Owing to his profound learning, his acuteness of intellect, and his estimable character, Judah enjoyed undisputed authority both in Babylonia and abroad. When Huna died Judah was chosen by the Sora Metibta as their Principal (297); under him and his successor there was but a single academy which was recognized by every one. His authority was recognized even in Judæa. He once excommunicated a certain distinguished member of the Metibta whose reputation was attacked. When the latter visited him on the occasion of his last illness, he openly stated that he was proud of having spared not even such a man out of regard for his position. As Judah died without having raised the ban, it was necessary to appeal to the Patriarch, in accordance with the custom which obtained in such cases. Judah had only held the office of general Resh-Metibta for two years when he died at a ripe old age.
The college elected in Judah's place the octogenarian, Chasda of Cafri (born 217, died 309). He was one of Rab's disciples, and entertained so great a reverence for his teacher that he committed to memory all the decisions which the latter had ever given, and promised a reward to any one who would communicate to him any unknown trait of "our great master," as he called him. Chasda is known as the most fortunate of the Amoraïm. Originally poor, he was afterwards blessed with such extraordinary gifts of fortune that his wealth became proverbial. Sixty marriages were celebrated in his house, and it is said that no member of his family died during his lifetime. Although he had attended Huna's discourses, his method of instruction rather resembled that employed by Judah; he was extremely fond of acute explanations. Chasda's superiority over Huna, which he caused the latter to feel on one occasion, contributed to the creation of an estrangement between the two, which, it is said, lasted for forty years. In consequence of this difference Chasda appears to have withdrawn from Sora to the neighboring town of Cafri, but there he felt isolated and slighted. Once when the college of Sora appealed to him for his opinion of some dubious case, he took offense and exclaimed: "What! do you even pick up damp wood? Probably you expect to find a treasure beneath it." While Huna still held the post of Principal, Chasda erected a school in Sora at his own expense (293), but he still retained the position of disciple with regard to the former, and gave no decisions in practice. It was not until Judah's death that he was appointed Principal of the college; he held this office for ten years, and died in 309 at the age of ninety-two.
His Halachic opponent was Mar-Sheshet, who like himself had been a disciple of Rab and a pupil of Huna. Sheshet's memory was so retentive that he knew by heart not only the whole Mishna, but also all the Boraïtas. Whenever Chasda and Sheshet met, the former was dismayed at his opponent's imposing array of Boraïtas, while the latter trembled at Chasda's subtle expositions. He was, in fact, a sworn enemy of that hair-splitting style of teaching which Judah had introduced into the Pumbedithan school, and which had quickly degenerated into mere subtilty. Whenever a person started any specious objection, Sheshet would ironically inquire: "Comest thou not from Pumbeditha, where they can pass an elephant through the eye of a needle?" Sheshet's relations with the Resh-Galuta of this period afford a striking proof of the neglect into which religious practices had fallen in the house of the Prince of the Captivity, and of the uncouth barbarity which still continued to rule there. Whenever the Resh-Galuta invited Sheshet to partake of his hospitality he was met by a repeated refusal. Upon being urged to explain the cause of this incivility, Sheshet answered that the slaves of the Resh-Galuta had not yet abandoned the custom of cutting the meat that was to be served in the banquet from living animals. Although the Prince of the Captivity may have been ignorant of this barbarous habit of his servants, it is nevertheless apparent that he paid no great attention to the religious conduct of his household. It was not unusual for the slaves of the Prince of the Captivity to indulge in practical jokes at the expense of the teachers of the Law who visited their master, often shutting them up in the dungeons. Nothing further is known of Sheshet, except that after the destruction of Nahardea he founded a school at Silhi on the Tigris.
The youngest member of this circle of the Amoraim was Nachman ben Jacob, one of Samuel's disciples (born about 235, died 324). He was the representative of that haughty self-reliance of the Babylonian Jews, which was founded upon their prosperity, their independence, and the certainty of a livelihood. He was a son-in-law of the Prince of the Captivity, whose daughter, Yalta, he had married after the death of her first husband, and he possessed to the full the pride, ostentation, and arrogance characteristic of the princely house. Like any oriental prince, he was attended by eunuchs, ready at a moment's notice to make their master's exalted position felt by any one who should dare depreciate his reputation. He had been appointed chief judge by his father-in-law, and was so proud of this dignity, that when his colleagues attempted to place themselves on an equality with him, he forcibly reminded them that he alone was competent to act as judge. He even did not hesitate to decide many cases without the assistance of his colleagues, although it was considered an arrogant act to sit in judgment alone. His character was devoid of gentleness and humanity. Once when the slaves of the Resh-Galuta had forcibly dispossessed an old woman of some building materials, in order to erect a tabernacle therewith, he was appealed to by the latter to award her redress for this violation of the Law: "The Prince of the Captivity and his doctors," said she, "are sitting in a stolen tabernacle." Nachman, however, scarcely listened to her; whereupon she pointedly exclaimed, "I am the daughter of a man (Abraham) who possessed 318 slaves, and cannot even find a hearing for my complaint!" To this remark Nachman returned a harsh answer, and finally decreed that at most she was only entitled to compensation for the stolen materials. He was even less considerate in his treatment of his slaves, whose sense of human dignity he outraged in a manner revolting to morality. His female slaves were not permitted to contract any lasting union, but were given in turn to different men, according as such changes were considered to afford a better chance of profit. In this he was entirely unlike his master, Samuel, who united his male and female slaves in lawful wedlock for life.
Even the teachers of the Law were treated by Nachman with imperiousness and disdain. His wife, Yalta, the daughter of the Prince of the Captivity, had, contrary to custom, committed her child by her first husband to the custody of a nurse, so as to be able to marry Nachman. She even exceeded her husband in pride, and possessed all the whims and insolence of a petty oriental princess. She exacted homage of the learned men with whom her husband associated; and when, on one occasion, Ulla withheld his respects, she insulted him of set purpose. He was in the habit of making frequent journeys between Palestine and Babylonia, and was probably also poor. It was with reference to these two points that Yalta observed of him, "Travelers are full of twaddle, and rags of vermin."
Jewish jurisprudence is indebted to Nachman for an important decision, the account of the origin of which affords some indication as to the state of morality at this period. According to the principles of the old Jewish code, when a person was summoned before the court to answer for a debt, and insufficient evidence was forthcoming against him, he was only allowed to purge the charge by an oath, if he partially admitted the claim; if he repudiated it altogether, no oath could be administered. This law was based upon the assumption that every one was actuated by motives of patriarchal probity, which rendered them incapable of the audacity of openly repudiating a just claim. But this simple honesty could no longer be assumed to exist; on the contrary, it had been supplanted by a certain wily cunning, which succeeded, by reason of the wide-spread knowledge of the Law, in availing itself of the letter in order to evade the spirit. It was for this reason that Nachman, profiting by experience, introduced the oath of purgation (Shebuot hesset) in those cases where the claim was totally denied, and this decision eventually obtained the force of law. As has already been mentioned, Nachman emigrated from Nahardea after its destruction, and established himself in Shakan-Zib, the inhabitants of which were notorious for their love of mockery. It is not related whether he again transferred his residence to Nahardea, after that city was restored.
