[121:1] The works prepared by the Record Commission, whether it be true or not that it has failed to fulfil the services expected from so large an expenditure of the public money, present the sources of British history on a very different scale from that in which they appeared before Hume; and if he had lived in the present day, he would not have attempted to write the history of the first fourteen centuries in less than three years; or, attempting it, would have palpably overlooked materials which, in his own time, he could not have found access to. Among such sources may be viewed, Domesday Book, the Rotuli Hundredorum, the many records of the various courts of justice, the "Parliamentary writs, or writs of military summons, together with the records and muniments relating to the suit and service due and performed to the king's high court of parliament and the councils of the realm, as affording evidence of attendance given at parliaments and councils;" the remains of Anglo-Saxon legislation, collected under the name of "Ancient laws and institutions of England," and the "Ancient laws and institutes of Wales."
To these must be added the many antiquarian labours of private individuals or societies, such as the county histories, the works circulated by the numerous book clubs, and the inquiries into the early ecclesiastical history, which the controversies on church polity, for which this age is becoming peculiar, have excited. The publication of charters and other documents connected with private rights has opened a means of becoming acquainted with contemporary habits and institutions, slow certainly but sure. Besides his labours in the Record Commission, Sir Francis Palgrave has excavated much curious but not attractive matter, of which the world will never know the value till some Hume shall arise to give it shape and symmetry.
It has been a usual practice to rank those who, by such critical inquiries, ascertain the truth regarding minute historical propositions, in the category of "harmless drudges." But perhaps the character has been applied to the really useful workers in this field, as inaptly as it was appropriated by Dr. Johnson to the race of Lexicographers, in a moment of bitter cynicism. Antiquarianism, archæology, palæology, or whatever name it may receive, is a field in which there are many paltry workers; and these are sometimes, from adventitious circumstances, conspicuous enough to give a tone in popular estimation to the science. Dates are but one, and perhaps an inferior branch, of the subject; yet the labours of Petau, of Antine Durand and Clemencet the authors of the "Art de vérifier les dates," of Newton, Hailes, and Nicolas, would be enough to vindicate the dignity of this species of inquiry. It is, indeed, an essential one to history; and where it has been vaguely or unscientifically applied, the foundations of historical speculation are rotten. The prevalent failing of antiquaries is the inability to distinguish the important from the trifling; to perceive that the labour which might be necessary to fix the era of the restoration of the study of the civil law in Europe, would be ill bestowed on an inquiry into the foundation of some inconsiderable rectorship, or the birth of some undistinguished landed proprietor. But there is perhaps as much worthless historical Speculation as trifling Antiquarianism extant in literature. But it does not follow in either case, from the defects of the injudicious, that the able and accomplished followers of the subject were ill employed. A late and signal instance may be adduced of the intimate connexion of the speculative and the minute departments of history. Dr. Allen, in his "Inquiry into the rise and progress of the royal prerogative," maintaining that the older kings of England did not perform public acts until they had taken the coronation oath of fidelity to the people, found that there was just one exception, in the case of Richard II. which disconcerted his theory. It was subsequently shown by Sir Harris Nicolas, in his "Chronology of History," that in "Rymer's Fœdera," and other public documents, the regnal years of that reign had been by mistake antedated a year.
But while it does not follow that the one occupation is less dignified than the other, it is pretty clear that they cannot, to any great extent, be both followed by the same person. The limits of human capacity, and the shortness of human life, seem to forbid such an union; for literature has produced no one who unites the qualities of a Camden, a Mabillon, and a Montfouçon, with those of a Hume and a Montesquieu, though Gibbon and Niebuhr have perhaps come nearest to the union. Mr. D'Israeli says, (Curiosities of Literature, ii. 182,) "The time has perhaps arrived, when antiquaries may begin to be philosophers, and philosophers antiquaries. The unhappy separation of erudition from philosophy, and of philosophy from erudition, has hitherto thrown impediments in the progress of the human mind, and the history of man." But unless that author has himself achieved the united title, by showing that James I. was a man of great mind, and by characterizing political economy as a mere "confusion of words," the combination appears not to have yet been accomplished; and indeed the simple physical impossibility of the same person who brings the fabric to perfection, having time to produce the raw materials, seems to render it necessary that in all such histories as that which Hume undertook, the antiquary shall precede the historian.
