[9:1] Hume was inclined to admire the polity of the Church of England, on grounds peculiar to himself. The tendency of his remarks on the wealth and dignity of that establishment, is to hold that heaping riches and honours on a clergy, by occupying their minds in pomps and vanities, diverts a certain portion of the spirit of priestcraft from its natural propensity to subdue or annoy the rest of the community, and is on the whole a judicious investment of a considerable proportion of the wealth and honours which may happen to be at the command of a state. Adam Smith's opinion, on the other hand, was, that the people are best protected against the influence of priestcraft, by allowing no sect to have a superiority over others, and by leaving the clergy of different denominations to expend their zeal in fighting with each other.
[11:1] Original at Kilravock.
[13:1] Scroll in Hume's handwriting, Minto MSS.
[13:2] Four Dissertations: The Natural History of Religion; Of the Passions; Of Tragedy; Of the Standard of Taste. 8vo, A. Millar. Hume, in his "own life," says they were published in the interval between the first and second volumes of his History.
[14:1] In a copy which I possess, after p. 200, the end of the third dissertation, there are four strips of paper, the remains of half a sheet cut away. This occurs in signature K, and signature L begins with the fourth dissertation.
[14:2] Vol. i. p. 246.
[15:1] A simple example tells at once the whole philosophy of this view. In an unhealthy community, a workman dies after he has been ten years married, and leaves a widow and children dependant on the public. In a healthy community, he lives for twenty years after his marriage, and leaves children grown up and able to provide for themselves.
In general, the aim of all remarks on Hume's writings in the present work is expository, not controversial. The reader desirous of having every light thrown on Hume's opinions, will care nothing about mine; but where, as in the present case, he seems to have gone astray from his own leading principles, it appeared to be right to notice the aberration.
[16:1] This letter is not dated.
[18:1] MS. R.S.E.
[18:2] He persisted in spelling the poet's name thus.
[19:1] MS. Advocates' Library. A good example of the same thing being done in two ways, is afforded by comparing Hume's resignation with that of his venerable predecessor, Ruddiman. The latter is a document of considerable length, and ends in the following strain:—"But though I can be no longer serviceable to the honourable Faculty in that my former capacity, yet there is one duty still in my power, and which can never be dispensed with; and that is, that from the deep and most grateful sense which I shall always retain of your great and manifold favours, I should earnestly pray to Almighty God for the honour, prosperity, and flourishing state of your most learned and useful society; that ye may continue a great ornament to those high courts, of which you are members; and that in them, and every where else, ye may shine forth with that splendour and dignity, that unblemished character for justice and probity, and the faithful discharge of all those duties your honourable profession has laid upon you, for which you are so remarkable; and which the superior name and rank you bear in the world, give your country just ground to expect of you.
"This is the last best testimony and assurance I can give, of my most sincere gratitude, warm affection, and high regard to the honourable Faculty; and that I am, now, and always, my much honoured patrons and masters, your most obliged, most humble, and most dutiful servant,—
[20:1] These two distichs are taken from separate parts of the fourth book of Ovid's "Tristia." The first is accurate, but the second is evidently a variation of the following:
[22:1] Literary Gazette , 1822, p. 636. MS. R.S.E.
[23:1] In a work by Dr. John Brown, called, "An Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times," 1757, there is the following passage:—"A certain historian, of our own times, bent upon popularity and gain, published a large volume, and omitted no opportunity that offered to disgrace religion. A large impression was published, and a small part sold. The author being asked why he had so larded his work with irreligion, his answer implied:—'He had done it that his book might sell.' It was whispered him, that he had totally mistaken the spirit of the times;—that no allurements could engage the fashionable infidel world to travel through a large quarto; and that, as the few readers of quartos that yet remain lie mostly among the serious part of mankind, he had offended his best customers, and ruined the sale of his book. This information had a notable effect; for a second volume, as large and instructive as the first, hath appeared; not a smack of irreligion is to be found in it; and an apology for the first concludes the whole."—P. 57.
