The soil beneath the church is thus literally sown with bones, and the wonder is that room could be found for so many. But in this connection it must be remembered that the practice of burying without coffins was the usual one until a comparatively recent period.
No wonder that plague broke out again and again, that the fragrant rush was needed for other purpose than warmth, and that fires within the church could not have been tolerated.
The custom concerning these forms or ferms, as locally pronounced, was rigid. Every man had a right, as townsman or member of a vill, to a recognized seat within the church, which was obtained through the officials of his township. This seat was, of course, within the division of his township. The women sat apart from the men, and even the maids from the old wives. So tenaciously was the hereditary seat clung to, that reference to it may occasionally be met with in a will.[128]
Some serious alteration in the allotment of seats was probably made in 1676, judging from these entries in the wardens' accounts.
| li | s | d | |
| Ittem for Laughrig third for lifting seatts upon Church & when ther names was sent in writting | 00 | 2 | 00 |
| Itt. for grasmyre third for ye like | 00 | 2 | 00 |
The Squire of Rydal, as soon as the Restoration permitted it, set to work to furnish that part of the church in which he worshipped suitably to the honour and dignity of his family. The family seats had before his time long stood vacant, even if they had been ever regularly used. His predecessor, John, as an avowed Roman Catholic, had preferred to pay heavy fines rather than obey the law in the matter of attendance at the Communion of the parish church; and there is little doubt that the mass was celebrated in private for him at Rydal Hall. John's mother, Dame Agnes, may have attended during her widowhood; but her husband William, the purchaser of the tithes and patronage, must—always supposing him to be a good Protestant—have attended more frequently at Coniston.
But Squire Daniel was a pillar of the church as well as of the State in his neighbourhood, and his accommodation within the building was framed in view of the fact. The following entry occurs in his account book, under July 13th, 1663. The monument referred to is doubtless the brass tablet we now see in the chancel, and it appears to have waited for its fixing for ten years after its purchase in London:—
| li | s | d | |
| Spent at Gresmer, when ye wainscott seat, & my father's monum.t were set up | 00 | 00 | 06 |
And two days later the bill for the seat was paid. It is
not very intelligible, but reads thus:—
| li | s | d | |
Paid unto Christ. Robinson of Kendall (Joyner) for 10 yards and foot 2/1 of double wainscott at 4s P' yard, and yards 4 foot 2/1 of single wainscott at 3s P' yard, for a Board, Ledging & knobs in all (being for ye seats at Gresmere) ye sum of | 03 | 06 | 06 |
No doubt this is the fine old pew which still stands between the pulpit and the priest's door of the chancel. In it, for nearly forty years, the squire worshipped, with his growing family about him. The regularity of his attendance is shown by his account book, where every collection is entered; and in spite of his frequent ridings on public and private business, he never but once (till the close of the book in 1688) missed the four yearly communions in his parish church. On that occasion, when Easter Day, 1682, was spent at Hutton, he attended a service at Grasmere on the previous Good Friday (held possibly by his order), at which his Easter offering was given.
Given this day (being Good-Fryday) at ye Offertory in Gresmere Church for myselfe 5s., for Will, Alice, Dan, Barbara & Mary 5s.
The sums given were invariable: 5s. for himself, 2s. 6d. for his wife (while she lived), and 1s. for each child.[129]
It was in 1675 that the sad necessity rose of putting up a monument to his excellent wife. The brass was apparently cut in London, for he sent to his Uncle Newman there:—
3li 10s. 0d. towards ye paying for my late dear wifes Epitaphs engraving in brass.
Though 2s. 6d. more was paid afterwards.
Unto Rich. Washington of Kendall for amending of my late Dear Wifes Epitaph in brass.
Washington, who was entered in 1642 among the "Armerers Fremen and Hardwaremen" of Kendal, and was mayor of the city in 1685,[130] was wholly entrusted with the next family brass; for we find that under date February 10th, 1682, he was paid "for ye Brass & the cutting of ye Epitaph for my Mother and Uncle Jo. Kirkby, £4 10s 0d which my brothers Roger & William are to pay me again." But this was for Coniston Church.
It was after the squire's second son, Henry, had become Rector of Grasmere, and by his encouragement, that the church was freshly beautified and "adorned." The entry of 1s. paid in 1662 to James Harrison for "makeing ye sentences w'in ye church" shows that something was at once attempted; for it was as imperative that a church should be "sentenced" as that the Royal Arms should be put up, or the Commandments or Lord's Prayer. All these were devices (expressly enjoined by the sovereign) for covering up the nakedness of the churches after they had been stripped by the Reformers of all objects of beauty and reverence, in roods, images of saints, tapestries, &c., &c.; for Elizabeth and many of her subjects had been horrified at the effect of changes that appeared to rob the churches of their sacred character.[131] Frescoes on plaster had, of course, been used from early times as a means of teaching Holy Writ and Legend to the unlettered folk, and fragments of such pictures are still to be seen in Carlisle Cathedral. But at the Reformation, when plaster and paint were again resorted to, only the written word was permitted (with the exception of the Lion and Unicorn); and the wall-spaces of the churches became covered with texts and catechisms,[132] which were surrounded or finished by "decent flourishes."[133]
In its turn the reformed style has disappeared, even in churches peculiarly suited to it, like those of the Lake District, where the rough unworkable slate is bound to be covered by a coat of plaster. During recent restorations, however, at both Windermere and Hawkshead the sentences were found under coats of whitewash, and they were in a truly conservative spirit painted in again. Grasmere, weary of "mending" the sentences and whitening round them, finally wiped them out in the last century, and substituted the ugly black boards painted with texts, which still hang between the archways. Fragments of the old sentences were descried when the walls were recently scraped and coloured.
