After the loss of Louisburg, the conflicts on the borders became more frequent and fatal. The enemy was exasperated, and determined to give the colonists no rest. Various places on the Connecticut were accordingly attacked, but chiefly settlements in New Hampshire, the results of which were very distressing to individual families. Charlestown, Keene, New Hopkinton, Contoocook, Rochester, and many other places whose situations exposed them to the enemy were attacked, and a greater or less number of individuals were killed, wounded, or captured.

One attack may be stated in detail; it followed the surrender of Fort Massachusetts to Vaudreuil's French and Indian forces, an honourable capitulation, which took place in the summer of 1746, the fort having defended itself as long as its ammunition lasted. The narrative is given in the language of another: "Immediately after the surrender of Fort Massachusetts, about fifty of Vaudreuil's Indians passed Hoosack mountain, for the purpose of making depredations at Deerfield, about forty miles eastward. Arriving near the village on Sunday, they reconnoitered the north meadow, for the purpose of selecting a place of attack upon the people, as they should commence their labor the next morning. Not finding a point of attack suited to their design, which seems to have been rather to capture than to secure scalps, they proceeded about two miles south, to a place called the Bars, where were a couple of houses, owned by the families of Arnsden and Allen, but now deserted; and early in the morning formed an ambuscade on the margin of a meadow, under the cover of a thicket of alders, near which was a quantity of mown hay. The laborers of the two families, accompanied by several children, then residing in Deerfield village, proceeded to their work in the early part of the day, and commenced their business very near the Indians, who now considered their prey as certain. But a little before they commenced their attack, Mr. Eleazer Hawks, one of the neighboring inhabitants, went out for fowling; and, approaching near the ambuscade, was shot down and scalped. Alarmed at the fire, the persons fled down a creek towards a mill, fiercely pursued by the Indians. Simeon Arnsden, a lad, was seized, killed and scalped; Samuel Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, made a stand under the bank of Deerfield river, near the mouth of the mill creek, whence they opened a fire on the Indians. Soon overpowered, Allen and Gillet fell; but Sadler escaped to an island, and thence across the river, under a shower of balls. In the mean time, others, making for the road leading to the town, were closely pursued, and Oliver Arnsden, after a vigorous struggle for his life, was barbarously butchered. Eunice, a daughter, and two sons of Allen (Samuel and Caleb) were in the field; Eunice was knocked down by a tomahawk, and her skull fractured, but, in the hurry, was left unscalped. Samuel was made prisoner, and Caleb effected his escape by running through a piece of corn, though the Indians passed very near him. Notwithstanding the severity of her wounds, Eunice recovered, and lived to an advanced age."[24]

Although the war between England and France was terminated by the treaty of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle, on the 18th of October, 1743, yet tranquillity did not immediately follow. The frontiers continued to be ravaged, and the comfort and progress of the settlers were seriously interrupted, for a time, beyond the general pacification. The basis of the peace, as settled at Aix-la-Chapelle, was the mutual restoration of all places taken during the war: Louisburg, the pride and glory of the war, reverted to the French, to the grief and mortification of New England.

XI. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR.

Declaration of War between England and France—Causes of the War—Mode of conducting it—Various Expeditions planned—Nova Scotia taken from the French—General Braddock's signal defeat—Failure of Expeditions against Niagara and Fort Frontenac—Expedition against Crown Point—Battle of Lake George—Campaign of 1756—Inefficiency of Lord Loudon—Loss of Fort Oswego—Indian Atrocities in Pennsylvania—Campaign of 1757—Massacre at Fort William Henry—Campaign of 1758—Capture of Louisburg—Unsuccessful Expedition against Ticonderoga—Capture of Fort Frontenac—Fort du Quesne taken—Campaign of 1759—Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken—Niagara Captured—Siege and Capture of Quebec—Death of Wolfe and Montcalm—Final Surrender of the French Possessions in Canada to the English—Peace of Paris.

After a few years of peace, during which the colonies had somewhat repaired their wasted strength and resources, a declaration of war was made between Great Britain and France in the summer of 1756. There had been an actual state of warfare for two previous years, causing no small grief and annoyance to the colonies, who had fondly hoped longer to enjoy the blessings of tranquillity, and prosecute their schemes of improvement. An invaluable blessing, however, ultimately flowed from the renewed conflict of arms—as, from this time, that federation took place among the separated provinces, which was consummated afterwards in their independence as a nation. The prosecution of a common object, such as was presented in the French and Indian War, naturally concentrated and united their energies, and evolved, at length, the idea of a more perfect political association.