[129:1] It does not appear that even the surreptitious fragments of Voltaire's work were printed earlier than the year in which the first volume of the "History of the Stuarts" was published—1754. In the Essai, Voltaire thus contrasts Hume's sagacity as an historian with the propagators of monkish legends. "Les moines Frédegaire et Aimoin le disent: mais ces moines, sont-ils des De Thou et des Humes?" Edit. 1785, vol. i. p. 235.
[132:1] MS. R.S.E.
[133:1] It must be observed, that this method of referring to authorities and collating them, is, even by Hume's account of it, one which a scrupulous investigator would call slovenly. The admission of any authorities at second hand is, to the extent to which it may be carried, a breach of the historian's duty. To make sure that he had rightly estimated their meaning on a first perusal, he should have collated all his references in proof.
[134:1] MS. R.S.E.
[134:2] In a letter to Millar, dated 8th October, 1763, he says, on the occasion of receiving a copy of a series of engravings, which have not yet been surpassed, "I have been obliged to Mr. Strange for a present of all his prints. He is a very worthy man, whom I value much, and therefore I desire you would send him a copy of this new edition of my History."
[135:1] In a letter to Millar, of 6th April, 1758, (MS. R.S.E.) he thus alludes to Smollett's work: "I am afraid the extraordinary run upon Dr. Smollett, has a little hurt your sales; but these things are only temporary."
[135:2] MS. R.S.E.
[137:1] Information communicated by Joseph Grant, Esq.
[137:2] This is shown by a paper of no great importance in itself, among the MSS. R.S.E. It is simply a document of instructions for defending an action against Hume, by a builder for repairs. It is in his own hand, and begins,—
"At Whitsunday last, Mr. Boswell, advocate, left Mr. Hume's house in James's Court; and Lady Wallace, dowager, came to it. Mrs. Boswell at that time sent for Adam Gillies, mason, to repair some plaister which was broken. Having by this means got access to the house, he went about and teased Lady Wallace, by telling her that many other things needed repairs. She frequently bid him let her alone, for she saw no occasion to trouble the landlord for any thing. Notwithstanding this, he came to Mr. Hume, and told him that the stone pavement in the kitchen, under the coal bunker, was all shattered, and must be repaired; and that he was sent by Lady Wallace to tell him so. Mr. Hume having entire trust in Lady Wallace's discretion, gave him orders to repair that pavement of the bunker. Gillies brought him in an account for many other repairs on the pavement of the kitchen. Mr. Hume told him that he had exceeded his orders; and that he would not pay him till he should see Lady Wallace, who was at that time in the country. When she came to town, she told Mr. Hume the fact, and that Gillies had come to him, not only without her orders but contrary to them. At the same time, Mrs. Boswell, who had lived two years in the house, told him, that when she left it, she saw nothing in the kitchen pavement which needed repairs. Mr. Hume therefore refused to pay Gillies for any thing, except for the plaister, and also for whitening the kitchen, for which he had orders. This is the cause before the court."
[138:1] It is supposed to have been of Hume that, when some one, in Mrs. Piozzi's presence, observed, that he had the lumières, Johnson said, "Just enough to light him to hell." Boswell mentions his having uttered a remark about Hume, too gross to be committed to paper. It is said that, when in Hume's presence, a mutual friend offered to make Johnson acquainted with him, the author of the "Rambler" roared out, "No, sir."
[140:1] MS. R.S.E.
[141:1] It is pretty well known, that he managed to persuade Garrick that a niche would be found, in the life of the first commander of his day, for the first dramatist of the succeeding generation. The manager immediately asked if Mallet had given up writing for the stage: fortunately he discovered that he had not; he had a manuscript play in his pocket.
With Mrs. Mallet, who was in all respects worthy of her husband, Hume had some acquaintance; but he does not appear to have had much respect for her. Lord Charlemont says, "I never saw him so much displeased, or so much disconcerted, as by the petulance of Mrs. Mallet, the conceited wife of Bolingbroke's editor. This lady, who was not acquainted with Hume, meeting him one night at an assembly, boldly accosted him in these words, 'Mr. Hume, give me leave to introduce myself to you; we Deists ought to know each other.' 'Madam,' replied he, 'I am no Deist; I do not style myself so, neither do I desire to be known by that appellation.'"—Hardy's Memoir of Charlemont , p. 122.