It was in 1687 that a complete scheme of decoration was carried out within the church, and one James Addison, a favourite decorator in the district, was engaged for the purpose. The contract made with him is preserved in the churchwardens' book:—
Mr. Adison is to playster what is needfull & whiten all the Quire & Church except that within the insyde of the Arche of the steeple to paint the 10 Coman's on the one syde of the Quire window & the beliefe & Lordes prayer on the other with 8 sentences & florishes in the Quire & 26 sentences in the Church with decent Florishes & the Kinges Armes well drawn & adorned.
Later on comes the copy of an agreement in later handwriting:—
March the 29th An'o Dom'i 1687.
Mem'd. It was then agreed on by and between James Addison of Hornby in the County of Lancaster Painter on the one part and Mr. Henry Fleming of Grasmer the churchwardens and other Parishioners of the Parish aforesaid: That the said James Addison shall and will on this side the first day of August next after the date hereof sufficiently plaster wash with Lime and whiten all ye church of Grasmer aforesaid (except ye inside of the steeple) and well and decently to paint ye Tenne Commandm'ts, Lord's prayer and thirty Sentences at such places as are already agreed on together with the Kings Arms in proper colours and also to colour the pulpit a good green colour and also to flourish the Pillars and over all the Arches and doors well and sufficiently, the said Parson and Parishioners finding lime and hair onely. In consideration whereof the sd. Parson and Parishioners doe promise to pay him nine pounds Ten shillings when or so soon as the work shall be done.
And be it likewise remembered the s'd Parson and Parishioners gave him 05s in earnest and that the Parson is to pay the fifth part of the nine pounds Ten shillings, the parishioners being at the whole charge of the lime and Hair.
The names of the 18 Questmen
| For Grasmer | For Langdale | Rydal Ambleside and |
| Loughrigg. | ||
| Reg. Thompson | W. Satterthwaite | Thomas Benson |
| John Hird | Jno. Middlefell | Jo. Banks |
| Jo. Hawkrigge | Geo. Cowperthwaite | Reg. Braithwaite |
| of townhead | Chr. Dawson | Jo. Newton |
| Jo. Hawkrigge | Leo. Benson | Jo. Braithwaite de[134] |
| of Howhead | James Dixon | Hawkshead |
| Hen. Hird | Hen. Barrow | |
| Eadwin Green |
Church Wardens
| For Grasmer | Eadwin Green |
| Rob't Hird | |
| For Langdale | Geo. Cowperthwaite |
| Leo. Benson | |
| For Rydal Ambleside and | |
| Loughrigg | Ed. Benson de Highclose |
| Tho Newton de Ambleside |
Memorand. That to promote ye Painting of ye ch'h ye Parson did offer to pay according to ye proportion ye Quire did bear to ye whole ch'h to ye plastering washing w'h lime and painting of ye ten Command'ts Creed L'ds prayer and 30 sentences, tho' y'er had but been 4 or 5 Sentences in ye Quire before and now ye ten Comma'd'ts and Creed were to be painted on each side of the quire windows The Charge of all which was commuted at £8 0 0 and ye K'gs Arms and ye painting of ye pulpit at ye remainder. So that the quire appearing by measure to be a 5 part ye Parson was to pay £1 12s. 0d. but to be quit of the trouble of providing his proportion of lime and hair he did prefer to pay ye 5 part of the whole £9 10s. 0d. ye parish finding all lime and hair which was agreed to. Besides ye £9 10s. 0d. agreed to be paid there was 5s. 0d. given to the painter in earnest to have the work done well.
| £ | s | d | |
| March 29. Paid for ye 5 part of the earnest money given to the painter | 00 | 01 | 0 |
| June 21. Paid to Mr. James Addison for ye parsons share of painting the Church being ye 5 part of £9 10 0 | 00 | 18 | 0 |
The contract included the painting of the pulpit of a cheerful green, as we read. It was a plain structure of wood, and the "Quission" bought for it in 1661, as well as the cloth then procured for the Communion Table, were doubtless worn out; for we learn from the church-wardens' Presentment for 1707 that these and some other points about the church had been found wanting by the higher church authorities. The paper runs:—
The defects found in our church for and at ye late Visitation, viz. The Floor of the Church-porch & Isles uneven Flagg'd; The South wall of the Inside fro' ye Bellfry unto ye East, dirty; A decent Reading-pew, Com'unio'-Table-cloth of Linen, & pulpet Cushio' wanting; A Table of degrees wanting, & a crackt Bell.