The causes of the war grew out of the encroachments of the French upon the frontier of the English colonies in America. Such, at least, was the allegation on the part of England. France had established settlements on the St. Lawrence, and at the mouth of the Mississippi, and commenced the gigantic plan of uniting these points by a chain of forts, extending across the continent, and designed to confine the English colonists to the eastern slope of the Alleghanies. The French possessed considerable military strength in their northern colonies. They had strongly fortified Quebec and Montreal, and, at other points, the frontiers were defended by Louisburg, Cape Breton, and the forts of Lake Champlain, Niagara, Crown Point, Frontenac, and Ticonderoga. And they had, also, a fort of some strength at Du Quesne, now the spot on which Pittsburg is built.

The establishment of French posts on the Ohio, and the attack on Colonel Washington, were declared, by the British government, as the commencement of hostilities. The French, however, allege the intrusion of the Ohio Company upon their territory, as the immediate cause of the war. General Braddock, at the head of fifteen hundred troops, had been despatched to America. On his arrival in Virginia, he requested a convention of colonial governors to meet him there, to confer on the plan of the ensuing campaign. They accordingly met, and three expeditions were resolved upon—one against Du Quesne, to be conducted by General Braddock; one against forts Niagara and Frontenac, to be commanded by Governor Shirley; and one against Crown Point, to be led by General Johnson. The last-named expedition was a measure proposed by Massachusetts, and was to be executed by troops raised in New England and New York. In the mean time, a fourth expedition, which had been previously concerted, was carried on against the French forts in Nova Scotia. This province, it seems, after its cession to the English, by the treaty of Utrecht, was still retained, in part, by the French, as its boundaries were not defined. They had built forts on a portion of it which the English claimed. To gain possession of these, was the object of the expedition. About two thousand militia, under Monckton and Winslow, embarked at Boston, on the 20th of May, 1755; and, having been joined by three hundred regulars, when they had arrived at Chignecto, on the Bay of Fundy, they proceeded against Beau Sejour, now the principal post of the French in that country.

This place they invested and took possession of, after a bombardment of a few days. Other forts were afterwards attacked and taken, and the whole province was secured to the British, according to their idea of its proper boundaries.

The military operations at the South, during this time, proved to be disastrous in the extreme. One of the most signal defeats took place in Virginia, that the annals of American history have recorded. It had been a total loss of a large army (large for the colonial warfare), but for the prudence and valor of our youthful Fabius, George Washington. He saved a portion of it, while the whole was exposed to utter annihilation, through the pride and ill-calculating policy of its leader. General Braddock was not wanting in valor, or in the knowledge of European tactics; but he little understood the proper mode of meeting Indian warfare, and had the greater misfortune of unwillingness to receive advice from subordinates in office.

The object of the expedition under Braddock, was the reduction of Fort du Quesne. At the head of two thousand men, he commenced his march; but, as it was deemed an object of great importance to reach the fort before it could be rëinforced, he marched forward with twelve hundred men, selected from the different corps, with ten pieces of cannon, and the necessary ammunition and provisions. The remainder of the army was left under the command of Colonel Dunbar, to follow with the heavy artillery, by moderate and easy marches.

Washington, who was his aid, and well acquainted with the peculiarities of Indian warfare, foresaw the danger which was impending, and ventured to suggest the propriety of employing a body of Indians, who had offered their services. These, had the commander seen fit to accept the advice, would have proved serviceable to him as scouting and advanced parties. Or had he, as was also suggested to him, as a matter of safety, placed the provincial troops in his army in front, he would have avoided the danger. These troops, consisting of independent and ranging companies, accustomed to such services, would have scoured the woods and morasses, and guarded against an ambuscade. Despising the enemy, undervaluing the colonial troops, and confiding only in his own valor and the splendid array of his well-drilled British regulars, he fearlessly pursued his way. The natural and necessary impediments were many, and he did not reach the Monongahela until the 8th of July. The next day he expected to invest the fort, and in the morning he made a disposition of his forces, in accordance with that expectation. His van, consisting of three hundred British regulars, was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Gage, and he followed, at some distance, with the artillery and main body of his men, divided into small columns.

