisdom could avert them." James Madison was chosen his successor, and George Clinton rëelected vice-president. The following table presents the result of the official canvass:

IX. JAMES MADISON, PRESIDENT

In his address, delivered on the occasion of his inauguration, Mr. Madison alluded to "the present situation of the world as without a parallel, and that of the United States as full of difficulties." The two leading powers of Europe, France and England, were still engaged in arraying against each other commercial edicts, which tended directly to destroy the commerce of nations disposed to pursue a neutral policy. The United States, moreover, were suffering by means of restrictions upon their commerce, imposed by the federal government. The condition of the people, especially the commercial portion of it, was gloomy and depressing. A vast amount of capital, invested in shipping, was lying idle, and rapidly diminishing in value. Neither the embargo nor non-intercourse had had the effect to induce either of the belligerent powers to pause in their wanton and unjust restrictions and decrees. On the contrary, their obnoxious measures were growing oppressive every month. The patience of the United States' government was nearly exhausted. Every thing betokened a speedy resort to arms.

The principal events and measures which subsequently signalized the administration of Mr. Madison, were as follows:

Battle of Tippecanoe.—This battle, fought on the 7th of November, 1811, was doubtless one of the most spirited and best-fought actions recorded in the annals of Indian warfare.

For several years, the Indian tribes on our Western frontier had exhibited a restless and hostile spirit, engendered by the intrigues of two twin-brothers of the Shawnee tribe, Tecumseh, the Crouching Panther, and Ol-li-wa-chi-ca, the Open Door, generally known as the Prophet. The former was a bold and skillful warrior, sagacious in council, and formidable in battle; the latter was cunning, cruel, cowardly, and treacherous.

One important object of these brothers, was to form a general combination of the north-western and south-western Indians, for the purpose of preventing the whites from extending their settlements west of those already existing, and perhaps of recovering the valley of the Mississippi—a territory which, from its great fertility, they naturally and strongly desired to possess.

The plans of the brothers were, from time to time, communicated to General Harrison, then governor of the north-west territory, by his confidential advisers; and, for several years, by his forbearance and wise policy, he was enabled to counteract those plans, without exciting their jealousy or increasing their hostility.

In September, 1809, General Harrison held a council at Fort Wayne, where he negotiated a treaty with the Miamies and several other Indian tribes, by which they sold to the United States a large tract of country on both sides of the Wabash, extending up that river more than sixty miles above Vincennes.

At the time this treaty was negotiated, Tecumseh was absent, but his brother, the Prophet, who was present, made objection to it; but, on the return of the former, he expressed great dissatisfaction, and even threatened to put to death those chiefs who had signed the treaty. From this time, no efforts of General Harrison availed to pacify the brothers, or to quiet the restless and hostile feelings of their followers. At length, the Indians proceeded to the perpetration of deeds of depredation and murder; the white population of the frontier became excited and alarmed. In this state of things, General Harrison, by order of the president, assembled five hundred of the militia and volunteers of Indiana, and with these, increased by a regiment of United States' infantry, consisting of three hundred and fifty men, and a small but gallant body of volunteers from Kentucky, took post at Fort Harrison, sixty miles above Vincennes; whence, not long after, he proceeded, October 28th, 1811, to the Prophet's town. At the distance of nine or ten miles, the army encamped on the evening of the 5th of November.

On the following day, the army proceeded towards the town in the order of battle; and when arrived within a short distance, they were met by a deputation of the Prophet's counsellors. "They were sent," they said, "to ascertain why an army was advancing upon them, and to avert, if possible, approaching hostilities. This was the wish of the Prophet himself." A suspension of hostilities was agreed upon, for the purpose of an interview between the governor and chiefs, to be held the following day.