All these faults except two (viz. The Reading-pew & crackt Bell) are amended. The porch & Isles even Flagg'd. The Wall made white & clean, A decent Table-cloth, Pulpet-Cushion, & Table of degrees, procured.
A new Reading-pew is in making at present, & will shortly be perfected. & as for the Bell it was referr'd to Dr. Fleming's discerec'on to be amended & made tuneable; & he resolves in convenient time to call together & consult w'th the chief of his Parishion'rs to do it, & in w't time and manner, to the best Advantage."
Accordingly we find entries of the expense incurred by a few of these requirements:—
| li | s | d | ||
| 1706 | For Cloth, Silk, Fring and Tassles for ye pulpitt Cushion | 01 | 02 | 05 |
For Flocks harden and making ye pulpitt Cushion | 00 | 03 | 011⁄2 | |
For Cloth for ye Table Cloth and makeing | 00 | 05 | 11 | |
| 1709 | For mending the Stairs and laying ye Flaggs in ye Clarks pew | 00 | 10 | 00 |
Nothing is heard, however, of a new reading-pew, and in 1710 the old one was mended at a cost of 1s. 8d. The bells, as we shall see, had to wait.
Not until a hundred years later was a vestry thought of. In 1810 Thomas Ellis was paid 7s. for planning it, and George Dixon £12 2s. 1d. for its erection. It is said to have been made of wood, and simply partitioned off the north-west angle of the church. It was fitted with a "grate," that cost with carriage 19s.; and this being set on the side nearest to the pews, diffused what must have been but a gentle warmth through the edifice. It is the first heating apparatus that we hear of, and the expenses for charcoal and wood, with 3s. paid annually to the clerk for setting on the fire, were small. Tradition says that while George Walker lighted the vestry fire he rang the eight o'clock bell—a call to matins which had survived the Reformation, and the service then abolished.[135]
Time brought other improvements. The harmony of a church choir entailed its special expenses. In 1812 the ladies of Rydal Hall, widow and heiress of Sir Michael Fleming, provided "Psalmody" for Grasmere church at a cost of £2 2s., and for Langdale at £1 1s. Probably the price of this early tune-book was one guinea. A charge of 7s. 6d. appears in 1829 for a new pitch-pipe. A "singing school" was started, causing considerable expense in candles (12s. in 1844). Edward Wilson fitted the "singing pews" with drawers in 1851. There was apparently no instrumental music in the Grasmere choir, though there may have been in Langdale chapel to judge from an item of expense for violin strings.
Many odd expenses are noted in the accounts, as well as the replenishing of worn books and garments. A large Common Prayer Book cost in 1692 13s. 6d., and another in 1733 14s. Prayer Books began, too, to be supplied in the body of the church; the townships buying a few at a time, at a price varying from 6d. to 1s. In 1808 a new Bible cost £2 2s., while the price of a large Prayer Book in 1823 was £2 5s., and another in 1835 £1 12s.
The "surp-cloth," "surpless," or "surplice" was renewed at various prices. After the marvellously cheap one of 1661 (5s.; surely the product of the valley, in flax-growing, spinning, and weaving), others were got in 1697 for £1 12s., in 1730 for £1 11s. 4d., in 1734 for £2 7s. In 1755 a new one is set down at the modest sum of 1s. 53⁄4 d., which, if multiplied by three, is barely 4s. 6d.; and in 1775 one (or perhaps the same) was altered for 1s. An amusing item appears in the receipt columns of the three townships in 1795, when they sold the old surplice and divided the amount. "By 1⁄3 of the Old Surplice 2s. 71⁄2 d."
"Communion Linnen" cost in 1823 14s. 6d. In 1820 a surplice cost £2 18s. 4d., and in 1830 £1 17s. 9d.