"Washington had the day before rëjoined the army, from which he had been a short time detained by severe illness. It was noon on the 9th of July, when, from the height above the right bank of the Monongahela, he looked upon the ascending army, which, ten miles from Fort Du Quesne, had just crossed the stream for the second time. Every thing looked more bright and beautiful than aught he had ever witnessed before. The companies in their crimson uniform, with burnished arms and floating banners, were marching gayly to cheerful music as they entered the forest."

But soon and suddenly, how changed the scene! How many exulting soldiers that entered the forest, were destined never to emerge from it, into the light of day! How many hearts that were throbbing with hope at the prospect of an easy victory, were to be hushed for ever! Heedless of danger, Braddock pressed forward, the distance of seven miles only still intervening between his army and the contemplated place of action. Suddenly, in an open wood, thick set with high grass, there burst upon them the Indian war-whoop and a fierce fire from an unseen enemy on every side. A momentary confusion and panic ensued—many fell, and, the ranks being broken, there was danger of an ignominious flight. None could at first tell who might be or where lurked the foe that was dealing death at so fearful a rate. Braddock, however, rallied his forces, but mistakingly deemed it necessary to fight, even under these circumstances, according to European tactics, and to preserve a regular order of battle. Thus he kept his soldiers in compact masses, as fair marks for the Indian bullet or arrow, without the possibility of effectually meeting the foe. At this critical moment, personal valor was of no avail. Discipline and art, combined action, and orderly movement, brought not the enemy where he could be foiled. There was, indeed, a momentary suspension of the fight, resulting from the fall of the commanding officer of the foe, but the attack was quickly renewed with increased fury—the van fell back on the main army, and the whole body was again thrown into confusion. Had an instant retreat, or a rapid charge without observance of orderly military movements been commanded, the result might have been very different. But Braddock, too ignorant of the right course, or too bigoted to the European method of battle, refused to adopt either expedient. Continually fired upon, and losing his brave men by scores, he still made efforts to form his broken and wasting troops on the very spot where they were first attacked, thus bringing the living to supply the places of the dead, and offering needlessly, and without any countervailing advantage, successive holocausts to the demon of battle.

The enemy was small in numbers, and hardly calculated on the possibility of defeating the English army. Annoyance and delay, seemed to be all that they expected to accomplish; but permitted securely, in the two ravines on each side of the road where they were concealed, to fire upon the English, they could but triumph. The Indians, taking leisurely aim at the officers, swept them from the field, and all but Washington were either killed or wounded. He, as aid to Braddock, was peculiarly exposed, as he rode over every part of the field to carry the general's orders. Indeed, the sharp-shooters endeavored to take him off, as well as the rest, but he was providentially preserved. No instrument of death might be wielded with effect upon him. The superstitious Indians were struck by the phenomenon of his escape, and concluded that he was not to be killed. One of them afterwards averred that he shot at him seventeen times in succession, and was forced to yield to the conviction that he was invulnerable. At the close of the battle, four bullets were found in his coat, and it was known that two horses had been killed under him.

After an action of three hours, General Braddock, who had fearlessly breasted the vollies of the enemy, and had lost successively three horses from under him, received a mortal wound. His troops no longer maintained their position, but fled in terror and dismay. The provincials remained last on the field, and effected an orderly retreat, protecting, at the same time, the regulars in their flight. The defeat was most signal, and the loss of life appalling. The proud army, at the close of the contest, counted but one-half of its entire number. Sixty-four officers were killed and wounded. The remains of the English forces sought their companions under Dunbar, forty miles distant. Braddock could proceed no farther, and there expired. The army, with Dunbar for its leader, was soon after marched to Philadelphia, where it found its winter-quarters. Thus, in the fatal results of that expedition, the whole frontier of Virginia was left exposed to the French and Indians.

Of the enterprise against Niagara and Fort Frontenac, it may suffice to say, that it utterly failed. We proceed, therefore, to that against Crown Point, the rendezvous for which was at Albany. On the last of June (1755), four thousand troops arrived at Albany, under the command of General William Johnson and General Lyman. Here the sachem Hendrick joined them with a body of his Mohawks. As a portion of the troops, together with the artillery, batteaux, provisions, and other necessaries for the attempt on Crown Point, could not be immediately got ready, General Lyman advanced with the main body, and erected Fort Edward, on the Hudson, for the security of the apparatus above named, which was to be forwarded by Johnson.