A connecting link between Judæa and Babylonia, of which two countries the former was slowly declining while the latter was gradually coming to the fore, was formed by Zeïra, who was the highest authority in Judæa during the following generation. The history of this man brings into prominent relief the opposition existing between the mother-country and the Babylonian colony. He had been a pupil of Huna and Judah, but was dissatisfied with the method of teaching employed in Babylonia, and yearned for the simple method of the Amoraïm, which obtained in the schools of Galilee. He hesitated to quit Babylonia, however, in deference to Judah's dislike of emigration. When, at last, he stole away, so to speak, from his native country, his longing to behold the Holy Land was so irresistible, that he ventured to cross the Jordan by a rope, so as not to lose time in searching for a bridge. A Christian who was witness of the traveler's haste, remarked reprovingly to Zeïra: "You Jews have not yet abandoned your old fault of precipitancy, which showed itself among you at Mount Sinai"; whereupon the latter rejoined: "Ought I to delay a single moment to enter the Holy Land, the sight of which was not even vouchsafed to Moses and Aaron, our teachers?"
Arrived at Tiberias, Zeïra endeavored to forget the minute analysis which constituted the Babylonian method of teaching. The legend adds that he fasted for forty days, in order to give weight to his prayers, in which he entreated that the hateful Babylonian system might vanish entirely from his memory. Judæa and its peculiar method, on the other hand, seemed to him to be surrounded with a halo of glory, and "the atmosphere of the Holy Land appeared to him pregnant with wisdom." The characteristic tendency of Babylonia, however, had gained so strong a hold on his mind that he was unable to free himself from it, even in Judæa. However greatly he strove to acquire the simplicity of the Judæan method, he never succeeded in entirely eradicating the influence of the Babylonian rational analysis, and it was on account of this very superiority which he himself failed to recognize, that he was held in high esteem by the Amoraïm of Judæa. The dignity of teacher was conferred upon him within a very short time. His modesty was so great, however, that, like King Saul, he hid himself, and only consented to be ordained when it was represented to him that remission of sins was attached thereto. In the encomium which it had become customary to recite on the occasion of an ordination, allusion was made to Zeïra's small, insignificant figure, in the following terms: "Without brilliancy, without glitter, but not without charm." He became one of the authorities of Judæa, together with Ami, Assi, and Abbahu, all of whom he outlived. At his grave a poet recited an elegy, which shows better taste than most of the verses produced on similar occasions; it ran somewhat as follows:—
Hillel II.—His Calendar—Heads of Judæan Schools: Jonah, José, and Jeremiah—The Expansion of Christianity—Constantine—The Decadence of the Jewish Schools in Babylonia—The Pumbeditha School—Development of Talmudical Dialectics—The Persian Queen Ifra and her son Shabur II.—The Emperor Julian—Favor shown towards the Jews—Proposed Rebuilding of the Temple—Roman Tolerance.
320–375 C. E.
The period during which Christendom asserted its triumphant sway marked a decisive crisis in the history of nations, and closed also an epoch in Jewish history. The harvest which had slowly and invisibly been maturing during the preceding centuries was now ripe. Christianity, although hated and persecuted, had still remained defiant, and at last disarmed its enemies by drawing them within the circle of its influence. The Roman Empire, which seems to have felt an instinctive dread of its approaching dissolution through the religion of Christ, submitted to baptism, thus prolonging its assigned length of existence by the space of a century and a half. Heathenism, which was nourished by and in turn bred irrational ideas, deceit, and immorality, was obliged to surrender its life of shams, and make room for another form of religion.
The new religion which thus pressed triumphantly to the fore, possessed innumerable advantages over heathenism, in that it laid down in theory as a fundamental principle, a worthier conception of God and a purer morality, although it was very far from conforming in practice to these tenets. At the same time as Rome and Italy lost their importance and retained only a shadow of their former greatness, Judæa and Tiberias, which had taken the place of Jerusalem, sank into insignificance. Like Italy, the seat of heathen civilization, Judæa was impoverished and stunted by Christianity. By means of the political power to which this religion now attained—the possession of the imperial dignity placing the axe of the lictors and the sword of the legions under its command—Judæa was soon deprived of its intellectual life, and the school of Tiberias lost the power of attraction which it had so long exercised, and sank into decadence.
While Babylonia was raised during the next fifty years to the pinnacle of its fame by the exertions of three original Amoraïm, Rabba, Abayi, and Raba, the Judæan Amoraïm of this period were of no importance. The few men of these times whose names have survived are Chaggai, who became an authority by reason of his age, Jonah II and José, the disciples and successors of Ami and Assi. The sole recognized authority of Judæa was Jeremiah; but he was an emigrant from Babylonia, where he had been so little appreciated that he had been turned out of the schools. The office of Patriarch also sank at this period into complete insignificance, its holder, Hillel II, having in imitation of his great-grandfather Hillel, self-denyingly resigned a portion of his power. It is remarkable that at the same time as the Patriarchate lost all consequence in Judæa, it acquired a showy splendor abroad, as if the corpse were being adorned before being lowered into the grave. During the last century of the existence of the office, the Patriarchs received the pompous titles of "Highness" (illustres), "Worshipful" (spectabiles), "Famous" (clarissimi), which titles they enjoyed in conjunction with the highest dignitaries of the State, with whom, to all appearances, they were thus placed on an equality. "Let him who dares to publicly insult the illustrious Patriarchs be visited with severe punishment," commands an imperial edict, which, although dating from a later period, rests nevertheless on the earlier legislation affecting the Patriarchs.
The Emperor Constantine, who had aggrandized the Church, and laid the dominion of the earth at her feet, had at the same time given her the doubtful blessing, "By the sword thou shalt live." He had originally placed Judaism, as a religion, on an equal footing with the other forms of worship existing in the Roman Empire. For, before adopting the Christian faith, and determining above all things to put a stop to religious persecutions throughout his dominions, Constantine had published a sort of edict of toleration, wherein he had commanded that every man should enjoy the right of professing any religion without thereby becoming an outlaw. The Jews were likewise included in this act of toleration, and their patriarchs, elders, and the principals of the schools and synagogues enjoyed the same privileges as the Christian ecclesiastics and the heathen priests. These decisions continued in force, and in later times were sanctioned by new laws, although another spirit began to sway the newly-founded Byzantine court. The rule was established that the members of the synagogue who dedicated themselves to the Law, the Patriarchs, Priests, and other religious officials, should be relieved from all municipal and other onerous offices. Taking as models the constitution of the Roman priesthood, and the Christian system of bishops, the Patriarch of Judæa was regarded as the chief of all the Jews in the Roman Empire. Constantine's impartial justice, however, lasted but a short time. The more Christianity asserted its influence over him, the more did he affect the intolerance of that religion, which, forgetful of its origin, entertained as passionate a hatred of Judaism and its adherents as of heathenism. Sylvester, Bishop of Rome, Paul, afterwards Bishop of Constantinople, the new capital, and Eusebius of Cæsarea, the first historian of the Church, did not fail to incite the inhabitants of the empire against the Jews. Judaism was stigmatized as a noxious, profligate, godless sect (feralis, nefaria secta) which ought to be exterminated from the face of the earth wherever possible. An imperial edict was published to the effect that the Jews were no longer to make converts, those entering, as well as those receiving newcomers into the faith being threatened with punishment (315). Finally the proselytism of the Christians was afforded the aid of the State, and the Jews were forbidden to pronounce upon such of the members of their community as apostatized the punishment which Christianity was, however, permitted to inflict in a terribly aggravated degree upon its own adherents who left its fold. "All who dare attack the apostates with stones or in any other manner, shall be delivered to the flames, together with their accomplices." It was impossible, in fact, that Jews without fixed opinions should not be tempted by Constantine's decided leaning towards Christianity, and the prospect of profit, to change their religion. The Church expressly aimed, by all sorts of promises, at seducing the weaker members of the Jewish community from their faith, laying especial emphasis on the disadvantages which would accrue from adherence to Judaism, and on the benefits which the apostate would derive from the State. "Why do you suffer death for your God? See to what punishments and pillagings He has condemned you! Come to us; we will make you dukes, and governors and captains." "The sinful Roman Empire, the son of thy mother, attempts to make the faithful waver," such were the texts from which the public orators of the synagogue had henceforth to preach. The privileges of the Jews were abolished by Constantine—as, for instance, in the city of Cologne—and it was decreed by him that, with the exception of two or three men, all of them were liable to be called upon to fill the burdensome municipal offices.