Dr. Brown's book is said to have been very popular, and to have run to a seventh edition in a few months. It is rather singular that the edition marked as the seventh, has precisely the same matter in each page, and the same number of pages as the first.
[24:1] The letter does not appear to have been preserved.
[25:1] MS. R.S.E.
[25:2] Elliot had been made a Lord of the Admiralty in 1756.
[27:1] Viz. of Edinburgh.
[29:1] Minto MSS.
[29:2] The title of the Epigoniad does not, unfortunately, convey any associations to the general English reader, who requires to be told that it is derived from Ἑπίγονοι, or descendants, in allusion to those of the warriors who had been slain at the first siege of Thebes; and the main incident of the poem is the subsequent sacking of that city. It is not difficult for the reader of the better parts of the Epigoniad to imagine, that he is perusing Pope's translation of Homer. When an approach was thus made to a model so famous, all was supposed to have been gained; and it was thought that a work had been produced which would stand beside the Iliad and the Odyssey. It is hardly necessary, at the present day, to ask, whether the highest genius will produce an immortal poem out of the machinery of another age and nation, and appealing to sentiments which have no response in the habits or feelings of the people to whom its author appeals? We read the great national poems of other countries in their own language, because we thus endow ourselves, as far as it is possible, with the feeling and ideas of those to whom the poem was addressed. We read spirited translations, because they are an attempt to represent to us, in our own tongue, that which is grand in another language; and our interest is like that with which we view the portrait of a great man. We thus encounter Ulysses, Agamemnon, and Menelaus in the Iliad, with the interest of excited curiosity; and those who cannot read the original, are content to make acquaintance with persons whom a great genius has made so famous, even through a rude translation. But few cared to meet them reappearing in Wilkie's imitation; nor, however forcible may be his expressions, or flowing his versification, do we feel very vividly the horrors of Cacus' den, and the destructive ire of the Cyclops, or sympathize in the torments of Hercules, from the Centaur's poisoned robe, when they are described in the Epigoniad.
[31:1] The paper is reprinted from The Critical Review , in the Appendix to Ritchie's Life of Hume.
[33:1] These fictions were to a considerable extent superseded by an act, so late as the year 1833; 3 & 4 Will. IV. c. 74.
[34:1] In 1757 Adam Ferguson became tutor to the family of Lord Bute.
[34:2] Minto MSS.
[35:1] Warburton writes as follows to Hurd:—"As to Hume, I had laid it aside ever since you was here; I will now, however, finish my skeleton. It will be hardly that. If, then, you think any thing can be made of it, and will give yourself the trouble, we may, perhaps, between us, do a little good, which, I dare say, we shall both think worth a little pains. If I have any force in the first rude beating out of the mass, you are best able to give it the elegance of form and splendour of polish. This will answer my purpose; to labour together in a joint work to do a little good. I will tell you fairly, it is no more the thing it should be, and will be, if you undertake it, than the Dantzic iron at the forge is the gilt and painted ware at Birmingham. It will make no more than a pamphlet; but you shall take your own time, and make it your summer's amusement, if you will. I propose it to bear something like this title:—'Remarks on Mr. Hume's late Essay, called The Natural History of Religion; by a Gentleman of Cambridge, in a Letter to the Rev. Dr. W. ' I propose the address should be with the dryness and reserve of a stranger, who likes the method of the letters on Bolingbroke's Philosophy, and follows it here against the same sort of writer, inculcating the same impiety, naturalism, and employing the same kind of arguments. The address will remove it from me; the author, a gentleman of Cambridge, from you; and the secrecy in printing from us both."—Letters from a late Eminent Prelate to one of his Friends , p. 240. In the immediately preceding letter, we find him saying, "I will trim the rogue's jacket, at least sit upon his skirts, as you will see when you come hither, and find his margins scribbled over."