The ensuing night was dark and cloudy. The moon rose late, and soon after midnight there commenced a light fall of drizzling rain. The night, however, passed without interruption, and the governor and his aids rose at a quarter to four, and were sitting in conversation before a fire. It was still dark, as the light of the moon was shadowed by heavy and lowering clouds. At this moment, an attack by the Indians was commenced. They had stealthily crept up near the sentries, with the intention of rushing upon them, and killing them before they could give the alarm. But, fortunately, one of them discovered an Indian creeping towards him through the grass, and fired at him. This was immediately followed by the Indian yell, and a furious charge upon the left flank. The camp-fires were immediately extinguished, as their light only served to expose our men to the deadly aim of the Indians. Upon the first alarm, the governor mounted his horse, and proceeded to the point of attack; and, finding the line there much weakened, he ordered two companies from the centre and rear line to march to their support. About this time, the gallant Colonel Daviess, of Kentucky, in attempting to dislodge some Indians concealed behind some trees, was shot down, being pierced with three balls, either of which would have proved fatal. His men repulsed the Indians several times, and finally succeeded in carrying him into the camp. Colonel Isaac White, of Indiana, another brave officer, who served as a volunteer under Colonel Daviess, likewise fell in this sanguinary charge. About the same time, Colonel Owen, aid to Governor Harrison, was also killed.

"When the day dawned, the left flank, the most assailable part of the encampment, was rëinforced by four companies, drawn from the rear and centre; the right flank was strengthened by two companies; the dragoons were mounted, and, supported by them, a simultaneous charge was made upon the enemy on both flanks; and so vigorous and determined was the attack, that the enemy gave way on all sides. The Indians, on the left flank, were driven into a swamp, impenetrable to cavalry, while those on the right were put to flight with great loss, and this severely-contested victory was at last gained by our gallant troops."[71]

The Indians engaged in this battle were supposed to amount to one thousand. They were led by three distinguished warriors—White Loomstone Eater, and Winnemac—the last a Potawattomie chief, who had made great professions of friendship to General Harrison himself. Tecumseh was not present at the battle, being on a visit to more southern tribes, the object of which was supposed to be to enlist them in a common cause against the United States. As for the Prophet, he took no active part in the engagement, but employed himself in chanting a war-song from a neighboring eminence. When it was announced to him that the tide was setting strongly against his warriors, and that they were falling on every side, his only response was "to fight on, and that they would soon see the fulfillment of all his predictions."

A melancholy duty followed the battle—that of burying their brave companions, who had fallen on the field. This done, and the wounded provided for, the army took up their march from the scene of carnage, and returned to Vincennes. The results of the engagement were important. The haughty and discontented spirit of the Indians was humbled, and the plan which they had devised, and which had nearly ripened to maturity, of attacking and destroying the scattered border settlements, was defeated.

Early Session of Congress.—On the 5th of November, 1811, President Madison summoned a meeting of congress. His message indicating an apprehension of hostilities with Great Britain, the committee of foreign relations in the house of representatives reported resolutions for filling up the ranks of the army; for raising an additional force of ten thousand men; for authorizing the president to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for ordering out the militia when he should judge it necessary; for repairing the navy, and for authorizing the arming of merchantmen in self-defence. A bill from the senate, for raising twenty-five thousand men, after much discussion, was also agreed to by the house.

Declaration of War.—Preparations in anticipation of war were now industriously urged; yet the hope was still cherished, until May in the following year, that a change of policy in Europe would render unnecessary an appeal to arms. Towards the close of that season, the Hornet arrived from London, bringing information that no prospect existed of a favorable change. On the 1st of June, the president sent a message to congress, recounting the wrongs received from Great Britain, and submitting the question, whether the United States should continue to endure them, or resort to war? The message was considered with closed doors. On the 18th, an act was passed, declaring war against Great Britain; soon after which, the president issued his proclamation making public announcement of the same.

Surrender of Hull.—At the time of the declaration of war, General Hull was at Dayton, in Ohio, with a small American force, destined for Detroit. This having been subsequently increased to two thousand five hundred men, on the 12th of July he crossed into Canada, and taking post at Sandwich, issued from that place a proclamation, couched in bold and imposing language. By means of it, the Indians were awed into neutrality, and the Canadians, favorable to the American cause, either remained quietly at home or joined his ranks.

On the 1st of August, intelligence was received by the American general of the fall of the fortress at Mackinaw on the 17th of July. Until the moment of a demand to surrender, no intelligence had been received by the garrison of the declaration of war. This event justly filled Hull with surprise and consternation, as he had now no means of checking the incursions of the restless hordes of northern savages.

On the 5th of August, a council of war was held, to deliberate upon the expediency of attacking the fortress of Malden; but as the artillery had not arrived, it was decided to wait two days, and then proceed with or without it, as the case might be.