Then the world witnessed the hitherto undreamt-of spectacle of the first general convocation of Nice, consisting of several hundred bishops and priests, with the emperor at their head (325). Christianity thought to celebrate its triumph, but only succeeded in betraying its weakness and internal disunion. For on the occasion of this, its first official appearance, in all the splendor of its plenitude of spiritual and temporal power, there remained no trace of its original character. The Essenean doctrine of humility, brotherly love, and community of possessions; the Pauline zeal for morality and sound opinions; the ardor of the Alexandrian school for scientific erudition;—all had vanished. Dogmatical disputes, whether Christ the Son was equal to the Father, whether he resembled or differed from him, disputes all the more bitterly carried on because of the impossibility of settling the question either way,—these were the points which henceforward constituted the foreground of the history of the Church which was destined to represent the history of the world. At the Council of Nice the last thread was snapped which connected Christianity with its parent stock. The festival of Easter had up till now been celebrated for the most part at the same time as the Jewish Passover, and indeed upon the days calculated and fixed by the Synhedrion in Judæa for its celebration; but in future its observance was to be rendered altogether independent of the Jewish calendar, "For it is unbecoming beyond measure that on this the holiest of festivals we should follow the customs of the Jews. Henceforward let us have nothing in common with this odious people; our Savior has shown us another path. It would indeed be absurd if the Jews were able to boast that we are not in a position to celebrate the Passover without the aid of their rules (calculations)." These remarks are attributed to the Emperor Constantine, and even though they may not have been uttered by him, they were nevertheless the guiding principle of the Church which was now to decide the fate of the Jews.
The first utterance of Christianity on the very day of its victory betrayed its hostile attitude towards the Jews, and gave rise to those malignant decrees of Constantine and his successors, which laid the foundation of the bloody persecutions of subsequent centuries. Constantine re-enacted—undoubtedly at the instigation of the clergy—the law of Hadrian, which forbade the Jews to live in Jerusalem. Only on the anniversary of the destruction of the city were they allowed, on making certain payments to the officials, to mourn on the ruins of the Temple. The clergy further succeeded in obtaining a law from Constantine prohibiting the Jews from making converts among the slaves. Christianity claimed the monopoly of expansion, and forbade Judaism to increase its influence either by making proselytes or by converting its slaves. Constantine seems, however, to have protected the Jews against the arrogance of such of their brethren as had gone over to Christianity; these converts, for the most part possessed of no fixed opinions, attempted to revenge themselves on their former fellow-countrymen and co-religionists. One of these apostates, Joseph by name, seems at this period to have vigorously persecuted the Palestinean Jews. He had been one of the assessors of the Patriarch in the Synhedrion of Tiberias, and had been entrusted with the honorable office of delegate and envoy to the communities of Cilicia. There he had frequently associated in secret with a bishop, and had obtained the writings of the New Testament to read. The Cilician Jews raised doubts as to his orthodoxy, and as, in addition to this, he was not greatly beloved, on account of his high-handed treatment of the teachers and religious dignitaries, some of whom he even degraded, certain of the Cilicians entered his residence by surprise, and discovered him reading the gospel. How is it possible to blame the Jews of Cilicia for venting upon his person their indignation at his deceit? They are said to have thrown him into the river Cydnus, and he is supposed to have escaped death only by a miracle. Nothing now remained for Joseph but to publicly announce his adoption of Christianity. If he is to be believed, many Jews, including the most learned and worthy among them, nourished at this period a secret predilection for Christianity. Joseph even relates a thoroughly incredible tale of the aged Patriarch (probably Judah III), according to which the latter was a secret adherent of the religion of Jesus, and feeling a desire to be baptized, he invited a bishop from the neighborhood of Tiberias, under pretext of obtaining his medical advice.
The Christian clergy of Palestine, and probably the bishop Eusebius, who stood in high favor with the emperor, took care that Joseph should be well rewarded for his apostasy. Constantine conferred upon him the dignity of Comes, which carried with it a sort of immunity from punishment in case of misdemeanor or violation of the law. He was also granted permission by the emperor to build the first churches of Galilee—at Tiberias, Sepphoris (Dio-cæsarea), Nazareth, and Capernaum—where but few Christians had hitherto resided.
The Patriarch's son and successor, Hillel II, who is said to have been still a minor at the death of his father, was defamed by Joseph with a twofold purpose; he desired, in the first place, to brand with infamy, simply by the force of calumny, a fellow-countryman of exalted position who had sufficient reason to hate him; and secondly, he wished to attest the miraculous power of the sign of the cross. He is said to have been appointed guardian and tutor to the young Patriarch, of whom he related that, being led astray by his youthful companions, he had abandoned himself to a life of indulgence, and had even seduced honest and virtuous women by the use of magical arts. This same Patriarch, Hillel II, who flourished from about 320 to 365, was, however, one of the most estimable successors of the elder Hillel; he was certainly no votary of Christianity, and was favored by an emperor who likewise had reason to dislike the arrogant Church.
It was in reality under Constantius (327–330), the fratricide and arch-persecutor of heretics, that the Christian rule was introduced into the Roman empire, and that the misfortunes of the Jews commenced. If the champions of the Church had not been blinded by vindictiveness and dogmatism, they would necessarily have perceived that by accepting the support of the political power they were acknowledging the authority of a master and turning the spear against their own breasts. The emperor Constantius could boldly exclaim, "Let my will be religion and the law of the Church!" It was not the fathers of the Church who decided questions of religion in the last instance, but the eunuchs and the serving-women of the court. How could the Jews expect humane treatment when the members of the Church, from the emperor down to the most humble of his subjects, were prompted by a spirit of fanaticism to persecute one another on account of verbal disputes? At the very beginning of Constantius' reign, the Jewish teachers of the Law were banished; in consequence of this decree several of them emigrated to Babylonia. Among those who were exiled there were two who are known by name: Dimé and Isaac bar Joseph. These persecutions seem to have been aggravated in the course of time; the teachers of the Law were threatened with death, whereby the stream of emigration from Judæa was naturally increased. Abin and Samuel bar Judah were among the later emigrants (337–338). The consequences of these events were the decline of the Academy of Tiberias and the general decay of active teaching. Up till then there had still existed a sort of Synhedrion, employing the usual method of voting at its meetings; Haggai, Jonah, and José are named as members of it.
The sentiment of hostility, nourished by Constantius against the Jews, also manifested itself in several laws concerning them. The causes of this persecution remain involved in complete obscurity, and it is impossible to ascertain whether the apostate Joseph, that second Acher, was in any way connected therewith. Marriages between Jews and Christian women, which appear to have been of not infrequent occurrence, were punished with death under the emperor Constantius (339). Of even greater consequence was the law concerning slaves which was promulgated by him. Whereas his father had only forbidden the admission of slaves into the Jewish community, and had simply punished the transgression of this prohibition by declaring forfeited all slaves so admitted, Constantius decreed (339) that the circumcision of a Christian slave entailed the pain of death and the entire loss of fortune. He even forbade the reception of heathen slaves into the covenant of Judaism. The grounds for this law were twofold: it was desired that Judaism should receive no increase through its adoption by slaves, and also that Christians should not serve Jewish masters, "the assassins of God." This preposterous view has been held by the Church ever since, and prevails even at the present day, although in another form. These restraints and rigors were by no means legal, for the Jews were still reputed citizens of the Roman empire, and in consequence of this equality with the other inhabitants, ought not to have been subject to any exceptional laws. But what were right and law to this emperor, who, as unscrupulous as he was weak, was swayed by the eunuchs and the ecclesiastics of the court? His conceits and caprices were law. Constantius, or the ecclesiastics of his court, were the founders of the Christian State.