The one document that exists concerning the fabric of the church and of its upkeep was written as late as 1661, when the Episcopal Order of church government was restored.[136] There is every probability, however, that in substance it merely reinstitutes an old custom. The document is printed here:—
A true Cattollogue made the twenty-first day of Apprill in the 13th yeare of the Kings Ma'tyes reigne in the yeare of our lord god 1661 by the eighteene men Appointed for the good of the parish church of Gresmyre whos names are here under written that is to say what particulars both of the church & church-yard-wall; and what parte is divided to every Third and what parte is not divided; what hereafter shall be expressed & to whom they doe belong of right to be mayntayned & uphoulden. Imprimus the chancell or quire ought to be maintained by the parson or rector that is to say the roofe to the midle of the rigging soe ffarr as the quire doth extend and the quire doore & ffoure windowes within the Compass of quire: & the pues within the quire and all the body of the church both roofe walles & Timber doth belong to the whole parish equally amongst them that is to say; Gresmyre third: Langdall Third & Loughrigg, Ridall & Ambleside third; to be maintained & uphoulden every third Alike; by even portions and likewise the roofe of the steple & the belle wheeles, things or any nessary thing whatsoever. Concerning the steple or within the steple all to be regarded & done at generall charges of those three thirds Abovementioned without any deniall; & the door both at the topp & below; & the 4 windowes Above at the bells and the steple window below; and the east window opposight to the higher pillors; & those doth belong to all the said 3 thirds equally Amongst Them to be mayntained & upholden; Now for the particulars within the Church ffor every third, & how ffarr every third ought to brake ground; as ffolloweth viz: Gresmyre Third, ffrom the quire wae upon the South side of the Church and Their fformes to ye steple doore; with the Cross alley coming in at the posterne doore; and to the midle of the Alleys of the south side ffrom the quire wale; to the midle of the steple, doth belong to gresmyre third, & five formes next to Langdall quire wale; & to the midle of the alley, & Two short fformes at north side of the second piller & halfe of one fforme being between Loughrigg quire and Ridell fformes with the fformes upon the weste Sid of the Church next to the west doore; doth belong To gresmyre third And all the remaindor of the fformes upon the north sid of the Church to the midle of the north Alley doth belong to Langdall Third; & the midle of the church to the midle of the north Alley; & to the midle of the west alley; with the two crosse alleyes viz, one at the ffont & the other belowe the quire wale; doth belong to Loughrigg Ridall & Ambleside Third; And for the windowes belonging to this Loughrigg third here named, be in number Three being upon the south sid of the church; one window at the backe of the portch; and two windowes betweene the portch doore & the pulpitt; and the portch Doore, doth belong to Loughrigg, Ridall & Ambleside third, to be up houlden, mayntained & kept in repaire of their own proper Costs & charges for ever; and likewise their parte of the Church yard Wale, viz.: one yeat which doth extend ffrom the South nooke of the steple & ffrom thence southward to the east nooke of Gresmyre third; when it begines to be seated with in the church yard; of their owne costs & charges Now windowes belonging to Langdall Third be in number three; one window being in the east end of the church oppossigt Againe the east end of the north Alley & two windowes nexte Adjoyning to it upon the north side of the Church; to be upholden & mayntained & kept in good repaire of Langdall thirds owne proper costs charges and their parte of the church yard, walle from the north nooke of Gresmyre third; being seated within the church yard, to the south nooke of the steple, & likewise one yeate with A feeld opposight Against Robert Harrison Doore; to be keept in good repaire of their owne proper charges & costs of Langdall third without any deniall According to the true intent & meaning of these presents; Gresmyre windowes be in noumber three; upon the north side of the Church the lowest Towards the steple & the west doore doth belong to Gresmyre third; & these to be mayntained & keept in good repaire of gresmyre third own proper Costs & Charges And the church-yard soe ffarr as it is seated within the church-yard with A pair of yeates & the roofe over the said yeattes of their owne proper costs & charges & note all repaireing the pulpitt church chest or any Bookes that doth concerning the church in any respects to be done At A generall Charge of the wholl parish be equall portions without any deniall & likewise the haske & joules at A general Charge of the parish and likewise A fonte At A generall charge to be maintained In Testamony thereof we the said eightenne have sette our honds the day & yeare ffirst above-written.
[The names of the Eighteen follow, under three headings of Gresmyre, Loughrigg, and Langdall. They are often crossed through and written again. On the other side of the MS. is given the following list.]
The names of the Eighteen of the parish of Grasmere as they now stand, April the 24th, 1688.
| Grasmere | Langdale | Loughrigg and |
| beneath Moss | ||
| Reignald Thompson | George Cooperthwaite | John Banks |
| John Haukrigg | Christopher Dawson | Reignald Brathwaite |
| John Hird | James Dixon | Hendry Barrow |
| John Haukrigg | John Middlefell | Thomas Benson |
| Robert Harrisin | William Satterthwaite | Thomas Newton |
| Edwin Green | Leonard Benson | Thomas Mackereth |
Something has already been said of the constitution of the parish, and of the lay control which existed over its finances—the three townships within the parish being represented by a body of eighteen (six for each) as well as by two churchwardens; and this document, while it strengthens the suggestion that the great addition to the church had been carried out by the united parish, and at the expense of the three townships—shows us exactly how each township arranged to fulfil its obligation to maintain the building in proper repair.
It was an intricate matter. Each township by a common agreement made itself responsible for the maintenance of a particular portion of the church, not only of the fittings, but of the walls and windows of the fabric, as well as of the garth outside, with the garth wall down to its own particular gate of entrance.[137] There were besides general charges, along with the expenses of the Sunday worship, in which all took an equal share. Such an undertaking—both joint and individual—may seem to a merely modern mind a complicated business, especially as the church consisted structurally of two parts, which had to be divided for purposes of finance into three. But such problems were as nothing to men whose farmholds belonged to a township (indivisible in itself) that was broken up into several lordships, and whose land—though permanent in quantity—was every year freshly apportioned within the common fields of his vill. The subsequent accounts of the churchwardens, of which a few have already been given, prove that the obligations incurred by this document were rigidly fulfilled.