[142:1] This letter is not dated. It may be questioned whether it be either the one referred to in the preceding, or in the following letter by Hume.
[143:1] MS. R.S.E.
[144:1] MS. R.S.E.
[146:1] The alteration of the customs duties by the authority of the crown.
[146:2] The case of Sir George Markham, who was fined £10,000 in the Star-chamber, for rudeness to a peer, is not stated in the first edition. In the latest editions, the case is stated as it had been set down on Lansdowne's authority, and there is merely a note mentioning that Hobart gives a different account of it. See Hobart, p. 120.
[147:1] Minto MSS.
[147:2] MS. R.S.E.
[148:1] The quarrel between Wilkes and Armstrong excited much interest. They had been close friends, and Wilkes had advanced money to Armstrong in his need. The latter had ventured to pass a slight sarcasm on Churchill, who returned it ten-fold, taking Wilkes to his assistance, who abused Armstrong among the other Scots, in some letters in The Public Advertiser . A very amusing and dramatic dialogue between them will be found in The Gentleman's Magazine for 1782.
[148:2] MS. R.S.E.
[149:1] MS. R.S.E.
[149:2] See Vol. I. p. 221.
[149:3] Memorials of Oswald, p. 79.
[149:4] Scroll MS. R.S.E.
[150:1] William Johnstone of Westerhall, afterwards Sir William Pulteney.
[150:2] MS. R.S.E.
[151:1] Stewart's Life of Reid. It is not stated whether the date is estimated by the old or the new style. Hume's birth-day is old style.
[152:1] Oeuvres Philosophiques de M. D. Hume, &c., 4 vols. 12mo, 1764.
[153:1] When are the public to be in possession of Sir William Hamilton's edition of Reid? I have had the privilege of seeing the proof sheets of this work, so far as it had proceeded, before ill health had, for a time, interrupted the labours of the professor of logic. The quantity of learning and deep thought concentrated in the commentary, is such as, perhaps, but one man in this country could have brought together; and the natural feeling suggested on the perusal was, regret that so much of these qualities had been expended in notes and illustrative essays, instead of being published in a separate work.
[154:1] Stewart's Life of Reid.
[156:1] MS. R.S.E.
1763-1764. Æt. 52-53.
Lord Hertford's appointment to the French Embassy, and invitation to Hume to accompany him—Correspondence on the occasion—Residence in London, and remarks on the Political Movements of 1763—State of his reputation in France—His Arrival—Letters to friends at home about his flattering reception—The young French princes—Observations on eminent French people—His recommendations to a Clergyman—Introductions of Fellow Countrymen.
On the conclusion of the treaty of 1763, the Marquis of Hertford was appointed ambassador to the court of France. He invited Hume to attend him as secretary; and there is no reason to believe that the selection was owing to any other motive than the desire to place an able and honest man in office. The Marquis was a man of high moral character, and his religious opinions appear to have been considered by some of his contemporaries as too zealous and exclusive. The intercourse thus occasioned, was the commencement of a lasting friendship, in which the English Marquis and the Scottish philosopher, however separated by nominal difference of rank, had too genuine a respect for each other to be affected by such inequalities. The intimacy extended to General Seymour Conway, the brother of the Marquis; and Hume's intercourse with them both, tends to confirm the impression which the portraits of the two brothers convey to the present generation, of dispositions open, kind, and artless. In reference to this event, Hume says, in his "own life," "I retired to my native country of Scotland, determined never more to set my foot out of it; and retaining the satisfaction of never having preferred a request to one great man, or even making advances of friendship to any of them. As I was now turned of fifty, I thought of passing all the rest of my life in this philosophical manner, when I received, in 1763, an invitation from the Earl of Hertford, with whom I was not in the least acquainted, to attend him on his embassy to Paris, with a near prospect of being appointed secretary to the embassy, and, in the meanwhile, of performing the functions of that office. This offer, however inviting, I at first declined, both because I was reluctant to begin connexions with the great, and because I was afraid that the civilities and gay company of Paris, would prove disagreeable to a person of my age and humour: but on his lordship's repeating the invitation, I accepted of it. I have every reason, both of pleasure and interest, to think myself happy in my connexions with that nobleman, as well as afterwards with his brother, General Conway."