The sufferings of the Jews became unbearable when Constantius sent his cousin and co-emperor Gallus to the East to operate against the ever-increasing power of the Persians (351). Gallus, who was addicted to debauchery, abandoned the conduct of the war to his legate Ursicinus. The latter, during three long years, worked more dire distress in Judæa than any imperial master. As the Roman legions were quartered in the cities of Judæa, Ursicinus made it the duty of the Jewish inhabitants to furnish the provisions necessary for their maintenance, and prosecuted his demands so inexorably that the Jewish communities were thereby driven to violate the laws of their religion. The Roman military officials demanded, for example, that the troops should be supplied with new bread, even on the Sabbath and the feast of unleavened bread. The communities of Judæa were so disheartened that the teachers of the Law vied with one another in granting indulgences and mitigating the severity of the Law. The two authorities of Tiberias, Jonah and José, taught that it was lawful to bake for Ursicinus' army on the Sabbath; and the teachers of Neve, a Gaulanite town, permitted leavened bread to be baked for the legions during Passover. In their distress the religious representatives quieted their consciences with the excuse, which they deluded themselves into believing, that the enemy did not expressly demand the transgression of the Law, but simply required the regular supply of the army. But Ursicinus' intention appears really to have been to institute a religious persecution, for at Senbaris, a small town situated about four miles from Tiberias, he burnt a scroll of the Law which had been consecrated to the public use, and this act could not relate in any way to the service of the army. Besides this, an intolerable weight of taxes burdened the Jews of Palestine, who were for the most part greatly impoverished. Among these burdens were the supply of natural produce (corn and cattle), the payment of a poll-tax, of the tribute, and, in addition thereto, of a tax levied on every trade, and of all sorts of fines. The complaints which were uttered against these onerous taxes found an echo in the pulpit. "In the same way as when a garment hanging on a hedge of thorns has been disengaged from one side, it is immediately torn by the other, so does it happen to us under the rule of Esau (Rome). No sooner have the supplies of produce been carried off than it is the turn of the poll-tax, and before this has been paid, the tribute is demanded. Wicked Esau behaves with artful cunning towards Israel. Thou hast stolen or killed. Thou hast not stolen? Who stole with thee? Thou hast not killed? Who was thy accomplice? Pay down thy fines, provide supplies, pay the poll-tax and other imposts."
These multitudinous oppressions with which the Jews were visited by the first Christian emperors, inspired them with the courage of despair and roused them to a fresh revolt. Although but little is known of this rebellion and its consequences, the accounts appearing to be but lightly sketched, it is possible nevertheless to collect some isolated particulars. The seat of the revolt was at Sepphoris, where, under cover of the night, the Jews surprised the Roman troops stationed there, slaughtered them, and gained possession of their weapons. According to one account the Jews were led by a chief of the name of Patricius or Patrick (Netira), whom they raised to the position of prince. Masters of the mountain town of Sepphoris, they ventured upon extensive incursions into the surrounding country, with a view to revenging themselves on their enemies for the outrages to which they had so long been subjected. Similar revolts must also have occurred at this time in the two most important towns of Judæa, Tiberias and Lydda, as well as at various other places. Thus the revolt acquired not inconsiderable dimensions, and for this reason Constantius was obliged to reinforce his colleague Gallus with fresh legions. With the aid of these troops the latter completely suppressed the rebellion, but showed so little mercy to the vanquished that not even the children were spared. Many thousands of Jews fell as the victims of an insurrection in which prudence had been overcome by despair. Sepphoris was razed to the ground, and Tiberias, Lydda, and the other cities which had joined the rebellion were partially destroyed (352).
As had always been the case after similar rebellions, those who had taken part in the revolt were hunted down, so that none of them might escape punishment; the inhabitants of Sepphoris, being the originators of the rising, were most rigorously sought out by Ursicinus. In order to escape this persecution they made themselves unrecognizable by masking their faces, and by this means escaped detection for a while. At last, however, traitors came forward and informed the authorities of the deceit practised by the Sepphorians, and the latter were accordingly seized and executed on the spot. Many of the refugees had meanwhile hidden themselves in the subterranean passages of Tiberias, where they were safe from the Romans. Huna relates: "When we took refuge in the subterranean passages, we had torches with us; if they showed but a feeble light, we knew that it was day, while when they burned more brightly we perceived that night was at hand." According to this, the refugees must have passed some time in these caverns.
Meanwhile Constantius appears to have re-enacted Hadrian's edict against the Jews, for the discharge of religious duties was prohibited, and even the computation of the calendar and trade in articles of religious use were forbidden. When it was desired to inform Raba, who was at this period the principal of the schools in Machuza, of the intended intercalation of a month, and of the restraint laid on the exercise of religion, it was necessary to adopt a mysterious and enigmatical style, and to make use of obscure allusions. The news was communicated in the following terms: "Men came from Reket (Tiberias), and the eagle (the Romans) caught them; for they held in their hand that which is fabricated at Luz (a blue-purple color for fringes). But by God's mercy and their own merits, they have nevertheless escaped in safety. The successors of Nachshon (Patriarch) desired to appoint a supporter of the months (intercalated month), but the Arameans (Romans) would not allow it; notwithstanding this, they assembled and intercalated the month of the death of Aaron (Ab)." This secret epistle to Babylonia betrays the distress which existed in Judæa at this period. The dispersed and weakened Synhedrion must have been prevented from inserting the usual supplementary month in the spring (Adar), and must have been compelled to transpose it to some unusual season which had not been sanctioned by the Law. On one occasion, about this period, the Jews were forbidden to observe the Day of Atonement, and were accordingly compelled to postpone it till the Sabbath. This condition of distress in which Judæa was plunged was not at all altered when the barbarous Gallus was put to death at Constantius' command, and Ursicinus fell into disfavor (354). The adherents of Judaism were regarded at the imperial court of Constantinople as simple atheists, by reason of their refusal to recognize Jesus. This view gave rise to the law (357) that all Christians who joined the "blasphemous" communities of the Jews should incur the punishment of the forfeiture of their possessions. The creatures of Constantius, Eusebius the chamberlain among others, had specially aimed at the confiscation of property, and they burdened the Jews with illegal taxes, heavy beyond measure, hoping to exterminate them by impoverishment and exhaustion. New tables of taxes had already been drawn up, with a view to still further increasing their severity, on the pretext that as the Jews were atheists they deserved no protection. They were delivered from this oppression in an unexpected manner by the Emperor Julian, who differed as greatly from his brother Gallus, as from his cousin and co-emperor, Constantius.