The division of the fabric amongst the townships was made on the following lines. The care of the chancel, with its four windows and door, fell, of course, to the recipient of the tithes—who at this time was the rector. The township of Grasmere undertook to repair the south wall of the church from the chancel door to the tower, and half the aisle. The benches between this wall and aisle were all apportioned to the folk of the township, as well as a few odd ones in other parts of the church. The windows for which Grasmere was responsible were not, as would naturally be supposed, those of the south wall, but three in the north wall nearest to the east.
Langdale's share was wholly on the north side. Between the north wall, which it was bound to repair, and the aisle, stood the forms on which the folk of that valley were seated. The windows specially apportioned to its care were the one in the east wall of the northern half of the church (whose precincts were called the Langdale choir) with the two in the north wall next to it.
Rydal and Loughrigg (in which township Ambleside above Stock was joined for church matters) was responsible for the three windows in Grasmere's south wall and for the porch. The forms for this portion of the parish were apparently set in the middle of the church, on either side the central arched wall.
The churchyard wall also was divided among the townships: Grasmere taking the north-eastern portion, with the lych gates; Langdale the stretch onward to the tower, with its own gate (now closed), which was opposite Church Stile, or Kirk Steel, then an inn; and Rydal and Loughrigg the stretch beyond to the south, past the present gate, which was reserved at that time for the folk of the township.
Each township had clearly its own quarter of the churchyard as well of the church, wherein to bury its dead. Within, the portions were marked by the position of each township's seats, and without, by the gates. The field apportioned to Langdale, by Harrison's inn, was no doubt used for the tethering of horses from that distant valley.
The three townships jointly attended to the upkeep of the tower, the bells, the roof of the church, the pulpit, and church furniture.
When the regulations for church repairs were thus solemnly written out, there was urgent need for them. Neglect and ill-usage had reduced the fabric to a forlorn state, and the accounts of the wardens (who, however, went cautiously to work on renovation) show what was immediately required for setting the place in decent order and reinstituting the services and sacraments of the established church. From the sum paid to the "glasser"—6s., for glazing only Grasmere's share of the windows—it would seem that the winds of heaven had blown freely through the building. The font, which was always displaced by the Puritans, and often maltreated, required mending in the stone part as well as the lead; and a new cover was procured. A table-cloth—presumably of linen—was bought for 1s. 4d., a bottle (for the wine?) for 3s., a surplice for 1s. 8d., and a pulpit cushion for 2s. 2d.
The binding of the Bible next year cost 1s. It had undoubtedly had hard wear during the diverse ministrations of the Interregnum. It may have been the very book bandied about on that Sunday of 1655 when John Banks and his attendant minister were defied by the clerk, and John, upon that official's persistence in reading aloud a chapter from its pages, forcibly closed it, and handed it to Mr. Turner. Also a Book of Common Prayer was got for 1s. 6d., a sum so small as to raise a doubt of its newness. The large sum of £1 1s. was expended on "makeing up ye raills in ye quire," which shows that this guard to the space about the communion table (often maliciously broken by zealots) was in a bad state. The rails were entirely renewed, and a fresh table made in 1755; and it is interesting to note that they were constructed on the spot by joiners brought from a distance, no doubt Kendal. The wood was procured in Rydal, at a cost of £4 12s., with carriage 2s. 6d. Other expenses, in iron-work, turning "bannisters," glue, &c., with the boarding of the men, came to £2 1s. 01⁄2 d. No doubt the existing rails are those then made, with the little table now used as a credence table.
An object within the chancel is older than these. It is a box carved with the date 1648 and the words "S. Oswaldus Poor Box." It is strange that this object should be acquired at a time when the country was at strife and the church disestablished—unless, indeed, it was the gift of a rich parishioner like Mr. Thomas Braithwaite of Ambleside Hall, who was elder of the parish during the rule of the Presbyterians.[138]
The placing of the King's Arms within the church was obligatory.[139] This was a costly business, for two men, who brought the painted panel, had to be boarded in the village. Some of the money went, however, in drink, and the occasion was evidently made an excuse for village jollity.
Gradually other articles customary in a properly-appointed church were acquired. A table-cloth—this time probably of cloth—was bought in 1665 at a cost of 16s. 7d., and "A cloth to Cover ye Ellements" at 2s. followed in 1672. The Communion vessels in use up to this time must have been of the rudest description, for those that replaced them in 1670 were of simple pewter, except the "dubler"—doubtless a plate for the collection of alms.
| li | s | d | |
Itt for A pewder dubler & pewder cup & a london plater | 00 | 4 | 6 |
Itt. for a wood dubler | 00 | 00 | 3 |
The accounts show no further expenditure on this score, except for the repair of a "Flagon" (3d.) in 1708, and for "Sodering ye Tankers" in 1726. The existing plate was supplied by private piety, as its inscriptions tell. The two silver cups bear the date 1714, and they are of the same pattern; but one carries the cross with sacred monogram and the legend "The Parish Church Plate of Grasmere Renewed Ao. Doi. 1714" (having been probably bought from the proceeds of the sale of the older plate or by collected offerings), while the other with a coat of arms inside its border, bears the inscription: "The gift of Mrs. Dorothy Benson of Coat How to the Parish Church of Grasmere Ao. Doi. 1714." This lady, wife of Thomas Benson, freeholder, of the homestead by the Rothay, gave also a beautiful old silver alms dish, said to be a piece of Dublin plate.[140] The date on this is 1729. She gave a silver paten also, on which only the maker's date (1731-2) is engraved. It is singular that each of the three pieces displays a different coat-of-arms.[141]
Mrs. Benson's munificence was clearly felt by the parish, for the item in the accounts of 1729 "For Wine given as a Present to Mrs. Benson," 8s., must have been intended as an acknowledgment.