We have, in his familiar correspondence, a fuller account of his feelings on the occasion.
Hume to Adam Smith.
"Edinburgh, 9th August, 1763.
"My Dear Friend,—I have got an invitation, accompanied with great prospects and expectations, from Lord Hertford, if I would accompany him, though at first without any character, in his embassy to Paris. I hesitated much on the acceptance of this offer, though in appearance very inviting: and I thought it ridiculous at my years, to be entering on a new scene, and to put myself in the lists as a candidate of fortune. But I reflected that I had in a manner abjured all literary occupations; that I resolved to give up my future life entirely to amusements; that there could not be a better pastime than such a journey, especially with a man of Lord Hertford's character; and that it would be easy to prevent my acceptance from having the least appearance of dependance. For these reasons, and by the advice of every friend whom I consulted, I at last agreed to accompany his lordship, and I set out to-morrow for London. I am a little hurried in my preparations; but I could not depart without bidding you adieu, my good friend, and without acquainting you with the reasons of so sudden a movement. I have not great expectations of revisiting this country soon; but I hope it will not be impossible but we may meet abroad, which will be a great satisfaction to me. I am," &c.[158:1]
Hume to Baron Mure.
"Lisle St. 1st Sept. 1763.
"My Dear Baron,—As I am not sure where you are, nor whether this direction be right, I am obliged to speak to you with reserve, both of public affairs and of my own. Of the latter, I shall only say, that notwithstanding of my first reluctance, I am entirely reconciled to my present situation, and have a great prepossession, or rather, indeed, a great esteem and affection for the person and family whom I am to accompany to France. The prospect of my being secretary to the embassy is neither very distant nor is it immediate; but Lord Hertford will certainly, before our departure, obtain a settlement for me for life; which at any events will improve my fortune, and is a great pledge of his friendship and regard.
"I have insulted [consulted] Elliot, Sir Harry, Oswald, and all our friends of that administration. The former said to me, that my situation was, taking all its circumstances, the most wonderful event in the world. I was now a person clean and white as the driven snow; and that were I to be proposed for the see of Lambeth, no objection could henceforth be made to me. What makes the matter more extraordinary, is, that the idea first came into my patron's head, without the suggestion of any one mortal.[159:1]
"You must have heard of the late most astonishing events with regard to public affairs.[159:2] Yesterday Lord Bute had a pretty large company dining with him, to whom he gave an account of the whole transactions, and desired them to publish it.
"One of them, a friend of mine, as soon as he went home, took it down in writing, of which he gave me a copy, and which I transmit to you. He is a military man, and his style is not elegant; but I am sure, from another certain authority, that the account is in the main just; only I have reason to think that Lord Halifax was proscribed along with the rest; at least he said so yesterday to a friend of mine. I wish this high spirit of his M. may be supported. But femme qui écoute et ville qui parle sont bientôt rendues. Lord Bute goes abroad very soon. Some pretend that the present administration is more enraged against him than is the opposition, on account of his taking this important step without consulting them. Never in any history was there so curious a scene; nor was there ever so formidable a demagogue as this man. Lord Sandwich, it is said, will be secretary for some weeks; our friend Wood is so at present. Many of the leading men in the opposition were left out on Mr. Pitt's plan; which, it is thought, will breed dissensions among them.
"I dined yesterday with Lord Chesterfield, along with Colonel Irvine. The Colonel made an apology for our arriving so late, on account of his being detained at court. 'At court?' said my lord: 'I should be glad to know what place that is.' Dear Mure, yours."[160:1]
In an earlier part of this work, we have found Hume narrating events of contemporary military history. In the following, as in the preceding letter, he gives his version of a celebrated ministerial revolution, of which the public is as yet possessed of no account which is not liable to doubt.
Hume to Adam Smith.
"Lisle St. 13th Sept. 1763.