The miserable condition of Judæa was the occasion of an act of self-renunciation on the part of the Patriarch Hillel, which has not yet been thoroughly appreciated. The custom had prevailed up till now of keeping secret the computation of the new moon and the leap year, and of making known the times of the festivals to the communities in the neighboring lands by announcing them by messengers. During the persecutions under Constantius this method had proved itself to be impracticable and useless. Whenever the Synhedrion was prevented from fixing the date of the leap year, the Jewish communities in distant countries were left in utter doubt concerning the most important religious decisions. In order to put a stop to all difficulty and uncertainty, Hillel II introduced a final and fixed calendar; that is to say he placed at every one's disposal the means of establishing the rules which had guided the Synhedrion up till then in the calculation of the calendar and the fixing of the festivals. With his own hand the Patriarch destroyed the last bond which united the communities dispersed throughout the Roman and Persian empires with the Patriarchate. He was more concerned for the certainty of the continuance of Judaism than for the dignity of his own house, and therefore abandoned those functions for which his ancestors, Gamaliel II and Simon his son, had been so jealous and solicitous. The members of the Synhedrion favored this innovation; they only desired that the second day of the festivals, which had always been celebrated by the communities not situated in Palestine, should not now be disregarded. José addressed to the Alexandrian communities an epistle containing the following words: "Although we have made you acquainted with the order of the festivals, nevertheless change not the custom of your ancestors" (i. e. to observe the second day of the festivals). The same recommendation was also made to the Babylonians: "Adhere closely to the customs of your fathers." This advice was conscientiously followed, and the second day is observed by all the non-Palestinean communities even at the present time.
The method of calculating the calendar introduced by Hillel is so simple and certain that up to the present day it has not required either emendation or amplification, and for this reason is acknowledged to be perfect by all who are competent to express an opinion on the subject, whether Jews or non-Jews. The system is based upon a cycle of nineteen years, in which seven leap years occur. Ten months in every year are invariable, and consist alternately of twenty-nine and thirty days; the two autumn months only which follow Tishri (the most important of all the months) are left variable, as being dependent on certain circumstances in astronomy and Jewish law. This and other computations rest, however, on rules so simple, and are so plain and easy, that the veriest tyro is thereby enabled to draw up a calendar for a hundred, or even a thousand years. It has not been ascertained how much of this system was invented by Hillel, and how much he owed to tradition, for it is indisputable that certain astronomical rules were regarded as traditional in the patriarchal house; in any case, Hillel appears to have made use of Samuel's calendar. This calendar and the year of its introduction are now known. It was published in the 670th year of the Seleucidean era, the 359th of the common reckoning.
The oppression which thus fell upon the inhabitants of Palestine, and which gave rise to Hillel's calendar, augmented the importance and influence of Babylonia, and although Christianity could boast of having broken up the academies and destroyed, so to speak, the Temple of the Law in Judæa, the destruction was nevertheless merely local. In Babylonia the study of the Law acquired so vigorous an impetus that the achievements of ancient times were almost eclipsed; the study of the Law was now celebrating the period of its maturity. Two methods of instruction in the traditions especially had developed, namely, that of receiving the authentic terms of the traditions and handing them down in exactly the same words, and that of making a fruitful application of the same, and of further amplifying them. Each of these methods was represented by one of the academies of Babylonia; Sora was receptive, Pumbeditha creative. Altogether Sora can be regarded only as a continuation of the academies of Judæa, as a sort of Babylonian Tiberias; and although the spirit which reigned there underwent a change under the influence of the Babylonian method, still the Soranian school never furthered the cause of study to any appreciable extent. It was Pumbeditha that raised learning to its highest level. The acute scholars of Pumbeditha, produced by Judah ben Ezekiel's Academy, held sway at this period over Babylonia and the dependent countries. The leaders and representatives of this movement formed a triumvirate, consisting of Rabba, and his comrades and disciples, Abayi and Raba. It was these three that gave the finishing touch to the work of completing the Talmud, or rather who raised the study of the Halacha to the rank of an intellectual system of dialectics.
Rabba bar Nachmani (born about 270, died 330) possessed, like the family to which he belonged, certain original qualities. He was of a family from Mamal or Mamala, a city of Galilee, the inhabitants of which were for the most part descendants of Aaron, and members of the family of Eli; they asserted that they participated in the curse with which this house had been visited, and which prevented any of its members from ever attaining extreme old age. Whoever went to Mamala was astonished at seeing so many persons with black hair; a grey-haired man was a rarity.
Rabba had three brothers, whose names were Kailil, Ushaya, and Chananya; all of them lived in the greatest poverty, which misfortune they also ascribed to the curse resting on the house of Eli. Ushaya, the younger, and Chananya, who had returned to Judæa, obtained a precarious living as shoemakers. By reason of the scarcity of customers, they were sometimes obliged to sell their work to prostitutes. Nevertheless, their minds remained so pure and chaste that they were never reproached with a single immodest glance; they were consequently held in high esteem, and were known as the "saints of the land of Israel." These two brothers applied themselves to the Agada, the favorite study in Judæa, while Rabba, their sober brother, who as a child had shown signs of great acuteness of mind, evinced a predilection for the Halacha, in which province his labor was epoch-making. He had determined to remain in Babylonia, and his brothers, unable to quiet their apprehensions concerning his lot, used all their endeavors to persuade him to come to Judæa. "It is not all one," ran their message to him, "whether one dies in or out of Judæa; for the Patriarch Jacob attached great weight to being buried in the Holy Land. Although thou art learned, still it is better to have a master than to educate thyself. And if thou thinkest that there is no teacher of importance to be found in the academies of Judæa, we inform thee that thou wouldst indeed find such a one here." In consequence of this pressing invitation, and contrary to the principles of Judah, his teacher, Rabba emigrated to Judæa. Some time after, however, he returned to Babylonia, probably because he was dissatisfied with the Judæan method of teaching. Rabba's worldly affairs are described as most miserable, and are frequently contrasted with Chasda's uninterrupted happiness.
After the death of his teacher Judah in 299, the Pumbedithan College, which was composed of lovers of dialectics, esteemed Rabba to be the only person worthy of occupying the vacancy thus created in the school. He was therefore offered the honor of becoming Judah's successor, but his exceeding modesty induced him to decline the post. The vacancy was eventually filled by Huna ben Chiya, whose wealth was so immense that he furnished his audience in the lecture-room with gilded seats. Although the greater number of the disciples frequented Sora, the Pumbedithan Academy nevertheless counted 400 students. Both Rabba and his friend Joseph associated themselves with the local academy, and subordinated themselves to the principal, in order to prevent the school from being deprived of the reputation which it had at last succeeded in gaining. When it came to be known in what manner Huna ben Chiya had acquired his wealth, which had been amassed by the farming of tolls, he was given to understand that the dignity of teacher must not be stained by association with that hateful trade, and that he must give up either one or the other. Having abandoned the calling of farmer of tolls, he was recognized by the college, which followed Rabba's example, as a worthy principal of the academy. Joseph was the only person who refused to acquiesce in the appointment. The not altogether spotless reputation of its principal, however, threatened to become a cause of ruin to the Pumbedithan Academy; care was therefore taken after the death of Huna to make a better choice, in order to enlist the sympathy of the people and to attract a numerous audience. Two men appeared worthy to fill this post, Rabba bar Nachmani and Joseph ben Chiya, the one distinguished for Talmudical dialectics, and the other for Halachic erudition. The choice between the two was so difficult that it was determined to take counsel of Judæa, and the following question was accordingly asked: "Who possesses the superiority, Sinai (man of learning), or the remover of mountains (man of acuteness)?" In Tiberias, where the acute method of teaching, although not hated, was nevertheless held in low esteem, the decision was given in favor of the former. But Joseph entertained scruples against accepting this dignity. His nativity had once been cast by a Chaldean, who had informed him that he would obtain a position of great authority, but would not be able to retain it longer than two years and six months, after which he would die. In spite of the legal prohibition forbidding credence to be given to the wisdom of the Chaldeans, the most noted teachers of the Law were unable to free themselves from its influence; daily example was stronger than the Law. Joseph having refused the post thus offered to him, it was conferred upon Rabba (309), and in him the Pumbedithan Academy found its ideal.