Towards the end of August, General Johnson moved his forces forward more northerly, and pitched his camp at the south end of Lake George. Here he learned that two thousand French and Indians, under the command of Baron Dieskau, had landed at South bay, now Whitehall, and were marching toward Fort Edward for the purpose of destroying the English transports and munitions of war. It was resolved the next morning, in a council of war, to send out a large detachment of men to intercept Dieskau's army on its way. To perform this service, Colonel Ephraim Williams, of Deerfield, was appointed, at the head of twelve hundred troops, two hundred of whom were Indians. Dieskau, who was an able commander, had made an advantageous disposition to receive the English. While he kept the main body of his regulars with him in the center, he ordered the Canadians and Indians to advance on the right and left in the woods, with a view to surround their opponents. When the American troops had arrived considerably within the ambuscade, the Mohawk sachem, Hendrick, who had been sent out too late with his band, was hailed by a hostile Indian, and instantly there commenced a sharp fire. This brought on the action sooner than was intended by Dieskau, who had ordered his flanking parties to reserve their fire till the firing should proceed from the center. It was his design to let the English troops get completely inclosed before the firing commenced, in which case there would have been an entire defeat of the English. The discharge of arms necessarily became general, after the flanking parties had begun; but the advantage was altogether on the side of the ambuscaders. The provincials fought bravely, but finding that they were in danger of being hemmed in from every quarter, they were obliged to retreat. The loss of the Americans was considerable. Colonel Williams was killed. Hendrick and a number of his Indians, who fought with great intrepidity, were left dead on the field. The retreating troops joined the main body, and waited the approach of their now exulting assailants.[25]

It was nearly noon when the enemy appeared in sight of Johnson's army. The battle of Lake George, which was the consequence of their meeting, occurred on the 8th of September. The American army was encamped on the banks of that lake, and covered each side of a low thick morass. To form a sort of breastwork, trees had been felled, and this was his only cover against an attack. It happened most favorably that, two days before, General Johnson had received several cannon from Fort Edward. The enemy marched up in front of the breastwork within the distance of one hundred and fifty yards. Soon the grand and central attack was commenced, while the English flanks were beset by the Canadians and Indians. The distant platoon fire of the French did but little execution; and the English, summoning resolution, entered with increased spirit upon the defence of their position. Working their artillery with vigor, they compelled the Indians and Canadian militia to flee into the swamps. Dieskau, under these circumstances, was forced to order a retreat. It was not effected with much success, as his troops were thrown into irrecoverable disorder, and their flight was hastened by a party pursuing them from the English camp. The baron met the frequent fate of war—he received his death-wound from a soldier, who, meeting him alone, mistook a movement on the part of the general, which was intended as propitiatory, for an attempt at self-defence, and discharged his piece at him. He was feeling for his watch to give to the soldier. His wound proved fatal, but not until he had reached England.

When the baron's army halted, after its retreat or flight, it happened, just as they were about to take refreshment, that two hundred men of the New Hampshire forces, which had been detached from Fort Edward to the aid of the main body, fell upon the French, and put many of them to the sword. Their dead bodies were thrown into a small lake, which, from this circumstance, was afterwards called "the bloody pond."

The spirits of the colonists, which had been so depressed by Braddock's defeat, were greatly revived, but the issue of the battle of Lake George was not otherwise beneficial. The success was by no means followed up according to the expectations of the country. No further effort at this time was made to reduce Crown Point; but the remainder of the campaign was employed by Johnson only in strengthening the works at Fort Edward, and erecting on the site of the battle a fort, which he called William Henry.

Johnson, in his official letter respecting the engagement, makes no mention of General Lyman, although the latter held the command most of the day, as Johnson was wounded early in the action. This was an instance of ingratitude and selfishness highly unbecoming a soldier, especially as the consideration bestowed on himself was a baronetcy and five thousand pounds sterling.

The campaign of 1756, the year in which the public declaration of war was made, makes but an indifferent figure in American history. Expeditions against Niagara, Crown Point, Fort Du Quesne, and other places, were projected; but they severally failed. On the other hand, before the close of the summer, the Marquis de Montcalm, an efficient officer, who succeeded Dieskau, with a large force of regulars, Canadians, and Indians, took the important fort of Oswego, on the south side of Lake Ontario, which gave him the command of the lakes Ontario and Erie, and of the entire country of the Five Nations. Sixteen hundred men were taken prisoners; Colonel Mercer, the commanding officer, was killed, and the loss in cannon, mortars, batteaux, and other military resources, was great.