"My Dear Smith,—The settlement which I had made in Scotland was so much to my mind, I had indeed struck root so heartily, that it was with the utmost reluctance I could think of transplanting myself, and I began to approach towards that age in which these experiments became no longer practicable with safety. I own that, on my arrival in London, I found every circumstance more inviting than I had reason to expect; particularly the characters of Lord and Lady Hertford, who are allowed to be the two persons the most unexceptionable among all the English nobility. Even that circumstance of Lord Hertford's character, his great piety, ought to make my connexions with him more agreeable, both because it is not attended with any thing sour and rigid, and because I draw the more honour from his choice, while he overlooked so many seeming objections which lay against me on that head. My fortune also receives a great addition during life from this connexion; besides many openings to ambition, were I so simple as to be exposed to temptation from that passion.
"But, notwithstanding all these considerations, shall I tell you the truth? I repine at my loss of ease and leisure, and retirement and independence; and it is not without a sigh I look backwards, nor without reluctance that I cast my eye forwards. Is this sentiment an instinct which admonishes me of the situation most proper and suitable to me? Or is it a momentary disgust, the effect of low spirits, which company and amusement, and a better state of health, will soon dissipate and remove? I must wait with patience till I see the decision of this question.
"I find that one view of Lord Hertford in engaging me to go along with him is, that he thinks I may be useful to Lord Beauchamp in his studies. That young nobleman is generally spoke of as very amiable and very promising; but I remember, though faintly, to have heard from you something to the contrary, which you had heard from that severe critic, Mr. Herbert: I should be obliged to you for informing me of it. I have not yet seen my Lord Beauchamp, who is at this time in Paris. We shall not leave London these three weeks.
"You have, no doubt, heard of the strange jumble among our ministers, and of the negotiation opened with Mr. Pitt. Never story was told with such contrary circumstances as that of his secret conference with the king, and of the terms demanded by that popular leader. The general outlines of the whole story seem to be these:
"Lord Bute, disgusted with the ministers, who had almost universally conspired to neglect him, and suspecting their bottom to be too narrow, had, before Lord Egremont's death, opened a negotiation with Mr. Pitt, by means of Lord Shelburne, who employed Calcraft the agent. Mr. Pitt says, that he always declared it highly improper that he should be brought to the king, before all terms were settled on such a footing as to render it impossible for them to separate without agreeing. He accordingly thought they were settled. His first conference with the king confirmed him in that opinion, and he wrote to the Duke of Devonshire to come to town, in order to place himself at the head of the treasury. The Duke of Newcastle said, at his table on Sunday was a fortnight, that the ministry was settled. But when Mr. Pitt came to the king that afternoon, he found him entirely changed, and every thing was retracted that had been agreed on. This is his story. The other party says, that he rose in his terms, and wanted to impose the most exorbitant conditions on his sovereign. I suppose that the first conference passed chiefly in generals, and that Mr. Pitt would then be extremely humble, and submissive, and polite, and dutiful in his expressions. But when he came to particulars, they did not seem to correspond with these appearances. At least, this is the best account I can devise of the matter, consistent with the honour of both parties.
"You would see the present ministry by the papers. It is pretended that they are enraged against Lord Bute, for negotiating without their knowledge or consent; and that the other party are no less displeased with him for not finishing the treaty with them. That nobleman declared his resolution of going abroad a week or two ago. Now he is determined to pass the winter in London. Our countrymen are visibly hurt in this justle of parties, which I believe to be far from the intentions of Lord Bute. Lord Shelburne resigned, because he found himself obnoxious on account of his share in the negotiation. I see you are much displeased with that nobleman, but he always speaks of you with regard. I hear that your pupil, Mr. Fitzmaurice, makes a very good figure at Paris.
"It is generally thought that Mr. Pitt has gained credit and force by this negotiation. It turns the eyes of the public towards him. It shows that the king can overlook personal resentment against him and Lord Temple. It gains him the confidence of his own party, who see that he was negotiating for the whole of them; and puts people in mind of the French rhyme,—ville qui parle et femme qui écoute.
"You would hear that the case of the Douglas is now made clear, even in the eyes the most blinded and most prejudiced, which I am glad of on account of our friends. I am," &c.[163:1]
The following notice, by one who has unfortunately left nothing behind to show posterity the grounds on which his reputation rested, the Rev. Dr. Carlyle, will be read with interest.
Robertson has managed with great address: he is principal, chaplain, minister, historiographer, and historian; that is to say, he has £50 a-year and a house, certain, besides what he can make by his books. It was taken for granted that he was to resign his charge on being appointed historiographer with £200 salary; but that he will do at his leisure. It is also supposed by his patrons, that he is to write the History of Britain in ten volumes quarto; that also, I presume, (dreadful task,) he will execute at his leisure.