Rabba restored anew to the academy its extinguished fame, and attracted to his discourses a crowd of students, amounting at times to as many as 1200. He did not confine his lectures to the practical part of jurisprudence alone, as Judah had done, but treated of all the subjects contained in the Mishna; he sought to reconcile the various contradictions existing in the Mishna, the Boraitas, and the additions made by the Amoraic authorities (Memra), and generally to introduce clearness into the study of the Halacha. He even turned his attention to the remote subject of the laws of Levitical purity, which he succeeded in making comprehensible; but in this branch of study, which had vanished out of every-day life, he stood quite alone, a fact that he frequently lamented. He was distinguished by a desire to enter deeply into the motives not only of the Pentateuch, but also of the Sopheric and Mishnaic laws, and to draw conclusions from them. The formulæ which he employed as an introduction to these investigations ran as follows: "Wherefore has the Law commanded this?" or "Why are such-and-such things prohibited by the teachers of the Law?" His luminous conception and treatment of his subject invested it with life, while the variety which he succeeded in imparting to a dry theme by means of the occasional introduction of an Agadic sentence made it both interesting and captivating. At times he would entertain the students with interesting anecdotes before beginning his discourse, and as soon as he thought that he had put them in a cheerful temper, he would begin to treat of more serious and weighty subjects. His guiding principle was that the soul must be prepared for the reception of serious thoughts, and that this receptivity was best awakened by cheerfulness. Rabba often put catch questions to his pupils, or expressed paradoxical opinions, in order to test their judgment or sharpen their intellect. Rabba holds the same important position among the Amoraim, as Akiba among the Tanaites. He collected scattered and fragmentary subjects under general heads. For this reason the reverence in which he was held by the teachers of the Law equaled that which was entertained for the founder of Babylonian Jewish life. But in proportion as he was beloved by this circle, he was obnoxious to the populace of Pumbeditha. His fellow-countrymen could not forgive this severe censor for the sharp, reproachful words with which, in his honesty and stern morality, he strove to combat their deceits and artifices. Once, on the occasion of a drought, when Rabba had proclaimed a public fast, and had ordered prayers to be offered up, without succeeding in obtaining rain, he exclaimed reproachfully to the populace: "It is not because we leaders of the people are worse than in the time of my master Judah, that Heaven refuses to gratify our wishes; nor is it because we are less diligent in the study of the Law. But what can be done by the representatives of the people when the entire race is degenerate?"
On account of their needy circumstances Rabba and another Amora, Ada, appear to have become the colleagues (Chacham) of Mar-Ukban, a grandchild of Rab, and at that time Prince of the Captivity, at whose expense they were probably supported. While the principals of the Soranian Academy were wealthy, often supporting the entire expenses of the schools, and maintaining a large number of disciples from their own purse, those of Pumbeditha generally possessed but small means. This circumstance necessitated the establishment of an academical fund at Pumbeditha, to which the communities and the Prince of the Captivity probably contributed.
In Rabba's time the Babylonian Jews were the victims of a transitory persecution, which, although insignificant when compared with those which had occurred in the Roman empire, was nevertheless calculated to arouse the sufferers from their feeling of profound safety. It was during the long reign (310–380) of Shabur II, the new king of the Sassanian dynasty, who had been acknowledged as ruler while yet unborn, that the friendly relation in which the Jews had stood to the Persian court became disturbed, and it is possible that they would have been as cruelly persecuted as the Christians, had it not been that Ifra-Ormuzd, the king's mother, was prepossessed in favor of Judaism and the Jews. The account briefly narrates that a body of troops marched into Pumbeditha, whereupon Rabba and Joseph took to flight. A serious charge had been brought against Rabba, the king or his councillors having been secretly informed that, by means of Rabba's discourses during the Kalla months, his 1200 students had been induced to evade the payment of the poll-tax. A royal bailiff was sent out with orders to seize the person of the principal of the Pumbedithan Academy. Being warned in advance, Rabba fled, and in order to escape detection he wandered about in the surrounding country. His death was caused by fright at the rustling of the wind in the trees, which the fugitive mistook for the tramp of advancing soldiery. Abayi and Raba, his most distinguished disciples, together with the rest of the members of the academy, went in search of his corpse, which they eventually found covered over and hidden by birds. They mourned during seven days for this highly esteemed Amora (330). The charge, which was the occasion of Rabba's death, does not seem to have been further prosecuted. The queen-mother, Ifra, even sent a purse of denars to his successor, leaving it to him to make the best and most pious use of it, whereupon he employed it in ransoming Jewish prisoners.
Rabba's successor and friend, Joseph ben Chiya (born about 270, died about 333), was sickly and sensitive, and possessed a passionate disposition. He was aware of his failings and complained that they prevented him from enjoying life. He seems to have been very wealthy, and to have possessed fields, palm-trees and vineyards, from which latter—as he cultivated them more carefully than was generally the case—he obtained better wine than was commonly produced. Upon being afflicted with blindness, he grieved less for the loss of his sight than on account of his being thereby relieved from performing various religious duties.
Joseph was exceptional among the principals of the Pumbedithan Academy, inasmuch as he attached more weight to the acquisition of a knowledge of the Mishna and the Boraïtas by committing them to memory, than to the drawing of ingenious conclusions. For this reason he was known by the title of "Sinai" and "Possessor of Storehouses." Besides studying the Halacha, he turned his attention to the Targum or Chaldaic translation of the Holy Scriptures. The Torah, and probably also isolated portions of the Prophets, which were used for public reading (Haftara), had long ago been translated into the Aramaic dialects—both the Syriac and the Chaldaic. There existed various Chaldaic translations of the Torah for the use of those who were ignorant of Hebrew: one of these, based probably on the favorite Greek version of Akylas, bore the name of Targum Onkelos; the Syrian translation, employed by such of the Jews of Syria and Mesopotamia as spoke Syriac, was called Peshito (the simple). The greater portion of the Prophets, however, had not been translated, and it was Joseph who first took in hand a Chaldaic translation thereof. Some persons believed that this was a work of piety, as Joseph was prevented by his blindness from reading, and was unwilling to recite the Hebrew text by heart, on account of the prohibition against oral quotation of the written Law. He therefore set about translating the Prophets on his own account, in order to be able to quote any desired passage in Chaldaic. Joseph's translation was incorporated in the Targum, and was accepted as a decisive authority on questions relating to the explanation of doubtful words.
He was exceedingly severe in maintaining discipline in his capacity of principal of the Academy; he flogged one of the students—Nathan bar Assa—for journeying on foot from the Academy to Pumbeditha on the second day of one of the festivals. The few years during which he retained his office were in many ways embittered. He was stricken by a severe illness, through which he lost his memory, and it was consequently often necessary for his pupils to remind him that he himself had formerly taught them the very facts which he was then disputing. Although they endeavored to spare his feelings when drawing his attention to his absurd mistakes, nevertheless, in his irritation, he regarded these corrections as a slight, and complainingly exclaimed: "Be indulgent with an old man whom misfortune has caused to forget all he learnt; and forget not that the fragments of the first tables of the Law were preserved by the side of the unbroken tables."