Thus were concocted the "Remarks on Mr. David Hume's Essay on the Natural History of Religion, addressed to the Rev. Dr. Warburton," (1757) wherein the candid author, in pursuance of his instructions, says, "Of my person, indeed, I must have leave to make no discovery; and to tell you the truth, I have taken such effectual precautions, as to that particular, that I will venture to say you will never know more of me than you do at present." The original notes are to be found in the quarto edition of Warburton's works. Hume says, in his "own life," of the Natural History of Religion, "Its public entry was rather obscure, except only that Dr. Hurd wrote a pamphlet against it, with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility which distinguish the Warburtonian school. This pamphlet gave me some consolation for the otherwise indifferent reception of my performance."
[37:1] Probably "An Essay towards a General History of Feudal Property in Great Britain, under several heads," 1757-8, by Mr. afterwards Sir John Dalrymple.
[38:1] MS. R.S.E.
[39:1] Scots Magazine for 1802, p. 978.
[40:1] These analogies are taken from the technicalities of Scots law. The southern reader may as well be informed, that Prescription stands for "The Statute of Limitations" in Scotland; that a summons is the writ by which the plaintiff brings the defendant into court; and that "the lords' row," is the roll of cases in the Court of Session.
[41:1] Original in the possession of the Cambusmore family.
[43:1] MS. R.S.E.
[43:2] The Painter. The "Sketches and Essays on various subjects," were written by Armstrong.
[43:3] MS. R.S.E.
[45:1] Minto MSS.
[45:2] It appears, however, from a letter to Smith, farther on, that an attempt had been made to procure a chair for Ferguson, in Edinburgh, which had failed.
[46:1] John Stevenson was appointed professor of logic and metaphysics in 1730.
[47:1] MS. R.S.E.
[47:2] Without date.
[47:3] Original in possession of Sir Henry Jardine.
[48:1] Note B.
[48:2] It is also remarkable, that there is not one letter from Robertson among the MSS. R.S.E., or in any known collection.
[52:1] Perhaps this may be a mistake for M. Mérian, the name of the author of a translation of this essay, published in 1759.
[52:2] See above, p. 408. See the letters of Helvetius in the Appendix. He does not seem to have translated any of Hume's works, his proposed reciprocity treaty not having been concluded. He appears to have had considerably more at heart the being chosen a member of the Royal Society of London, as a means of restoring his lost popularity at home.
[55:1] A translation was published in 1764, by Besset de la Chapelle.
[55:2] Theory of Moral Sentiments.
[55:3] Essay on Taste.
[56:1] Stewart says this is the work subsequently published under the title of "An Essay on the History of Civil Society." But this may be doubted: see Hume's Remarks on it at the time of publication.
[58:1] This association of names is evidently intended as a sarcasm on Lord Lyttelton's taste.
[58:2] Stewart's Life of Smith.
[59:1] Probably Mr. Wilson, type-founder, Glasgow; the father of the art in Scotland.
[61:1] He did not consider his agreement about the Treatise of Human Nature a "previous" one, as the book was written. See vol. i. p. 65.
[61:2] Literary Gazette , 1822, p. 665. Original MS. R.S.E.
[62:1] MS. R.S.E.
[62:2] See this gentleman, who was a professor in Glasgow, mentioned above, p. 59, where his name is spelt Rouat.
[65:1] MS. R.S.E.
[65:2] MS. R.S.E.
[65:3] An account of all the books in which the constitutional principles of the history have been ably impugned, would only be reminding the reader of many works with which he is probably already familiar. But among the marked productions of this series, if he desire to have a calm appreciation of the merits of Hume's historical criticism, by those who have gone over the same ground, he will peruse the historical works of Hallam, and the treatises of Dr. Allen, including his articles in The Edinburgh Review , and his "Inquiry into the Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative." If, however, he wish to have all Hume's tergiversations sifted and exposed with forensic acuteness, and the zeal of an able and vigilant prosecutor,—to have before him, in short, the whole "case" of the British constitution against Hume, let him read Brodie's "History of the British Empire." It will gratify all the admirers of his book to know, that Mr. Brodie is occupied in the preparation of a new edition of his great work, which will, no doubt, be marked by all the same qualities which distinguished the first, increased by farther study and enthusiastic research. It is a singular incident in literary history, that immediately after the appearance of the first edition, filled as it is with a prodigious array of notes and references, the subject was gone over by Godwin in his "History of the Commonwealth," with but slight reference to Mr. Brodie's book; but in such a manner, from the structure of his narrative and otherwise, as to show that he had scarcely any other book before him.