Honest David Home, [Hume,] with the heart of all others that rejoices most at the prosperity of his friends, was certainly a little hurt with this last honour conferred on Robertson. A lucky accident has given him relief. The Earl of Hertford is appointed ambassador to France: not very capable himself, they have loaded him with an insignificant secretary, one Charles Bunbury, who, for the sake of pleasure, more than the thousand a-year, solicited for the office. Hertford knew David, and some good genius prompted him to ask him to go along and manage the business. It is an honourable character: he will see his friends in France. If he tires, he can return when he pleases. Bunbury will probably tire first, and then David will become secretary.[164:1]
The following letter, without address, appears to have been written to Dr. Carlyle.
"Lisle Street, 15th Sept. 1763.
"Dear Doctor,—The case of poor Blacklock gives me great distress; and so much the more, as I am afraid it is not in the power of any human being to relieve him.[165:1] His unhappiness seems to proceed from the infirmity of his body, and the delicacy, not to say weakness, of his mind. He has wrote to me letters full of the bitterest anguish, on account of the treatment he meets with from his parishioners. I believe it is not good; but it is impossible not to think it exaggerated by his imagination: and I am of your opinion that the same persecution, partly real, partly imaginary, would follow him in every other settlement. I had concerted with Baron Mure a very likely scheme for his removal; but to what purpose would this serve, if the same complaints must return in his new situation? I agree with you, that a small pension, could it be obtained, might bestow on him some degree of tranquillity; but how to obtain it I profess I do not know, as I suppose you will readily believe. That door was never very wide for men of letters; and is become still narrower than ever."
He proceeds, in terms similar to those already recorded, to state his satisfaction in the connexion with Lord Hertford, and continues:—
"I go to a place of the world which I have always admired the most; and it is not easy to imagine a reception better than I have reason to expect. What, then, can be wanting to my happiness? I hope, nothing; or if any thing, it will only be an age and temper better adapted to vanity and dissipation. I beg of you to embrace Mrs. Carlisle in my name, and to assure her of my sincere respects.
"I write no politics, having now become a politician. Please address yourself to John Hume for information on that head. Let him explain to you his patron's situation!!!! Pray, is there any body such an idiot at present as to be a partisan of the Douglas?"
To obtain literary distinction in France at that time, was to be received at court. The star of Germany had not yet risen in the horizon of literature, and the great monarch and warrior of the Teutonic tribes treated his native tongue as the speech of boors, tried to distinguish himself in French literature, and was ambitious of being received into equal companionship with the popular authors of France. Britain, notwithstanding her series of illustrious names, had not yet quite shaken off an air of provincialism. Shakspere was a strange wild genius, full of barbarisms and abominable galimatias: Voltaire had said it, and it was a judgment, not an opinion. Some discontented Frerons or Arnauds, might cavil against it: but this was rebellion, not controversy. The greatness of our masters in science and philosophy was fully admitted; but they were viewed as citizens of the great world of letters, accidentally born in one of its more barren districts; and they were scarcely more closely identified with the national literature of their country, than Linnæus might be with that of Sweden, or Tycho Brahe with that of Denmark. In truth, the apparent interregnum, following the decline of the Latin as the literary language of the world, appeared likely to end in the establishment of the French as its successor. Such expectations gave to the literature of France a metropolitan air, with which no other could cope; and communicated to those natives of other places, whose name was honoured in the French circles of letters, a corresponding elevation.[167:1] Hume would have been impervious to the most conclusive evidence on the subject, if he had failed to know how greatly he was honoured among all the literary circles of the continent, and particularly in those of the metropolis of literature. Lord Elibank, writing from Paris, on 11th May, 1763, says to him, "No author ever yet attained to that degree of reputation in his own lifetime that you are now in possession of at Paris;"[167:2] and the extent of his fame was abundantly attested by others.[167:3]
Hume arrived in France on the 14th day of October, 1763. Of his reception, his own letters will give the best account.
"Fontainbleau, 26th Oct. 1763.