During this unfortunate year, a single military adventure on the confines of Pennsylvania, shows that the colonists were not insensible to the Indian depredations, and to the duty of attempting to repress them. Fort Granby, in that state, was surprised by a party of French and Indians, who made the garrison prisoners. Departing, in this instance, from their usual custom of killing and scalping the captives, they loaded them with flour, and thus drove them into the wilderness. In another quarter, the Indians on the Ohio barbarously killed, in their incursions, above a thousand inhabitants of the western frontiers. To avenge this outrageous conduct, Colonel Armstrong, with a party of two hundred and eighty provincials, marched from Fort Shirley, on the Juniata river, about one hundred and fifty miles west of Philadelphia, to Kittaning, an Indian town, the rendezvous of these murdering savages, and destroyed it. An Indian chief, called Captain Jacobs, defended himself through loop-holes of his log cabin. As the Indians refused the quarter which was offered them, Colonel Armstrong gave orders to set their houses on fire. This was at once executed, and many of the Indians perished by the flames and suffocation. Numbers were shot in attempting to reach the river. Jacobs, his squaw, and a boy called the king's son, were fired upon as they were attempting to escape out of the window, and were all killed and scalped. It is computed that between thirty and forty Indians were destroyed in this attack. Eleven English prisoners were also released.

On this occasion, a Captain Mercer was wounded, and conveyed away by his ensign and eleven men. He afterwards returned safe with twenty-three men, and four released prisoners. He is believed to be the distinguished General Mercer of the United States army, who died of wounds received in the battle of Princeton in 1776.[26]

The campaign of the succeeding year, 1757, is chiefly memorable in our annals for the dreadful massacre of the English at Fort William Henry, on the 9th of August, and which deserves a particular recital. Fort William Henry was commanded at this time by Colonel Monroe, a British officer. Being vigorously pressed, and unable to obtain assistance from General Webb, who was at Fort Edward with the main army, and having burst many of his guns and mortars, and expended most of his ammunition, he had no alternative but to surrender. By the capitulation which was signed, the troops were allowed to retain their arms, and as a protection against the Indians, were to receive an escort for their march to Fort Edward. Soon after, a detachment of the French army took possession of the fort. At the same time, the Indians, impatient for plunder and blood, rushed over the parapets, and were ready for operations. Colonel Monroe, perceiving their object, and dreading to remain within the camp exposed to their cupidity and vengeance, gave orders for marching about midnight. Preparations accordingly were made, but it was found that a large body of Indians was on the road with a view to intercept his march. Safety, therefore, did not permit them to leave the camp.

Early in the morning they began their march, but their situation was worse now than it had been before, with the savages threatening and prowling around them. Armed with tomahawks or other instruments of death, they filled the woods, and commenced their work of plunder and butchery upon the retreating British. Monroe complained to the French commander, and demanded the promised escort. This was not furnished, probably, as the French themselves feared the Indians; but the British were advised to yield to the former their private property, as the means of appeasing the foe, and saving life. This was very generally done, but it produced no effect, except to increase their rapacity. Whatever was withheld, they seized, and many were stripped almost entirely of their clothing, and some even to nudity. They rushed upon the sick and wounded, whom they killed and scalped; the negroes, mulattoes, and friendly Indians, were then dragged from the ranks, and shared the same fate. The English troops, under these circumstances, did as they could, until they reached a French guard on the way. They were followed by the insulting, robbing, and murdering savages. "The women accompanying the troops, unable to resist, were seized, their throats cut, their bodies ripped open, and their bowels torn out, and thrown in their faces; the children were taken by the heels, and their brains dashed out against the rocks and trees; and it is stated that many of the savages drank the heart's blood of their victims, as it flowed reeking from the horrid wounds."

General Webb, on receiving intelligence of the capitulation, ordered five hundred men to meet the captured troops, and conduct them to his camp; but, to his surprise, instead of meeting the escort, he found the captives flying, through the woods singly, or in small groups, some distracted, and many bleeding with dreadful wounds, faint, and in a state of exhaustion. The whole number massacred and carried off, was probably not far from three hundred.