This is not the place for a discussion of Mr. Brodie's charges against Hume: they are honestly supported by references, and will stand or fall on their own merits. But there is one instance in which Mr. Brodie's acuteness has led him farther than every one can follow him. Thus, speaking of a particular passage of Hume, he says, "he has given the very words of Perinchief, whom he yet durst not quote; and his pencil-marks are still at the place in the copy belonging to the Advocates' Library." This statement, to the effect that there exists evidence of Hume having read passages which he has designedly avoided citing, is frequently repeated; and if one would absolutely assure himself that Hume had read the passages, by reference to the copies of the books in the Advocates' Library, he finds one or two scores drawn across the margin with a pencil! The distinguished historical critic, who has noticed this circumstance, must make some allowance for the inferior acumen of ordinary readers, if they should fail to discover why this simple score must of necessity be David Hume—his mark.
Mr. Brodie's book is particularly valuable as a criticism on Hume's notions of the old prerogative in relation to the Star Chamber, the Court of High Commission, Martial Law, Impressments, and Forced Loans.
[68:1] Locke gives an admirable illustration of the sceptical spirit working on imperfect data, in the following anecdote. "It happened to a Dutch ambassador, who, entertaining the King of Siam with the particularities of Holland, which he was inquisitive after, amongst other things, told him, that the water in his country would sometimes, in cold weather, be so hard, that men walked upon it, and that it would bear an elephant if he were there. To which the king replied, 'Hitherto I have believed the strange things which you have told me, because I look upon you as a sober fair man: but now I am sure you lie.'"—On the Understanding , book iv. chap. 15, § 5.
[71:1] The forms of voting and coming to a decision in the British Parliament have been adopted by other countries, not from any partiality towards our systems, but because in this we seem to have approached abstract perfection; and the framers of codes, after all endeavours to make forms of like excellence, are obliged to have recourse to those which have been followed for centuries in St. Stephen's. In the French Assemblies, ingenuity was frequently exercised in vain to devise some plan by which, after a series of proposals had been made, and debated upon, the sense of the meeting in regard to them might be ascertained and recorded without the record being liable to be questioned as inaccurate. In the English system, the matter is at once solved. Each proposed resolution is made and put on record before the discussion begins, and however many different proposals there may be in relation to the subject of debate, they must be all put in writing, and each one must be singly, and without intermixture with the others, adopted or rejected by a vote of the house.
[72:1] He seems to have afterwards soothed himself with the reflection that his historical speculations were in favour of the stability of a fixed government, and opposed to innovating principles. In a letter to Madame de Boufflers, dated 23d Dec. 1768, he says:—
"Indeed, the prospect of affairs here is so strange and melancholy, as would make any one desirous of withdrawing from the country at any rate. Licentiousness, or rather the frenzy of liberty, has taken possession of us, and is throwing every thing into confusion. How happy do I esteem it, that in all my writings I have always kept at a proper distance from that tempting extreme, and have maintained a due regard to magistracy and established government, suitably to the character of an historian and a philosopher! I find, on that account, my authority growing daily; and indeed have now no reason to complain of the public, though your partiality to me made you think so formerly. Add to this, that the king's bounty puts me in a very opulent situation. I must, however, expect that, if any great public convulsion happen, my appointments will cease, and reduce me to my own revenue: but this will be sufficient for a man of letters, who surely needs less money both for his entertainment and credit, than other people."—Private Correspondence , p. 266.
1760-1762. Æt. 49-51.
Alterations of the History in the direction of Despotic Principles—Specimens—Alterations in Style—Specimens—His Elaboration—Ossian's Poems—Labours at the early part of the History—Ferguson's "Sister Peg"—Acquaintance with Madame de Boufflers—Account of that lady—First intercourse with Rousseau—Rousseau's position—The exiled Earl Marishal—Campbell and his Dissertation on Miracles.