Joseph's hard lot may be considered as typical of the decay of the method of teaching which depended on the power of memory. It heaps up the treasures of learning and tradition, guarding every atom of its hoard as painfully as a miser, and warns off all influences exerted by the employment of the intellect, as if they might obscure its mirror-like purity; but in an unlucky moment the store that has been laboriously collected suddenly vanishes; memory is extinguished, and there remain no means of recovering the lost treasures.
The Soranian school, the home of culture, also began to decline, through neglecting to further the development of the Law. After Chasda's death, the post of principal was held for twelve years (309–320) by Huna's son, Rabba or Rab Abba; but the studious youths were more strongly attracted by the rising star of the Pumbedithan Academy. For this reason Rabba's modesty is the only circumstance in connection with which any remembrance of him is retained. After the death of Rabba bar Huna, the Soranian Academy was deserted, and it was not frequented until half a century later, when it began to regain its lost renown.
After Joseph's death, the college was embarrassed as to whom it should appoint as his successor. There were four who seemed worthy to occupy this post, being all equally esteemed; they were Abayi, Raba, Zeïra II, and Rabba bar Matana. The college accordingly determined to vote for the one who should give the most striking answer, to which no objection could be offered, to a question that was raised. Abayi was victorious in this intellectual tournament, and was chosen as principal. Abayi, whose surname was Nachmani (born about 280, died 338), was an orphan; his father Kailil had died before, his mother immediately after, his birth. A governess took the place of his mother, while Rabba, the sagacious Amora of Pumbeditha, filled that of his father. In after-life, Abayi spoke with gratitude and emotion of his foster-mother, and gave her name to several healing medicaments. To his uncle Rabba, Abayi owed his knowledge of the Law and his skill in Talmudical dialectics. Like Raba, his contemporary Amora, he aroused great expectations during his early youth, and it used to be said of them, "The bud shows what the melon will be." Abayi appears to have possessed but a moderate fortune. Like the majority of the Babylonian teachers of the Law, however, he had a small field of his own, which he cultivated by the agency of a freeman. His character was mild and yielding, and he retained these qualities in his intercourse with the various classes of society. His maxim was: that man should be sagacious in the fear of God, gentle and conciliatory in his speech, and at peace with his brethren, with his relations, in fact, with all the world, even with the heathen abroad, so that he might be beloved and esteemed, and possess influence over his fellow-men. At this time opinions, words, and deeds, were still one and the same. Abayi's integrity was even acknowledged by such of the Samaritans as dwelt in Babylonia. Having once lost an ass which was found by some Samaritans, it was brought back by them to its owner, though he was not able to mention any special mark by which it could be recognized. "If thou wert not Nachmani," said they to him, "we should not have restored the ass even if it had borne some particular mark." Under Abayi's direction of the Pumbedithan Academy (333–338) the number of students diminished to about two hundred, and therefore in remembrance of the crowd of scholars who had flocked thither during the time of his predecessors, Rab and Huna, he called himself an "orphan of orphans." It was not that less interest and pleasure than formerly were now felt in study, but that Abayi possessed a rival in Raba, who had founded a school of his own in Machuza on the Tigris, whither he had attracted many students. Both of these teachers brought the Pumbedithan method to its greatest perfection. Rivaling one another in talent and ingenuity, they discovered answers to questions which Rabba and Joseph had been unable to solve.
The traditions which had been handed down no longer afforded material for discussion, every point which they presented having already been thoroughly elucidated; new themes were therefore propounded and solved by the help of recognized formulæ. These subtle Talmudical dialectics received the names of their most proficient adepts, and were known as the "Havayot (reflections) d'Abayi ve Raba."
Before his death, Abayi heard of the cruel persecutions to which his coreligionists in Judæa were subjected under Constantius. The fugitives who conveyed this sad news to Babylonia, also brought with them new Halachas, from the circle of which Jochanan was the head, and thus inspired the learned students of Babylonia with new vigor.
Abayi died in the prime of life (338). After his death, the office of principal was conferred upon Raba bar Joseph bar Chama of Machuza (born 299, died 352), without any discussion, as if this was expected as a matter of course. Raba was wealthy, talented and acute, but possessed his weak points, which caused him to be considered inferior to his fellow Amoraim, although he surpassed them in acuteness of intellect. He was well acquainted with his own character, and described himself in the following words: "I have always cherished three wishes, of which, while two have been fulfilled, the gratification of the third has not been vouchsafed to me. I desired Huna's learning and Chasda's wealth, and obtained both; but Rabba bar Huna's unassuming modesty was not allotted to me." Although he was superior to the majority of his fellow-countrymen, his character was tainted, nevertheless, with certain peculiarities of the Machuzans; he was luxurious, proud and overbearing, and although his fellow-countrymen did not enjoy the best of reputations in Babylonia, he flattered them to excess. He was exceedingly desirous of winning and retaining their favor. "When I became judge," he relates, "I was afraid that I should no longer retain the attachment of the Machuzans, but as they recognize my impartiality in giving judgment, all must either hate or all love me." Abayi seems to have reproved this tendency of Raba to sacrifice moral dignity for the acquisition of popular favor. "When a teacher of the Law," said he, "is too greatly beloved by his fellow-citizens, it is not because of his great merit, but on account of his indulgence, which causes him to refrain from calling attention to their vices, and from earnestly reprimanding them."
It has already been mentioned that the inhabitants of Machuza were descended for the most part from proselytes, for which reason the aristocratic Babylonian Jews forbore to contract marriages with them. As the Machuzans thus seemed to be at a loss how to obtain wives, Zeïra II declared in a public discourse that it was allowable for them to marry persons who had been born out of wedlock. This permission, however, implying as it did a sort of degradation of the Machuzans, was so offensive to their pride, that they almost stoned him to death with the fruits with which the booths were decorated (the incident occurring during the celebration of the feast of Tabernacles), just as King Alexander Jannæus had once been attacked in the outer court of the temple. Raba could hardly find words severe enough with which to blame Zeïra's candor: "Who would give utterance to so inconsiderate a decision in a community containing so many descendants of proselytes!" In order to enlist the favor of the populace still more strongly on his side, he demonstrated, in opposition to Zeïra's theory, that proselytes might marry even the daughters of priests, and he succeeded by this flattery in charming the Machuzans so greatly that they overwhelmed him with presents of silken stuffs. In after-times Raba attempted to restrict the equality which he had accorded somewhat too freely to the proselytes, probably on account of its having caused displeasure in various circles; at the same time he remarked that proselytes might ally themselves with bastard families. This decision having caused dissatisfaction, Raba appeased his fellow-countrymen with the following words: "I only meant well towards you, and leave you free to act either way."
Another of Raba's failings was that, although exceedingly wealthy, he was not entirely free from covetousness, which he allowed to become apparent on several occasions. A proselyte of Machuza, Issor by name, had deposited with Raba a sum of 12,000 sus (denars), in order to bequeath it to his son, who was being brought up as a student of the Law. Issor having fallen ill, Raba resolved to keep possession of this money as property to which there was no heir, a proselyte being unable to leave his fortune to a son born before his adoption of Judaism, as the Talmudical law does not recognize such offspring as a son. At all events, the principal of the schools—familiar as he was with all the intricacies of the Law—was determined to nullify Issor's disposal of his fortune in favor of his son. Meanwhile, another person who was equally well acquainted with the Law, suggested to the anxious father that, although he was prevented from making over the money in question to his son by will, he was, nevertheless, at liberty to do so by declaring before witnesses that the money belonged to the latter. Raba was greatly incensed at the man who offered this counsel, and complained as bitterly of this secret advice as if he had thereby been deprived of a lawfully acquired fortune. Raba's conduct also violated an accepted Halacha which treats of a similar case. According to this law, although a man is not obliged to hand over to such of the sons as may have become proselytes, the property committed to his keeping by a heathen, of which the latter had not otherwise disposed, an offense is, nevertheless, committed against the higher laws of morality by withholding it from them.