The ill successes and losses of several campaigns now roused the people, both in the parent-country and in the provinces, to the consideration of more vigorous measures, under more able men. Accordingly, William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, the greatest statesman of modern ages, was brought forward at the present crisis, and infused his own ardent and decisive spirit into the national counsels. He sympathized with his trans-Atlantic brethren, and assured them, in a circular which he addressed to the governors of the provinces, that an effectual force should be sent against the French the next year, to operate both by sea and land. In connection with such a force, they were expected to raise their full quotas of troops, according to the number of the inhabitants. Animated by the favorable change in the parent-country, the government of Massachusetts voted seven thousand men, Connecticut five thousand, and New Hampshire three thousand, and the troops were ready for service in the early part of the year (1758). An armament of twelve thousand troops having been sent out from England, commanded by General Amherst, and the British forces already in America, added to the number of soldiers raised by the colonies, constituted an army far greater than had been before seen on this side of the ocean.

The expeditions proposed for the year were three—the first against Louisburg, the second against Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, and the third against Fort Du Quesne. The feelings of resentment against the enemy were strong, and the colonists engaged heartily in the movements; for Canada was filled, so to speak, "with prisoners and scalps, private plunder, and public stores and provisions, which our people, as beasts of burden, had conveyed to them." The enterprise against Louisburg was conducted by the land and naval commanders, Amherst and Boscawen, with twenty ships of the line, and fourteen thousand men. As the British minister had in view the absolute extinction of the French power in America, it was of the highest importance to take Louisburg, as a key to the possession of the capital of Canada.

The armament arrived before the place on the 2d of June. The commander of the garrison, the Chevalier de Drucourt, was an officer of experience and courage. His force, however, was not large, consisting of twenty-five hundred regulars, and six hundred militia. But the harbor was so strongly secured, that it was found necessary to land the English forces at some distance from the town. The landing was effected with difficulty, though with little loss. General James Wolfe, who then commenced his distinguished military career, was detached with two thousand men to seize a post occupied by the enemy at the Light-house point, from which the ships in the harbor and the fortifications in the town might be greatly harassed. The post was abandoned on the approach of Wolfe, and very strong batteries were erected there. Approaches were also made on the opposite side of the town, and the siege was urged with skill and vigor. The cannonade kept up against the town and the ships in the harbor was so effective, that there seemed to be little prospect of defending the place, and the government offered to capitulate Louisburg, with all its artillery, (two hundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon and eighteen mortars,) and a very large quantity of stores and ammunition; as also the Island Royal, St. John's, and their dependencies, were surrendered to the English. The speedy result was also the entire possession of the island of Cape Breton. The loss to the garrison was upwards of fifteen hundred men—to the assailants, about four hundred killed and wounded. In England, the trophies of the victory were publicly exhibited, and the event was religiously noticed in all the churches. In New England the joy was great, and the victory there also commemorated with public thanksgivings.[27]

Of the second expedition, under General Abercrombie, against Ticonderoga, it may suffice to say, that, notwithstanding its strength, numbering fifteen thousand troops, with a formidable train of artillery and the usual appliances, it utterly failed, through the unskilfulness and rashness of Abercrombie himself. Fort Frontenac, however, on the return of the army from their dépôt, was besieged and captured. The success of this last enterprise prepared the way for the reduction of Fort Du Quesne, the third object of the campaign of 1758. This expedition was entrusted to General Forbes. The fort, however, was found to have been abandoned by the French and Indians. It was now taken possession of by the English, who named it Pittsburg, in compliment to the British minister. Upon this event, the Indian tribes on the Ohio submitted to the English. The gloom which spread over the colonies by the defeat at Ticonderoga, was, in a measure, dissipated by the successes of Amherst and Forbes.

For the campaign of 1759, three expeditions were proposed—one against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to be conducted by Amherst—a second against Niagara, under Prideaux—and a third against Quebec, to be conducted by General Wolfe.

On the 22d of July, Amherst, in accordance with the above plan, invested Ticonderoga with twelve thousand provincials and regulars, and soon succeeded in capturing that important fortress. Following this, the village of St. Francis, situated at the mouth of the river of that name was destroyed.

The army destined against Niagara, was composed principally of provincials, rëinforced by a strong body of friendly Indians. It was placed under the command of General Prideaux, who commenced the siege of the place on the 6th of July. While directing the operations of the place, he was killed by the bursting of a shell. The command of the army then fell upon Sir William Johnson, who prosecuted the enterprise with judgment and vigor. The French, alarmed at the prospect of losing a post which formed the communication between Canada and Louisiana, in the mean while, made a strenuous effort to raise the siege, by collecting a large body of troops from several neighboring garrisons. These were brought, on the morning of the 24th, in battle array against the besiegers, ushered in by the horrible sound of the Indian war-whoop. The French charged with great impetuosity, but the English maintained their ground, and eventually repulsed them with signal slaughter. The fate of Niagara was now decided. The next day a capitulation was signed, and this portion of the country fell into the hands of the English.