Another offering of plate was made much later (1852) by Mrs. Letitia Lough, a friend of the Wordworths, who resided for some time at Fox Ghyll, and later removed to Grasmere.
In connection with the Communion vessels of the Restoration period, it must be borne in mind that there was far less use for them then than now. The sacrament was at that time administered only four times in the year. This fact is not only shown by the accounts of the Rydal Hall agent and of the churchwardens, but it is expressly declared by one of the answers made by the wardens at the Presentment of 1723. They add that they provide fine white bread and good wine for the sacrament "att ye charges of ye Inhabitants"; and four years later they append to this statement "Easter excepted, which is at the Charge of the Parson."
Thus on three occasions—Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas—the churchwardens and the Eighteen were bound to provide bread and wine;[142] while the expenses of the Easter celebration were borne by the rector, who received the Easter dues. When the tithes were leased to laymen, this layman took over the charge. And as Squire John Fleming held the tithes, items for this expenditure are found in Tyson's and Harrison's account-books.
In 1632 61⁄2 gallons of wine were procured "against Easter" for Grasmere church, at a cost of 13s.; and the Easter bread (fine wheaten bread as has been said, much relished by people whose staple food was oatmeal), with the charge for procuring it, amounted to 10d. In 1643 8 gallons were got in for the same purpose, costing £1 1s. 8d.; and next year 9 gallons, at £1 4s.—that is to say, some 41⁄2 dozen bottles of our present size were drunk on this occasion. The wine cost 4d. to 51⁄2 d. a bottle.
The amount of wine drunk by the parishioners seems large, even when we remember that the whole of the adult population in the three townships were bound to attend, and did attend these solemn functions. Of this there is proof, for every non-communicant was taxed, as existing Subsidy Rolls show. It is probable that when receiving the wine, the parishioner took a hearty drink from the cup, and not a sip as at present.[143]
The churchwardens' accounts for bread and wine at the three communions are accurately recorded after the Restoration, as well as their expenses for the journey required to procure them—the ride to Kendal being charged as 8d., or if only to Ambleside 4d. Unluckily, however, only the sum expended is given, and not the amount of wine. In 1666 the three sacraments cost the parish 9s. 9d., 9s. 3d., and 9d. 3d. respectively; in 1668, 6s. 11d., 8s. 3d., and 8s. 3d.; in 1669, 10s. 3d., 10s. 3d., and 7s. 9d. From 1681 the accounts kept separately for Grasmere and for Loughrigg with Rydal each show an expenditure for bread and wine; but the Langdale division, which had now acquired the privilege of a Communion in its own chapel once a year, was apparently let off. The expenses for that year were set down as £1 13s. 3d.; Grasmere paying £1 0s. 1d. and Loughrigg and Rydal 13s. 2d.; the division being based probably upon the number of communicants in each township. In 1691 the total expenditure was £2 6s. 6d., and it remained at much this figure till 1729. The charge from that time became a fixed one, Grasmere paying 7s. 2d., 6s. 6d., and 7s. 2d. for the Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas celebrations (which included two journeys); and Loughrigg and Rydal, 4s. 4d., 5s., and 4s. 4d. (one journey), and it remained at these figures till 1821, when there was a change of rectors. From this date the charge was exceedingly irregular, figuring occasionally as high as £2 7s. 10d., while sometimes it does not appear at all, the bread only being accounted for. Then it dropped greatly. From 1833 Loughrigg and Rydal ceased to pay—in consideration, no doubt, of the celebrations held in the new chapel in Rydal; and Grasmere figured at a sum under £1, or not at all! By a new arrangement in 1842 Loughrigg and Rydal recommenced its contribution, though on a new basis of irregular payments; and this continued until the break-up of the old order in 1857, when it joined for the last time at the sacramental bread and wine provided at the old parish church, paying 4s. 9d., while Grasmere paid 14s. 3d.
It may be of interest to note that with the new order and the new rector (who kept a book in which he entered particulars of the communicants) the bread and wine for Grasmere alone cost £2 5s. 9d. When, in 1860, it rose to £4 10s., the sum included 8s. paid by the rector to the wardens in place of his Easter provision. This ancient rectorial charge is mentioned for the last time in 1865. It was probably coincident also with the appointment of the Rev. Fletcher Fleming, that the old order of sacraments four times in the year was changed to a monthly celebration.