Meanwhile, however, communications were received from Generals Porter and Hall, who commanded on the Niagara frontier, that the enemy were leaving their posts in that quarter, and were concentrating their forces at Malden. At the same time, Hull was informed that he could not depend upon assistance from General Dearborn, the commander-in-chief, although the latter had been directed by the government to invade Canada from Niagara, and cöoperate with Hull. Under all the aspects of the case, although his delayed artillery had arrived, Hull issued orders, on the afternoon of the 7th, for his army to return to Detroit.

An order to the officers and army so unexpected as this—at a moment when they were anticipating a victory and the honors due from it—was like a thunderbolt upon them. The murmurs of the volunteers and regular troops were loud. They upbraided their commander with pusillanimity, and even treachery.

On the 14th, a British force, under command of General Brock, the most active and able of the British commanders in Canada, took a position opposite Detroit, where they proceeded to erect batteries. On the 15th, he sent a flag, bearing a summons to the American general to surrender, in which he says: "It is far from my intention to join in a war of extermination, but you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians, who have attached themselves to my troops, will be beyond my control the moment the contest commences." To this, General Hull answered: "I have no other reply to make, than that I am prepared to meet any force which may be at your disposal," &c. General Brock immediately opened his batteries upon the town and fort, and several persons within the fort were killed. The fire was returned by the Americans with some effect.

On the morning of the 16th, the British crossed the river, and landing, under cover of their ships, at Spring Wells, three miles below Detroit, commenced their march towards the fort. Hull, it was evident, was perplexed and agitated. At first, his army was drawn up in order of battle without the fort, his artillery advantageously planted, and his troops impatiently waiting the approach of the enemy. At length, when the British were within five hundred yards of their lines, most suddenly and unexpectedly an order from General Hull was received, directing them "to retire immediately to the fort."

No sooner were the troops in the fort, than they were further directed to stack their arms—immediately after which, a white flag was suspended from the walls, in token of submission. A British officer rode up to ascertain the cause, for this surrender was no less unexpected to the assailants. A capitulation was agreed to, without even stipulating the terms. Words are wanting to express the feelings of the Americans, in being thus compelled to surrender to an inferior force, without firing a gun, when they were firmly convinced that that force was in their power. The British took immediate possession of the fort, with all the public property it contained; among which were forty barrels of powder, four hundred rounds of fixed twenty-four-pound shot, one hundred thousand ball cartridges, two thousand five hundred stand of arms, twenty-five pieces of iron cannon and eight of brass, the greater number of which had been captured by the Americans during the revolutionary war. Besides this great amount of warlike stores, the whole territory, forts and garrisons were also delivered up.

In his official dispatch, General Hull labored to free his conduct from censure, by bringing into view the inferiority of his force, compared with that of the enemy; and, also, the dangers which threatened him from numerous western tribes of Indians. But whether the views which induced this surrender were in reality justly founded or not, the public mind was altogether unprepared for an occurrence at once so disastrous and mortifying.

Some time after, having been exchanged, Hull was arraigned before a court-martial, of which General Dearborn was president. By this tribunal, he was acquitted of treason, but sentenced to death for cowardice and unofficer-like conduct. In consideration, however, of his revolutionary services, and the recommendation of the court, the president remitted the punishment of death, but deprived him of all military command.