The grand enterprise for the reduction of Quebec was entrusted, as already noticed, to the gallant and accomplished Wolfe, who sailed from Halifax early in the season, and near the last of June landed the whole army on the island of Orleans, a few miles below Quebec. Here the sight presented to him of the formidable position and works of the enemy by no means served to encourage expectations of success. But his resolution and desire of victory overcame every other sentiment.

"The city of Quebec rose before him upon the north side of the St. Lawrence; its upper town and strong fortifications situated on a rock, whose bold and steep front continued far westward parallel with the river, its base near the shore; thus presenting a wall which it seemed impossible to scale. From the north-west came down the St. Charles, entering the St. Lawrence just below the town, its banks high and uneven, and cut by deep ravines; while armed vessels were borne upon its waters, and floating batteries obstructed its entrance. A few miles below, the Montmorenci leaped down the cataract into the St. Lawrence; and strongly posted along the sloping banks of that river, and between these two tributaries, the French army, commanded by Montcalm, displayed its formidable lines."

We necessarily pass over several ineffectual attempts of Wolfe to draw Montcalm from his strong intrenchments into a general engagement, during which, and in consequence of excitement under their repeated failure, he fell sick. When, however, he had so far recovered as to assume the command, a plan was proposed to him by his generals for getting possession of the heights in the rear of the city, where it was but slightly fortified. Could the steep acclivity of rocks be surmounted, they would be able to reach the level plain above, called the Heights of Abraham. The plan was altogether congenial to the feelings of the commander-in-chief, and was put into execution with judgment and vigor.

In pursuance of this plan, Wolfe broke up his camp at Montmorenci, near the falls of that name, and returned to the island of Orleans, where he first disembarked. From that spot he determined to push his daring enterprise. Embarking himself and army on board of the fleet, he directed Admiral Holmes to sail up the river several miles higher than the intended point of debarkation, making occasional demonstrations of a design to land troops. That being accomplished, during the night a strong detachment in flat-bottomed boats fell down with the tide, to a point about a mile above the city. The shelving beach, the high precipitous banks, and the only path by which the place could be scaled, being defended by a captain's guard and a battery of four guns, all rendered the landing and ascent of the heights, on the part of the English, a work of amazing difficulty; yet it was effected, Wolfe himself being one of the first who leaped on shore.

The whole plan had well nigh been defeated at the water's edge, for one of the sentinels hailed. But being answered by a captain in Frazier's regiment, who fully understood the French language, and had been expressly instructed for the purpose, the latter was suffered to pass. The sentinel, from the answers given, (for the English were twice interrogated,) concluded at once that this was a French convoy of provisions, which was expected to pass down the river to Quebec. This the English had learned from some deserters. Escaping this difficulty, they commenced their arduous and perilous task. The Highlanders and light infantry, under the command of General Howe, led the way up the fearful precipice, which was one hundred and fifty or two hundred feet high, an almost perpendicular ascent. They clambered up by the aid of the projection of rocks, and the limbs of trees and shrubs growing on the cliffs. They first drove away the guard, and seized the battery. The rest of the troops pressed on in the difficult and confined path, and, by day-break, the whole army was planted firmly on the plains of Abraham.