We have seen, from various indications in Hume's letters to his friends, that he employed himself occasionally in corrections and alterations of the published volumes of his History. In these revisals, and especially in that of the "History of the Stuarts," his alterations were not limited to the style. He tells us, with a sort of scornful candour, in his "own life," "Though I had been taught by experience that the Whig party were in possession of bestowing all places, both in the state and in literature, I was so little inclined to yield to their senseless clamour, that in above a hundred alterations which farther study, reading, or reflection engaged me to make in the reigns of the two first Stuarts, I have made all of them invariably to the Tory side. It is ridiculous to consider the English constitution, before that period, as a regular plan of liberty."
It was part of his nature, when popular clamour called for the adoption of a particular course, to turn his steps for that reason the more distinctly in the opposite direction. He has not exaggerated the extent or character of his alterations; for an inspection of the various editions of his History which came under his own revision, shows him, by turns of expression, structure of narrative, and other gentle alterations, approaching closer and closer to despotic principles. The democratic opinions contained in his early essays, have already been alluded to; and their suppression in subsequent editions, harmonizes with these variations of the opinions expressed in his History.[74:1]
There are, however, a very few alterations in an opposite spirit. Thus, in the following sentence relative to the proceedings of the House of Commons regarding the militia, the part in italics is suppressed in the later editions. "He [the king] issued proclamations against this manifest usurpation; the most precipitant and most enormous of which there is any instance in the English history."
On one incident of some importance in history, he was obliged materially to change his ground of argument, yet would not alter his original opinion. During the fervour of the civil wars in 1646, Lord Glamorgan had in the name of Charles I. concluded a treaty with the confederated Irish Catholics, by which, on the condition of their aiding the king, besides other concessions, the Roman Catholic religion was to be restored to its old supremacy through a great part of Ireland. Ormond, the lord lieutenant, charged Glamorgan with high treason: but he produced two commissions from the king. The king disowned the commissions: but the parliament believed in their genuineness.—It was in this shape that the matter appeared in the first instance before Hume. In his first edition he accordingly maintained that the commissions were forgeries; and a long note, explanatory of the grounds of this belief, is a remarkable instance of a plausible fabric of historical reasoning, doomed afterwards to fall to pieces by the removal of its foundation. Before he published his second edition, he received a letter from the Rev. John Douglas, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle,[78:1] who was intrusted with the editing of the Clarendon Papers. In this communication, the reverend gentleman regrets that he cannot send to Hume a letter written by Glamorgan, describing the method in which the commissions were actually prepared, and its object; but he gives an account of the contents of the letter.[78:2] Hume could no longer hold that the commissions were not genuine: but he still maintained Charles to be guiltless; and though they were unknown to the lord lieutenant, and bore no attestation of having passed through the proper offices, he still argued that Glamorgan, in treating with the Irish, though he was within the letter of his very wide powers, must have exceeded his instructions; and ingeniously pointed to his work, "The century of Inventions," in connexion with which Lord Glamorgan is better known, by his subsequent title of Marquis of Worcester, as the production of a man who never could have been trusted with powers so extensive as those which he arrogated.
Besides the variations in political opinion, there were in the subsequent editions of Hume's History other alterations suggested by other influences. His opinions were self-formed, and he jealously protected them in their formation from the influence of other minds; but in the cultivation of his style he sought assistance with avidity from all who could afford it. Hence he appears to have earnestly solicited the aid of Lyttelton, Mallet, and others, whose experience of English composition might enable them to detect Scotticisms.
Before they went to press, his compositions underwent a minute and rigorous correction. His manuscripts, as the small fac-simile engraved for these volumes shows, were subjected to a painful revisal. We sometimes find him, after he has adopted a form of expression, scoring it out and substituting another; but again, on a comparison of their mutual merits, restoring the rejected form, and perhaps again discarding it when he has lighted on a happier collocation of words.[79:1] It is worthy of remark, that his most brilliant passages are those which bear the least appearance of being amended. It is not thence to be inferred that these passages sprang from his mind in their full symmetry and beauty: but rather that they had been elaborated, and made ready for insertion in their proper place, before they were put in writing.