Another example of Raba's selfish conduct is afforded by the fact that he exacted a higher rent from the tenants of his fields than was customary in Babylonia. At times his behavior towards persons of slender means was marked by a harshness which was in glaring opposition to the doctrines of charity and pity, inculcated equally by the Halachas and the Scriptures.
The conduct of his brother Saurim was even more heartless; he posed as a moral censor, and whenever any of the poorer members of the community appeared to him not to be religious enough he made slaves of them, and compelled them to carry him about in his gilded litter. Even to this conduct Raba offered no objection, but sanctioned his brother's arbitrary proceedings by referring to a long-forgotten law, which countenanced the treatment of the Jews as slaves, in case they no longer lived in accordance with the Law.
During this period the simple manners and the honesty which had obtained among the Jews of Babylonia in former times, fell to a low ebb with many of them, and made room for luxury, vanity, and thirst for power. Many a teacher of the Law was clad in gorgeous garments and was carried about in a gilded litter. They no longer felt themselves one with the people from whom they had risen, but constituted a particular caste, a patrician class, who mutually protected and maintained one another's interests, looking down with pride and contempt on the lower orders of the populace. Raba himself admitted that whenever he was called upon to decide a point of law in which a person of the same class of society as himself was concerned, he was unable to sleep until he succeeded in interpreting the law in his favor. If a member of the school brought his produce to market, he was invested with the privilege of being allowed to sell before any one else, in order that he might obtain higher prices. The cause of a member was always heard first in the court. The teachers of the Law of such communities as paid their taxes in a lump sum, were exempt from all imposts. Raba allowed the associates, in places where they were not known, to declare their rank, in order that they might enjoy the advantages attaching thereto. What a contrast to former times, when the Tanaites hesitated, at the risk of their lives even, to derive any benefit from their knowledge of the Law! Raba went to extreme lengths in according privileges to the doctors of the Law. He permitted the associates to pass themselves off as worshipers of fire in order to escape payment of the charag.
The course of conduct thus pursued by the learned classes gradually awoke a dislike of them among the people. The lower classes spoke of them contemptuously as "those scholars." The mockery expressed by this epithet must have been so bitter that on their side the teachers of the Law branded as heretics (Epicureans) all who made use of the expression. Scholarship thus no longer obtained recognition. "What do we profit by the scholars?" the people asked themselves; "all their knowledge is employed for their own benefit." At the head of this opposition to the Rabbis stood the family of the physician, Benjamin of Machuza, which seems to have been possessed of great importance, as Raba paid great attention to its members. "What advantage do we really derive from the teachers of the Law?" said they jeeringly; "they can neither allow us to eat ravens, nor forbid us to eat pigeons?"—meaning that in spite of all their dialectics they were unable to proceed beyond the circle of established customs. Although Raba declared this utterance of Benjamin Assia to be heretical, it does not appear that he excommunicated him, but rather that he treated him with great consideration; it is probable that the latter belonged to the retinue of the Prince of the Captivity.
Meanwhile the zeal for the study of the Law had greatly increased. Disciples crowded in even greater numbers than formerly to Raba's academy in Machuza, neglecting in their ardor their business pursuits. Raba was obliged to warn them against this excess: "I pray you do not come to my school in the spring and autumn months, lest you should neglect the time of the harvest and of the preparation of wine and oil, and so be troubled throughout the year by the cares of life." Raba's discourses were even more popular than Abayi's by reason of the clearness of his explanations, the exactitude of his distinctions, and the boldness of his treatment of the subject-matter of tradition. Raba showed a decided preference for analyzing the Mishna to the bare study of its dry subject-matter. The former method offered a wide field for the employment of dialectical powers, while the Mishna, taken in its simplest sense, became a mere matter of memory. On this account Raba placed the Amoraïm above the Tanaites; the former explained, or explained better, such points as were doubtful to the latter. He was accustomed to say that a grain of pepper (acuteness) was better than a basketful of melons. In contrast to Zeïra I, who was adverse to that method of teaching which encouraged ingenious reasoning, and valued highly the simplicity of the Mishna, Raba declared that "whoso breaketh stones injureth himself thereby (Eccles. x. 9); thus are they characterized who know merely the Mishna; but he who splitteth wood warmeth himself; such are they who are acquainted with the Talmud." The true Talmud, the attractive collection of nice questions, answers, comparisons and distinctions, the lofty flight of thought, which, starting from a point, passes with the quickness of lightning over the intermediate steps of a chain of reasoning, the dialectic form of the Talmud is the product of this period. The triumvirate, Rabba, Abayi, and Raba, were Talmudists in the real meaning of the word, i. e., dialecticians. In this sense the Talmud was the creation of the Pumbedithan and Machuzan schools. In Judæa there was scarcely a notion of it. By reason of his extensive acquirements, his profound intellect, and perhaps also on account of his wealth, Raba remained the sole authority during his continuance at the head of the academy. Questions were referred to him even from Judæa, when the frequent persecutions under Constantius and Gallus involved the Holy Land in the deepest misery.
This period was by no means the happiest for the Jewish subjects of the Persian crown; they were not spared during the obstinate struggle between Rome and Persia. A Persian army was stationed at Machuza, and had to be maintained by the inhabitants of the town. As the population was entirely Jewish, this duty was attended with many inconveniences. Shabur II was no friend of the Jews. In ancient times numerous Jewish families had been transported to Armenia, and now lived there in their own cities; of these, Shabur led an immense multitude (estimated at 71,000) into captivity, and colonized them in Susiana and Ispahan. This latter city, which had formerly been the capital of the Persian empire, received the name of Jehudia, from the many Jews who settled there after the captivity. Shabur appears to have oppressed the Jews of Babylonia in no less degree, for Raba was obliged to expend considerable sums of money in preventing persecution. His friends extolled his good luck in being, to a certain extent, exempted from the misfortunes to which the Jewish people had been predestined, seeing that up till then he had been subjected to no extortions. To these congratulations Raba replied as follows: "You know not how much I am obliged to do in secret for Shabur's court!" On one occasion it was with great difficulty that he managed to escape a personal danger which threatened him in his capacity of principal of the schools. He had ordered a Jew to be flogged for having held carnal intercourse with a Persian woman, and the chastisement had caused the death of the culprit. The case happening to come to Shabur's knowledge, he commanded a heavy punishment to be inflicted on Raba for having exercised the criminal jurisdiction. The latter appears to have escaped the penalty by flight, but his house was pillaged. All further consequences of this occurrence were averted by Ifra, the queen-mother, who is reported to have said to her son: "Do not meddle in any way with the Jews, for God grants them whatever they pray for." In striking contrast with her son, Ifra-Ormuzd entertained a special liking for the Jews, and in particular for the teachers of the Law, to whom at times she vouchsafed a glance into the most secret recesses of her heart. In the same way as she had formerly sent a purse of gold to Joseph, she now forwarded 400 golden denars to Raba. Rami, a contemporary, was of opinion that this present ought to be refused, as it was not lawful to receive alms of the heathens. Notwithstanding this, Raba accepted the money, but distributed it amongst the heathen poor. The queen-mother Ifra also sent an animal for sacrifice to the principal of the school in Machuza, which she requested might be offered up according to the Jewish rites, in order to prove her adoration of the only God. Raba did not live to see either the introduction of the calendar by Hillel, or the short period during which prosperity smiled upon the Jews. He died after holding his office for fourteen years.