Montcalm, taken by surprise at this unexpected scaling of the heights, was forced to abandon his strong position, and come to an engagement. For this purpose, he crossed the St. Charles, and drew up his army in battle array. This being perceived by Wolfe, a corresponding movement was made on the part of the English, and the disposition of the troops was such as to meet the masterly arrangements of Montcalm. The battle was commenced by the French, a portion of whose army, consisting of fifteen hundred Indians and Canadians, who were excellent marksmen, advanced in front for this purpose. Screened by surrounding thickets, they aimed with fatal effect at many of the British officers, but this lasted only a short time. The main body of the French now advancing, the principal struggle came on in all its fury. The English, reserving their fire until within forty yards of the enemy's line, then made terrible havoc among them by a general discharge. This fire was vigorously maintained until the French yielded to it. General Wolfe exposed himself in front of his battalion, as also did Montcalm before his, and both officers paid the price of their bravery. They were in the sections of the two armies, where the battle was most severe, and both fell mortally wounded, not far from the same time. There was another striking coincidence—they who succeeded them in command in either army, also fell wounded—the Frenchman mortally. When Wolfe fell, he was pressing on at the head of his grenadiers with fixed bayonets. It was the third time that he had received a wound; a ball had now pierced his breast. The respective armies continued in their strife, as if nothing had happened. After Wolfe and Monckton had been laid aside, Townsend assumed the command, and the British grenadiers pressed on with their bayonets. The center of the French army was soon broken by the brisk advance of General Murray. The Highlanders with their broad-swords completed the confusion of the enemy, driving them with great slaughter in different directions. A portion of the French army fled into Quebec. The enemy was signally defeated, having lost a thousand men, besides an equal number of prisoners. The loss of the English, in killed and wounded, was less than six hundred.

The necessary preparations were now made by Townsend for the siege of the city; but at the expiration of five days, it was surrendered to the English fleet and army. The capital of Canada, at the time of its capitulation, contained about ten thousand inhabitants, and thus having passed under the dominion of Great Britain, was protected by a garrison of five thousand men, under the command of General Murray.

Wolfe died of his wounds on the field of battle. He manifested "the ruling passion strong in death." As a touching incident in the annals of warfare, scarcely any thing can equal it, unless it may be that which also marked the death of his opponent. He was removed into the rear almost against his consent, that he might be attended to; but while others were expressing their sympathy in his behalf, he was watching the terrific contest with intense anxiety. At length, he could no longer sustain himself, but, faint with the loss of blood, he leaned on the shoulder of an officer, who kneeled down to support him. The agony of death was now upon him. A cry was heard, "They fly, they fly!" "Who fly?" asked the expiring hero. "The French!" replied his supporter. "Then I die happy!" he said.

The French continued in possession of Canada for a time, notwithstanding the capture of Quebec. Indeed, a second, and more mortal struggle, was soon to be again witnessed on the Heights of Abraham. The main body of the French army, which, after its defeat, retired to Montreal, and which was still formidable, had been rëinforced by six thousand Canadian militia and a body of Indians. With these forces, M. de Levi, the successor of Montcalm, appeared before Quebec, with the design of besieging the fortress. Murray, whose force had been reduced by the severities of the winter, the want of proper food, from five thousand to three thousand, left his works, and met the French near Sillery, and a severe action took place, in which the advantage was on the side of the French, the English being obliged to retire within the fortress. The loss on both sides was very great, being nearly one thousand each; but the battle was productive of no special results. Levi found it impossible to reduce the place; and the English, receiving rëinforcements after being closely invested for a time, it was concluded by the French commander to abandon the project, and he accordingly returned to Montreal.

As it seemed necessary to try the fortune of another campaign against the enemy, since, notwithstanding the capture of the French posts in 1759, the province still held out against the British arms, General Amherst had made arrangements for assembling before Montreal all the British troops from Lake Ontario, Lake Champlain, and Quebec. The several armies were early in motion, and so accurately had their operations been concerted, that Amherst and Murray reached the vicinity of Montreal on the same day; when Haviland, who commanded a small force from Crown Point, joined them: the next day, Vaudreuil, the governor, finding further resistance vain, demanded a capitulation; and on the 18th of September, 1760, the whole French possessions in Canada, were surrendered to the British power.

The war still continued in Europe, and a few provincial troops were raised in 1761 and 1762; but New England remained exempted from all border hostilities. On the 10th of February, 1763, a general peace was signed at Paris, and soon after ratified by Great Britain and France. This was an era of joy to the colonies. They had experienced no such relief since the commencement of King William's War, in 1689. A few short intervals of peace had indeed been enjoyed, but during nearly eighty years, they were generally doomed in every exposed point to pillage, captivity, and slaughter. Relieved from their miseries and dangers, they reoccupied their plantations, and new ones were commenced, and population began to spread with rapidity.

It may be added, and it is due to the colonist to add, that they were not unmindful of their obligations to that Being by whose fostering care they had been preserved during so many and so severe trials and privations. They had put their trust in Him, and he had saved them from the hands of their foes. Many had indeed fallen—many had suffered; but now, relieved from foreign invasion and savage butchery, they united in giving God thanks on a day set apart for the purpose, and went on their way rejoicing.