The following extracts from the accounts, besides others interspersed in the text, show that the townships carried out their separate obligations until the Vestry revolution of 1856-7, a period of almost 200 years. They apparently gave out their share of the work to their own townsmen. John Birkett, who received 1s. for a "yeat stoop," in 1755, for the Loughrigg and Beneath Moss Gate, was a Rydal man. The ale charged 1s. 8d. in the public auction, when that township let the contract for the repair of its benches in 1783, was doubtless drunk at the Fleming's Inn in Rydal, where such scenes were frequent.
1667 to John Hawkrigg for mending gresmyr-yeat 1s 4d
1668 for glassing one window for gresmyr 3s 6d
1669 It. to Milles Mackereth for a Gammer & Crake & loupp to gresmyre Church yeats 1s 9d.
1670 for mending sliper of our Church yeats 1d
1678 For langdall yeat & laughrigg yeat for Irron-worke 6d; also "for mending Churchyard wale for laughrigg third" 1s 6d.
1680 Loughrigg and beneath Moss repaire "our window" 1s 0d
1683 Grasmere repairs windows, 8d., "yeats" 1s. 0d., and Lou. & b. M. the "Church wals" 10.
1730 Lou. and b. M. makes a new gate 16s 6d.
1751 Langdale makes a new gate 10s 7d
1755 Lou. and b. M. makes new gate 8s 0d. and mends wall 4s 4d
1759 Grasmere and Langdale repair their walls
1761 Grasmere mends gates 1s 10d.; while mending of the church porch, 4s 6d is entered in general charges
1768 Grasmere "glasses" windows 9s 6d
1769 All three gates are repaired, and Grasmere mends her windows
1773 Loughrigg and beneath Moss makes new gates and stulps 11s 11d, also repairs wall 10s 0d, Langdale does the latter 7s 6d
1775 Grasmere sells old gates for 4s 0d
1776 Lou. and b. M. works on wall £3 5s 0d
1777 Grasmere collects material for wall 19s 4d. Langdale makes new gate 9s 0d
1780 Grasmere raises wall from the school-house to where it meets "Rydal third" £1 17s 3d. All the townships repair their windows
1782 Lou. and b. M. again repairs wall, evidently with thoroughness, giving 1s 0d in ale to the men who work the foundation in water (of the river). The leading of stones for 5 days with 2 horses cost £1 0s 0d. Total £2 3s 6d
1790 Langdale pays "for new stoops for Langdale gate & hanging" 4s 3d while all three townships mend windows—Grasmere for its "third" 6s 10d, Langdale 101⁄2 d, and Lou. and b. M. is 61⁄2 d
1799 Lou. and b. M. pays "To mending Rydale Gates" 1s 0d
1806 Lou. and b. M. pays £1 5s 6d for a new gate, to Edward Wilson of Grasmere
1811 Lou. and b. M. repairs "Church Garth Wall" £1 11s 9d; and gate 2s 6d, to John Watson, smith, of Grasmere
1819 Lou. and b. M. repairs wall, 15s 0d; and windows 15s 3d
1822 Lou. and b. M. mends and paints church gates 6s 4d
1832 Lou. and b. M. glazes windows 1s 9d
1835 Lou. and b. M. pays for new gate £1 0s 0d
1840 Lou. and b. M. repairs windows 5s 11⁄2 d
1842 Langdale pays 9s 0d to Edward Wilson for new gate
1852 Lou. and b. M. repairs wall 7s 10d; and mends and paints gate 4s 3d
1856 The three townships repair separately for the last time: Grasmere painting gate and windows at 7s 6d; "Rydall and Loughrigg" (now styled) painting her gate at 2s 0d and Langdale hers at 1s 6d
[The churchwardens' accounts are in 3 volumes:
The 2nd volume of these is missing, but there is a copy. This copy begins in 1732, overlapping by three years the first volume, which ends in 1735; but the copy of the 2nd volume only goes as far as 1782, and the 3rd volume begins in 1790, leaving a gap of eight years.]—Ed.
The townships joined at many general repairs, as well as at the cleaning of the church, and the expenses of maintaining worship within it. It is interesting to note how extremely small these expenses were. The cleaning, or "dressing," as it was called, of the church, the greasing of the bells, the washing of the linen, the writing of the register, the whipping of dogs out of church, and the "drawing" of the accounts, all appear to have been paid for at the Restoration at the rate of 1s. each per annum. This moderate fee was presently raised to 1s. 6d., 2s. 6d., 3s., or 3s. 6d., but never rose higher for over a hundred years. The "surpcloth and table-cloth" were washed twice in the year 1662 for 1s., but from 1664 onward three times were allowed for 3s., and by 1702 the laundress had secured an additional 6d. for mending. The cleaning of the windows "and sentences" (which were presumably touched up with paint) became a regular charge at 1s., and the burnishing of the church plate was 6d.