Constitution and Guerriere.—While defeat and disgrace were attending the American arms on the land, the ocean was the theatre of bold and successful achievement on the part of the American navy. On the 19th of August, three days after the disgraceful surrender of Detroit, the Constitution achieved a splendid victory over the Guerriere. On the 2d of August, the Constitution put to sea. On the 19th, a vessel hove in sight, which proved to be the Guerriere, and the Constitution bore down upon her. "At first, it was the intention of Captain Hull to bring her to close action immediately; but, on coming within gun-shot, she gave a broadside, and filled away; then wore, giving a broadside on the other tack, but without effect. They now continued wearing and manœuvring on both sides, for three-quarters of an hour, the Guerriere attempting to take a raking position; but, failing in this, she bore up, and run with her top-sail and jib on the quarter. The Constitution, perceiving this, made sail to come up with her. Captain Hull, with admirable coolness, received the enemy's fire without returning it. The enemy, mistaking this conduct on the part of the American commander for want of skill, continued to pour out his broadsides with a view to cripple his antagonist. From the Constitution, not a gun had been fired. Already had an officer twice come on deck, with information that several of the men had been killed, at their guns. The gallant crew, burning with impatience, silently awaited the orders of their commander. The moment so long looked for, at last arrived. Sailing-master Aylwin having seconded the views of the captain with admirable skill, in bringing the vessel exactly to the station intended, orders were given at five minutes before five P. M., to fire broadside after broadside, in quick succession. The crew instantly discovered the whole plan, and entered into it with all the spirit that the circumstances were calculated to inspire. Never was any firing so dreadful. For fifteen minutes the vivid lightning of the Constitution's guns continued one blaze, and their thunder roared with scarce an intermission. The enemy's mizen-mast had gone by the board, and he stood exposed to a raking fire which swept his decks. The Guerriere had now become unmanageable; her hull, rigging, and sails, dreadfully torn; when the Constitution attempted to lay her on board. At this moment, Lieutenant Bush, in attempting to throw his marines on board, was killed by a musket-ball, and the enemy shot ahead, but could not be brought before the wind. A raking fire now continued for fifteen minutes longer, when his main-mast and fore-mast went, taking with them every spar excepting the bowsprit. On seeing this, the firing ceased, and at twenty-five minutes past five, she surrendered. "In thirty minutes" says Captain Hull, "after we got fairly alongside of the enemy, she surrendered, and had not a spar standing, and her hull, above and below water, so shattered, that a few more broadsides must have carried her down." The Guerriere was so much damaged, as to render it impossible to bring her in; she was therefore set fire to the next day, and blown up. The damage sustained by the Constitution was comparatively of so little consequence, that she actually made ready for action when a vessel appeared in sight the next day. The loss on board the Guerriere, was fifteen killed and sixty-three wounded: on the side of the Constitution, seven killed and seven wounded. It is pleasing to observe, that even the British commander, on this occasion, bore testimony to the humanity and generosity with which he was treated by the victors. The American frigate was superior in force by a few guns, but this difference bore no comparison to the disparity of the conflict. The Guerriere was thought to be a match for any vessel of her class, and had been ranked among the largest in the British navy. The Constitution arrived at Boston on the 28th of August, having captured several merchant vessels."[72]

The victory thus achieved was of incalculable importance to the Americans. If unexpected and surprising to them, it was still more so to the English. On the ocean, the latter claimed supremacy; and their successes in respect to other nations seemed to justify their proud pretensions. Indeed, whatever might be the result of the contest on the land, it had scarcely occurred to the English, that the Americans could, in any equal engagement on the water, become the victors. Nor had the Americans themselves confident hope of any signal success. But this beginning diffused a general joy throughout the nation, as well it might, and excited anticipations which, if high, were destined to be more than realized.

Battle of Queenstown.—For the purpose of invading Canada, an army of about five thousand New York militia had been collected on the Niagara frontier. Of these, General Stephen Van Rensselaer, of Albany, an officer of great merit, had the command. His head-quarters were at Lewiston, on the river Niagara, opposite to which was Queenstown, a fortified British post. Several hundred regular troops were also attached to his command.

The militia displaying great eagerness to attack the enemy, the general determined to give them an opportunity by crossing over to Queenstown. On the morning of the 13th, the army having been rëinforced by three hundred regulars, under Colonel Christie, the passage of the Niagara was made. One division of the troops was commanded by Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer; the other, was the division of Colonel Christie. These were to be followed by Colonel Fenwick's artillery, and the residue of the army. The first party which effected a landing, was that of Colonels Van Rensselaer and Christie, about four o'clock in the morning. On landing, the detachments were formed by order of Colonel Van Rensselaer, (Colonel Christie not having crossed with his men,) for the purpose of storming the heights of Queenstown.

At this critical moment, the American troops were attacked on either flank, during which the brave Colonel Van Rensselaer received four severe wounds, which were then supposed to be mortal. The command now devolved upon Captain Wool, the senior officer of the regular troops, who, although sorely wounded, repaired to Van Rensselaer, and volunteered for any service which might relieve the troops of the latter. Colonel Van Rensselaer directed the storming of the British battery upon the heights. Wool immediately conducted his force silently and circuitously, leaving the battery to his right, until he had passed it, and attained an eminence which commanded it. The British, finding that resistance would not avail them any thing, left it to the Americans, and retreated down the heights of Queenstown.