"My Dear Smith,—I have been three days at Paris, and two at Fontainbleau, and have every where met with the most extraordinary honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire. The compliments of dukes and marischals of France, and foreign ambassadors, go for nothing with me at present: I retain a relish for no kind of flattery but that which comes from the ladies. All the courtiers, who stood around when I was introduced to Madame de Pompadour, assured me that she was never heard to say so much to any man; and her brother, to whom she introduced me,——[169:1] But I forget already, that I am to scorn all the civilities of men. However, even Madame Pompadour's civilities were, if possible, exceeded by those of the Duchesse de Choiseul, the wife of the favourite and Prime Minister, and one of the ladies of the most distinguished merit in France. Not contented with the many obliging things she said to me on my first introduction, she sent to call me from the other end of the room, in order to repeat them, and to enter into a short conversation with me: and not contented with that, she sent the Danish ambassador after me, to assure me, that what she said was not from politeness, but that she seriously desired to be in friendship and correspondence with me. There is not a courtier in France, who would not have been transported with joy, to have had the half of these obliging things said to him by either of these great ladies; but what may appear more extraordinary, both of them, as far as I could conjecture, have read with some care all my writings that have been translated into French,—that is, almost all my writings. The king said nothing particular to me, when I was introduced to him; and (can you imagine it) I was become so silly, as to be a little mortified by it, till they told me, that he never says any thing to any body the first time he sees them. The Dauphin, as I am told from all hands, declares himself on every occasion very strongly in my favour; and many people assure me, that I have reason to be proud of his judgment, even were he an individual. I have scarce seen any of the geniuses of Paris, who, I think, have in general great merit, as men of letters. But every body is forward to tell me the high panegyrics I receive from them; and you may believe that ——[170:1] approbation which has procured me all these civilities from the courtiers.
"I know you are ready to ask me, my dear friend, if all this does not make me very happy: No, I feel little or no difference. As this is the first letter I write to my friends at home, I have amused myself, (and I hope I have amused you,) by giving you a very abridged account of these transactions. But can I ever forget, that it is the very same species, that would scarce show me common civilities a very few years ago at Edinburgh, who now receive me with such applauses at Paris? I assure you, I reap more internal satisfaction from the very amiable manners and character of the family in which I live, (I mean Lord and Lady Hertford, and Lord Beauchamp,) than from all these external vanities; and it is that domestic enjoyment which must be considered as the agreeable circumstance in my situation. During the two last days, in particular, that I have been at Fontainbleau I have suffered (the expression is not improper) as much flattery as almost any man has ever done in the same time. But there are few days in my life, when I have been in good health, that I would not rather pass over again. Mr. Neville, our minister, an honest, worthy English gentleman, who carried me about, was astonished at the civilities I met with; and has assured me, that on his return, he will not fail to inform the king of England and the English ministry of all these particulars. But enough of all these follies. You see I trust to your friendship, that you will forgive me; and to your discretion, that you will keep my secret.
"I had almost forgot, in these effusions, shall I say of my misanthropy or my vanity, to mention the subject which first put my pen in my hand. The Baron d'Holbach, whom I saw at Paris, told me, that there was one under his eye that was translating your 'Theory of Moral Sentiments;' and desired me to inform you of it.[171:1] Mr. Fitzmaurice, your old friend, interests himself strongly in this undertaking. Both of them wish to know, if you propose to make any alterations on the work, and desire you to inform me of your intentions in that particular. Please direct to me under cover to the Earl of Hertford at Northumberland House, London. Letters so directed will be sent to us at Paris. I desire my compliments to all friends. I am, my dear Smith, yours sincerely."[172:1]
Hume to Professor Ferguson.
"Fontainbleau, 9th Nov. 1763.