We now resume the correspondence; which will be found to have reference, among other topics, to the preparation of the History anterior to the accession of the Tudors.
Hume to Andrew Millar.
"Edinburgh, 22d March, 1760.
"Dear Sir,—You gave me a very sensible pleasure in informing me so early of the success of 'The Siege of Aquileia'[81:1] on its first representation. I hope it sustained its reputation after it came into print. I showed Mr. Kincaid your letter; and he has published an edition here, of a thousand, which go off very well. As he had published a pamphlet, this winter, which he got from you, I told him that I fancied you would be satisfied with the same terms, which he then agreed to.
"I am very busy, and am making some progress; but find that this part of English History is a work of infinite labour and study; which, however, I do not grudge; for I have nothing better nor more agreeable to employ me. I have sent you a short catalogue of books, which either are not in the Advocates' Library, or are not to be found at present. I must beg of you to procure them for me, and to send them down with the first ship. Send me also the prices; for I shall be able to engage the curators of the library to take from me such as they want at the price.
"Dr. Birch, (to whom make my compliments,) will be so good as to give you his advice about buying these books; and will tell you if several of them are collected in volumes, as is often the case with the old English historians.
"I hope Lord Lyttelton and Mr. Mallet are as busy as I; if so, we may expect to see their history soon. Please to inform me what you hear of them. We are informed that Lord Lyttelton is soon to appear. I wish very much to have the benefit of his work before I go to the press. Donaldson told me, that Strahan has, at last, finished the small edition of my Essays, and that you have shipped his and Kincaid's number. They are resolved, I find, to dispose of them all in this place. I hope you have not forgot to send me half a dozen of copies in sheets, the number which we agreed to on any new edition.
"Your press, in London, has been somewhat barren this winter. We have had nothing from you but a good pamphlet or two, and have, I think, paid the same in kind. Our militia pamphlet was certainly wrote with spirit; and has been twice reprinted, as I hear, in London.[83:1] I beg to be remembered to Mrs. Millar; and please tell her that I am very sorry we shall not have the pleasure of seeing her here this summer. I could wish her just as much sickness as to make her sensible that travelling is good for her. My compliments to Dr. Douglas and Strahan, and to Friend Cummin, who, I hope, sees now a better prospect of overcoming all his difficulties. I am," &c.
The following letter, though it must be already familiar to many readers, is so clear an exposition of the writer's views on some branches of historical and biographical literature, that it ought not to be omitted.
Hume to Dr. Robertson.
I have frequently thought, and talked with our common friends upon the subject of your letter. There always occurred to us several difficulties with regard to every subject we could propose. The ancient Greek history has several recommendations, particularly the good authors from which it must be drawn: but this same circumstance becomes an objection, when more narrowly considered; for what can you do in most places with these authors but transcribe and translate them? no letters or state papers from which you could correct their errors, or authenticate their narration, or supply their defects. Besides, Rollin is so well wrote with respect to style, that with superficial people it passes for sufficient. There is one Dr. Lelland, who has lately wrote the life of Philip of Macedon, which is one of the best periods. The book, they tell me, is perfectly well wrote; yet it has had such small sale, and has so little excited the attention of the public, that the author has reason to think his labour thrown away. I have not read the book; but by the size, I should judge it to be too particular. It is a pretty large quarto. I think a book of that size sufficient for the whole History of Greece till the death of Philip: and I doubt not but such a work would be successful, notwithstanding all these discouraging circumstances. The subject is noble, and Rollin is by no means equal to it.
I own, I like still less your project of the age of Charles the Fifth. That subject is disjointed; and your hero, who is the sole connexion, is not very interesting. A competent knowledge at least is required of the state and constitution of the empire; of the several kingdoms of Spain, of Italy, of the Low Countries, which it would be the work of half a life to acquire; and, though some parts of the story may be entertaining, there would be many dry and barren; and the whole seems not to have any great charms.