But there were other expenses, belonging to the general charge, which, being irregular but frequently recurrent, were troublesome to the wardens and Eighteen, whose business it was to lay such a rate annually on the inhabitants of the parish as should cover the outlay. Such was the repair of the church roof, which was often needed; even the moss (which it was the custom to stuff within the rigging to arrest and absorb the wet which ran down from the ill-fitting slates) required frequent replenishing. Accordingly, after sundry payments made for "mossing church" or "mending slates," the Eighteen entered into a contract, in 1686, with two Grasmere wallers for the upkeep of the whole of the church roof, except the choir, for nine years, for the sum of 7s. 6d. a year. In 1704 one William Grigg obtained the contract for three years at the same rate, and undertook to keep the roof in a sound state "as to Slatt and Moss (excepting upon extraordinary Storms whereby the roof shall suffer much Damage which shall be referred to the Eighteen the Easter following)." Grigg, however, made no bad-weather demands, and it was only in 1714, a year after the contract had been transferred to Edward Hird, that "a violent storme" caused the spending of 18s. beyond the stipulated 7s. 6d. The parson and Eighteen then (1715) transferred the contract to Stephen Haukrigge. The sum was perhaps too small, for in 1718 John Warriner secured 8s. 6d. on the contract. "An extraordinary Storme" in 1719 cost only an extra 3s. The contract, which afterwards rose to 11s. 6d., had ceased by 1732, and odd sums for repair occur from time to time, such as 13s. in 1733 and the same in 1734, with 3s. 3d. for slates and carriage. But little was apparently done, and by 1809 the roof seems to have been in a bad condition, for the ominous item occurs "To cleaning Snow out of Church 2s. 0d." It was radically repaired in 1814, when £37 1s. 11d. was spent on the slates, £11 on timber, which was paid to Lady Fleming, the wood being doubtless felled in Bainriggs, and the extraordinary sum of £1 13s. 6d. on ale to the workmen and "letting" the contract.
The Bells.
Grasmere's pleasant chime of three bells is undoubtedly an old one. The metal of the existing bells that sends its resonance through the vale may be that of the first bells, though robbed of antique inscription or mark by recasting. It is quite possible that at the Restoration there still hung in the tower the Pre-Reformation triad, stamped with an invocation to some saint in Longobardic characters or with a quaint inscription in Black Letter; for the Rev. H. Whitehead discovered in Cumberland many an ancient bell that had escaped confiscation and the melting-pot in the dark days of Henry VIII.'s ruthless robberies and his successor's drastic commission.[144]
They were then, however, in a bad state, and the churchwardens immediately proceeded to have them set in order, as the accounts show.
It is clear from the items that one of the wardens, Michael Knott, rode to Cockermouth in search of a bell-founder, and that one was procured whose name was John Langsha; also that he came over to Grasmere and did the work there.
Now Mr. Whitehead considered that there was no bell-foundry in Cockermouth at this date. When its three bells were recast in 1673-4 the expenses of the bell-founders' journey were paid, and they apparently dug a pit in the churchyard and cast the great bell there.[145] Such a method was resorted to when the remoteness of the church or the badness of the roads made the carriage of the bells a difficulty.[146]
Who, then, was John Langsha? Until more evidence is forthcoming we must suppose him to have been an itinerant founder. He or the firm he worked for may have had head-quarters in some town of Cumberland, and travelled thence to wherever they were called. According to Mr. Whitehead, there was a bell-foundry of some repute at Penrith in the seventeenth century. The account books do not show how this renovation of the Grasmere bells was paid for. The wardens paid John his "earnest," and a small item that remained after he left; otherwise the only sum of consequence that appears is 9s. for two new bell-ropes.
Only casual expenses in connection with the bells are given after this for some time. For instance, in 1669 the item occurs, "in drinke when we did turne midlmost bell," 2s. 6d. But the presentment of 1707 certainly discloses the serious condition of one bell, which was then cracked; and the reliance of the wardens on the "discretion" of their rector was misplaced, as nothing was done. There would seem to have been no good founder at this time in the adjacent counties; for when the bells of Brigham were renewed in 1711, under the incumbency of Roger Fleming (another son of Sir Daniel), a Gloucester firm of founders was actually called to the rescue. The bells, however, went no further than Kendal, where there was, adjacent to the church, a bell-house which could be hired, and there the Gloucester man superintended the casting of them.[147]
At Grasmere, procrastination prevailed. The wardens, in 1723, admitted "The Bells are not firme & in good order, but they are agreed to make them good as soon as possible." In 1727 they again admitted the bells to be out of order, but the ropes (it was declared) were "good & firm." In 1729 the bells still waited to be repaired "upon a convenient opportunity." In 1731 the great plunge into expense was at last taken. "One of our bells is in good order, The Other two are recasting at York & the ropes are making, & everything hastning forwards to have them in good order." Accordingly, the accounts for 1732 show the enormous outlay incurred of £40 3s. 91⁄2 d., and next year of £49 3s. "Towards Casting the Bells and other Charges;" besides £3 14s. 5d. for "Charges for a Ringing loft."
It is of interest to note that the Grasmere folk, in their bell troubles, returned to their old ecclesiastical centre at York, whence their first bells would come, and where there were good founders. The inscriptions on the two largest bells, in an ornamental border running round the crown, are as follows:—