Elated with their success, the Americans had fallen into disorder, when suddenly they beheld the intrepid Brock advancing at the head of a rëinforcement of about three hundred men from Fort George. In a moment of alarm, an officer raised a white flag, in token of surrender, but which Wool indignantly pulled down. To keep the enemy at bay, until he could form his men, he dispatched a body of sixty men, who advanced, but retreated without firing a gun. The British followed, and drove the Americans to the brink of the precipice. One soldier, who was about to descend, Wool ordered to be shot; but, as the musket was levelling, he returned. Thus prohibiting either surrender or retreat, and being ably seconded by his officers, Wool rallied, and led on his troops to the attack. The British, in their turn, gave way, and retreated down the hill. Brock, in attempting to rally them amidst a galling fire from the Americans, was mortally wounded. His party no longer attempted resistance, but fled in disorder.

The Americans were now congratulating themselves on their success, when, unexpectedly, they were attacked by a body of British and Indians, amounting to one thousand, under General Sheaffe, who had followed the energetic Brock from Fort George. The battle becoming warm, and the Americans being hard pressed, General Van Rensselaer rëcrossed the Niagara, for the purpose of bringing over the militia, who were on the opposite bank.

But their ardor had abated. The sight of the wounded, and the groans of the dying, who most unfortunately had been carried in boats to the American side, had served to destroy all their courage. They could not be persuaded to cross, although their gallant general besought them with tears. Two thousand and five hundred of the militia, quite sufficient to have maintained the works which had been taken, remained idle and cowardly spectators of this most interesting scene. For this conduct, they found an excuse in the unconstitutionality of obliging militia to enter a foreign territory for the purpose of aggressive war. Thus the day was lost, and the troops, who had fought so nobly, had fought in vain, and were obliged, at length, to surrender. Sixty were killed, one hundred wounded, and seven hundred made prisoners.

Wasp and Frolic.—On the 13th of October, the American sloop-of-war Wasp, mounting sixteen thirty-two-pound carronades, two long twelves, with one hundred and thirty men, left the Delaware on a cruise. On the night of the 17th, several sail were discovered, which, in the morning, proved to be English merchantmen from Honduras, under convoy of a brig and two ships, armed with sixteen guns each. The brig shortened sail, with an evident disposition for an engagement.

Meanwhile, the Wasp having prepared for action, ranged close up on the starboard side of the enemy, receiving her broadside at the distance of some sixty yards, and delivering her own. From this moment, the action became unremitted. The fire of the Frolic, for so she proved to be, was to that of the Wasp, as three to two; but with this remarkable difference, that while the former uniformly fired as she rose, the sea being rough, the latter as uniformly fired when she sunk. And the consequence was, that the shot of the Frolic were either lost, or only touched the rigging of the Wasp, while those from the latter struck the hull of her antagonist.

In the brief space of five minutes, the maintop-mast of the Wasp was shot away, and, falling down with the maintop-sail yard across the larboard fore and foretop-sail, rendered her head yards unmanageable during the rest of the action. Soon after, her gaff and mizen-gallant-masts were shot away.

Perceiving the desolating effect of the enemy's fire upon his spars and rigging, Captain Jones at first decided to board; but, soon after, finding his ship in a favorable position to rake, he directed a fresh broadside to be delivered. The vessels had gradually approached, and were now so near, that in loading some of the guns of the Wasp, the rammers hit against the bows of her antagonist, and the men of the Frolic could no longer be kept at their quarters forward. The discharge of one or two carronades swept the enemy's decks. The impetuosity of the Wasp's crew could be no longer restrained, and they began to leap into the rigging, and from thence on to the bowsprit of the brig. In this movement, however, they were preceded by Mr. Biddle, the first lieutenant. On reaching the deck, judge his surprise, only three officers and a seaman at the wheel were to be seen! The bodies of the slain were lying here and there, and the deck was slippery with blood.

The colors were still flying, there being no seaman to pull them down. This grateful service was performed by Mr. Biddle himself. The officers now stepped forward, and surrendered their swords in submission. Thus, in forty-three minutes, possession was taken of the Frolic, after one of the most bloody conflicts recorded in naval history.

The Frolic was commanded by Captain Whinyates. She mounted on her main deck sixteen thirty-two-pound carronades, four long guns, differently stated to be sixes, nines, and twelves, with two twelve-pound carronades on a top-gallant forecastle. The Wasp had five killed and five wounded. Her hull sustained but trifling injury. The loss of the Frolic was seventy or eighty in wounded and killed. Both these vessels were captured the same day by the Poictiers, seventy-four, and taken to Bermuda.