But I would not willingly start objections to these schemes, unless I had something to propose, which would be plausible; and I shall mention to you an idea which has sometimes pleased me, and which I had once entertained thoughts of attempting.[84:1] You may observe that, among modern readers, Plutarch is, in every translation, the chief favourite of the ancients. Numberless translations and numberless editions have been made of him in all languages; and no translation has been so ill done as not to be successful. Though those who read the originals never put him in comparison either with Thucydides or Xenophon, he always attaches more the reader in the translation; a proof that the idea and execution of his work is, in the main, happy. Now, I would have you think of writing modern lives, somewhat after that manner: not to enter into a detail of the actions, but to mark the manners of the great personages, by domestic stories, by remarkable sayings, and by a general sketch of their lives and adventures. You see that in Plutarch the life of Cæsar may be read in half an hour. Were you to write the life of Henry the Fourth of France after that model, you might pillage all the pretty stories in Sully, and speak more of his mistresses than of his battles. In short, you might gather the flower of all modern history in this manner: the remarkable Popes, the Kings of Sweden, the great discoverers and conquerors of the New World; even the eminent men of letters, might furnish you with matter, and the quick despatch of every different work would encourage you to begin a new one. If one volume were successful, you might compose another at your leisure, and the field is inexhaustible. There are persons whom you might meet with in the corners of history, so to speak, who would be a subject of entertainment quite unexpected; and as long as you live, you might give and receive amusement by such a work; even your son, if he had a talent for history, would succeed to the subject, and his son to him. I shall insist no farther on this idea; because, if it strikes your fancy, you will easily perceive all its advantages, and, by farther thought, all its difficulties.[85:1]
In 1760, Macpherson published those "Fragments of Ancient Poetry, collected in the Highlands of Scotland, and translated from the Gaelic or Erse language," which, afterwards enlarged, became the celebrated "Ossian's Poems." Hume took an early interest in this professed resuscitation of early national literature. He at first doubted the truth of assertions so unprecedented in literary history, as those by which the genuineness of the poems was maintained. But there was nothing to which his heart would have responded with a warmer enthusiasm than the discovery, that his ancestors, generally reputed to be but late accessions to civilization, could look back upon a literature as rich and great as that which had crowned Greece with the literary supremacy of the world. Hence, he seems to have, after some time, willingly yielded to a belief in the genuineness of these poems. His good sense and sceptical spirit, however, resumed the supremacy, and he afterwards wrote a very searching though short "Essay on the Authenticity of Ossian's Poems." It is printed in the Appendix; and thither the whole correspondence on the subject is transferred, that the reader may peruse the various pieces in a series. It is probable that the sole reason why Hume never published this detection, was a kindly feeling to his friend Dr. Blair, against whom he might not wish to appear in a controversy, where the critical powers of the latter would be so severely tested. And yet they stood on perfectly fair ground. Neither Hume nor Blair had any knowledge of the archæological merits of the question. Each of them discussed the probable genuineness of the poems on grounds as purely critical as if they had been brought from Central Africa, instead of being the alleged literature of a people who are supposed to have at one time occupied the ground on which Edinburgh is built; and at the time of that controversy, as at the present day, might be visited on a journey of fifty miles. In such a state of knowledge, it required great freedom and decision in criticism to pronounce the poems forgeries. Then, as now, every genuine Celt protested that he had heard them over and over again in Gaelic with his own ears; and with this only difference from the translation, that there were peculiar delicate beauties in the native Gaelic, which neither Macpherson, nor any other man, was capable of expressing in English. In such an unequal controversy, between the internal evidence of criticism, and the external evidence of broad assertion, it is singular that no one should have attempted to solve the question through the faint light which the chronicles of the surrounding tribes throw on the history of the Celts in Scotland. That knowledge has now been pretty widely extended; and hence "Ossian's Poems" have been estimated at their true value, as an embossment of poetical language and imagery, on the surface of such barren metrical narratives as all uncivilized and warlike people possess; it has been found that the structure of the narratives, the characteristic names, the events of history, and the manners of the times, have been treated with no more deference, when an alteration was found to suit the purpose of the "translator."[87:1]
Intensely occupied with his History anterior to the accession of the Tudors, we thus find Hume writing to Millar on 27th October:—