"Dear Ferguson,—I have now passed four days at Paris, and about a fortnight in the court at Fontainbleau, amidst a people who, from the royal family downwards, seem to have it much at heart to persuade me, by every expression of esteem, that they consider me as one of the greatest geniuses in the world. I am convinced that Louis XIV. never, in any three weeks of his life, suffered so much flattery: I say suffered, for it really confounds and embarrasses me, and makes me look sheepish. Lord Hertford has told them they will chase me out of France, à coup de complimens et de louanges. Our friend, General Clerk, came to this place after I had passed a week in it; and the first thing he said to me was, that he was sure I had never passed so many days with so little satisfaction. I asked him how he had happened to guess so well. He said, because he knew me, and knew the French. I really wish often for the plain roughness of the Poker,[172:2] and particularly the sharpness of Dr. Jardine, to correct and qualify so much lusciousness. However, I meet sometimes with incidents that please me, because they contain no mixture of French complaisance or exaggeration. Yesterday I dined at the Duc de Praslin's, the secretary of state. After we had risen from dinner, I went into a corner to converse with somebody; when I saw enter the room, a tall gentleman, a little elderly, with a riband and star, who immediately called out to the Duchesse de Praslin, 'Hé, Madame la Duchesse, que je suis content, j'ai vu Monsieur Hume à la cour aujourd'hui.' Upon inquiry, I was told he was a man of quality, esteemed one of the cleverest and most sensible about the court.
"In two or three days we return to Paris, where I hope to live more at my ease, and shall pass my time with really great men; for there are such at present amongst the literati of France. Certainly there is something perverse, either in the structure of our mind, or in the incidents of life. My present situation ought naturally to appear an object of envy; for besides those circumstances of an universal good reception from all ranks of people, nothing can be more amiable than the character of the family with whom I live, and nothing can be more friendly than their behaviour to me. My fortune has already received a considerable increase by a pension procured me by Lord Hertford, and settled as they tell me for life. Mr. Bunbury has been told that he must not go to Paris, which my lord considers as a sure prelude to my being soon secretary to the embassy; an office which will expose me to little expense, and bring me a thousand a-year increase of revenue, and puts me in the road to all the great foreign employments. Yet I am sensible that I set out too late, and that I am misplaced; and I wish, twice or thrice a-day, for my easy chair and my retreat in James's Court! Never think, dear Ferguson, that as long as you are master of your own fireside and your own time, you can be unhappy, or that any other circumstance can make an addition to your enjoyment.
"When I think of my own house, you may believe I often reflect on Josey, who I am afraid will be more a loser by my absence, than ever I shall be a gainer by it; I mean in point of his education. I beg of you to have some inspection over him, and as often as my sister shall send to you to ask your advice, that you will be sure to give it. I am afraid that there occurs a difficulty at present about entering him to the Greek. He is too far advanced by his learning for the class in the High School to which he is put, and yet he is too young to go to the college: for this reason I thought that he might learn something of the Greek before he finished his Latin course, as is the practice in England; and, accordingly, Murray in Musselburgh gave him some lessons in that language. I propose that he should continue on the same footing in Edinburgh; but I am at a loss how it may be done. A master to himself alone, would not give him any emulation; and were he put to any other school for this purpose, the hours would interfere with those of the High School. Be so good as speak to Mathison, and then give your opinion to my sister.
"Please remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Adams.[174:1] I saw Willie a moment at Fontainbleau: he had arrived a quarter of an hour after Jemmy left it, whom I did not see. These two brothers have been hunting one another in vain through all France; but I hope they have met at last in Paris.
"When you favour me with a letter, put it under cover to the Earl of Hertford, and direct it to him at Northumberland House, in the Strand; letters so directed come to us with the greatest safety. Make my compliments to Baron Mure, and Mrs. Mure, and all that family. I shall write to the Baron soon. Tell Dr. Blair that I have conversed here twice or thrice with the Duchesse D'Aiguillon, who has been amusing herself with translating passages of Ossian; and I have assured her that the authenticity of those poems is to be proved soon beyond all contradiction. Andrew Stuart is here at present: I meet with nobody here that doubts of the justice of his cause. I hope your fine judges will at last be ashamed of their scandalous partiality. I should be glad to hear of all friends. I am, dear Ferguson, with great sincerity and without flattery, your affectionate friend and servant.
"P.S.—I beg you to keep the follies of the above letter to yourself. I had a letter from Lord Marischal to-day, who tells me that he is to pass the winter at Edinburgh. Wait often on him; you will like him extremely: carry all our friends to him, and endeavour to make him pass his time as agreeably as possible."[175:1]
We shall have farther opportunities of observing the affectionate anxiety with which Hume watched over the education of his nephews. Adam Ferguson appears to have undertaken the task of noticing the progress of Joseph, the elder nephew, during Hume's absence, to whom he writes, in answer to the above:—