This and other naval victories, while they served to animate and gratify the whole American people, were humbling to the pride of Great Britain. She had made her boast that she would drive our "bits of striped bunting" from the ocean; but she found herself mistaken; nor was a committee of investigation able to solve the mystery, except that the American frigates were seventy-fours in disguise!

United States and Macedonian.—The capture of the Frolic was almost immediately succeeded by the capture, off the Western Isles, October 25th, of the British frigate Macedonian, mounting forty-nine carriage-guns, by the American frigate United States, forty-four guns. The former was commanded by Captain John S. Carden; the latter by Captain Stephen Decatur.

The engagement, from its commencement, lasted for nearly an hour and a half—the early part being occupied in firing long-shot; but it was terminated in a very short period, after the vessels came into close action. For a time, the advantage of position was with the Macedonian; but, notwithstanding this, the fire of the Americans was so superior, that, in a brief space, the mizen-mast, fore and maintop-mast, and main-yard of the enemy, were cut down; besides receiving not less than one hundred round shot in her hull. Of her crew, three hundred in number, thirty-six were killed, and sixty-eight wounded.

The damage sustained by the United States was comparatively small. She lost one of her top-gallant-masts, received some wounds in her spars, had a good deal of rigging cut, but was hulled only a few times. Of her officers and crew, five were killed and seven wounded.

The manner in which the brave Decatur received Captain Carden on board the United States did him great honor. When the latter presented his sword, as in such cases is usual, the former assured him that "he could not think of taking the sword of an officer who had defended his ship so gallantly, but he should be happy to take him by the hand."

The United States, after the action, was in a condition to pursue her course; but, desirous of securing a prize so valuable as the Macedonian, Captain Decatur determined to make the attempt, notwithstanding her disabled state. Accordingly, having made such repairs upon her as circumstances allowed, the two ships made the best of their way to the United States.

The Macedonian was a fine ship of her class. She was smaller, of lighter armament, and had fewer men than the United States; but the disproportion between the force of the two vessels was much less than between the execution.

The reputation of Captain Decatur, already high, was added to by the manner in which the Macedonian was captured; and another testimony was added to the skill and bravery of the naval officers of the United States.

If such warfare must be—yet it is gloomy to think of it among rational and immortal beings, made of one blood, and having one common destiny—it may not be criminal, perhaps, to desire that our country's cause should be crowned with success, if that cause be just.

Constitution and Java.—The naval campaign of 1812 closed with another American victory, equal in brilliancy to any which had preceded. On the 29th of December, a few leagues west of St. Salvador, on the coast of Brazil, the Constitution, now under command of Commodore Bainbridge, descried the British frigate Java, forty-nine guns, and four hundred men, commanded by Captain Lambert. Both vessels, for some time, manœuvred to obtain a position that would enable them to rake, or avoid being raked. In the early part of the engagement, the wheel of the Constitution was shot away. Commodore Bainbridge determined to close with the British vessel, notwithstanding, in so doing, he should expose his ship to be several times raked. He ordered the fore and main-sails to be set, and luffed up close to the enemy, in such a manner that his jib-boom got foul of the Constitution's mizen-rigging. About three o'clock, the head of the British vessel's bowsprit and jib-boom were shot away; and, in the space of an hour, her fore-mast was shot away by the board, her main-topmast just above the cap, her gaff and spanker-boom, and her main-mast nearly by the board.

About four o'clock, the fire of the British vessel being completely silenced, and her colors in the main rigging being down, she was supposed to have struck. The courses of the Constitution were now hauled on board, to shoot ahead, in order to repair her rigging, which was very much cut. The British vessel was left a complete wreck. Her flag was soon after discovered to be still flying. The Constitution, however, hove to, to repair some of her damages. About a quarter of an hour after, the main-mast of the British vessel went by the board. About three-quarters of an hour after four, the Constitution wore, and stood for the British vessel, and got close athwart her bows, in a very effectual position for raking, when she prudently struck her flag. The Constitution had nine men killed and twenty-five wounded; the Java had sixty killed and one hundred and twenty wounded. Captain Lambert was mortally wounded.