[411] In Sumerian the goddess Dazima.
[412] In Sumerian, Nintil.
[413] In Sumerian, Enshagme.
[414] See his Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood, and the Fall of Man, p. 56.
[415] Translated from Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin, VII. No. 92.
[416] Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin, VII, No. 198.
[417] Ibid., VII, No. 97.
[418] Since this manuscript was sent to the printer, another Abraham has been found in some tablets in the Yale University Collection.
[419] Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 352, 353. (See p. 360.)
[420] See Beiträge zur Assyriologie, V, p. 498, no. 23; cf. p. 429, ff.
[421] King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, Vol. I, No. 66.
[422] Some scholars suppose that the writer of the account in Genesis had before him a source in the cuneiform writing in which the “pi” at the end of Hammurapi’s name was spelled with a sign that could be read either “pi” or “pil” (see Barton, Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing, Leipzig, 1913, No. 185), and that the l was attached in consequence of a misreading of this sign. That, however, admits corruption, though it attempts to explain its cause.
[423] Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum, XXI, 33.
[424] It was until recently not known that Arad-Sin and Rim-Sin were different persons, and some thought the king might be called either Rim-Sin or Eri-aku (Arioch, Gen. 14:1). It is possible that Arad-Sin may have been called Ari-aku in Sumerian, but it is improbable. It is now known that Arad-Sin died 30 years before Hammurapi came to the throne. With our present knowledge it is difficult to see how Arioch could be the name of Rim-Sin unless Rim-Sin be read partly as Semitic and partly as Sumerian and then considerably corrupted.
[425] The text was published by Pinches in the Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute, Vol. XXIX, 82, 83; cf. emendations by L. W. King, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, Vol. I, p. li, ff. Sayce has also translated them, filling out the lacunæ by freely exercising the imagination, in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, XXVIII, 203-218, 241-251, and XXIX, 7-17.
[426] This could be read Kudurkumal.
[427] Cuneiform Texts, &c., in British Museum, IV, 33, 22b.
[428] Meissner, Altbabylonisches Privatrecht, 36, 25.
[429] Cuneiform Texts, VIII, 25, 22.
[430] Ibid., II, 9, 26.
[431] Cf. Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1907, p. 27.
[432] Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum, II, 23, 15.
[433] Mittheilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1907, p. 23.
[434] Taken from Griffith’s translation in Petrie’s Egyptian Tales, second series, London, 1895, p. 36, ff.
[435] The sun-god.
[437] Winckler und Abel, Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 40. Cf. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 158.
[438] Winckler und Abel, Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 38. See also Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 164.
[439] Translated from the German rendering of Ranke in Gressmann’s Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Allen Testament, Tübingen, 1909, p. 223.
[440] See his Sieben Jahre der Hungersnot, 1891.
[441] From Brugsch’s Egypt under the Pharaohs, London, 1881, I, 303, ff.
[442] From Breasted’s Ancient Records, Egypt, I, p. 237, ff.
[443] An Egyptian name of the northern extension of the Gulf of Suez.
[444] Some Egyptian trading-post in Asia.
[445] An early name for the region east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. It is called Kedemah in Gen. 25:15 and 1 Chron. 1:30; Kedemoth in Deut. 2:26, and translated “East” in Judges 6:3, 33; 7:12; 8:10, 11. In Gen. and Chron. the name is applied to a person.
[446] This is an Amorite name, Ammi-anshi. It shows that the Amorites were already in this region. Later the Hebrews found Sihon, the Amorite here; see Num. 21:21, ff. and Deut. 1:4, ff.
[447] The Egyptian name for the higher parts of Palestine and Syria. The Egyptians had no l; they always used r instead. The name is identical with the Hebrew Lotan, Gen. 36:20, of which Lot is a shorter form.
[448] Perhaps the same name as Aiah (Ajah) of Gen. 36:24 and 1 Chron. 1:40.
[449] From Cuneiform Texts, &c., in the British Museum, XIII, 42; cf. also King, Chronicles of Early Babylonian Kings, II, 87, ff.
[450] Another tablet reads “a father I had not.”
[451] A name for the Semitic peoples of Babylonia.
[452] An island in the Persian Gulf.
[453] Taken from Breasted’s Ancient Records, Egypt, III, p. 264, ff.
[454] That is, the foreign nations.
[455] That is, Lybia, which lay to the west of the Egyptian Delta.
[456] That is, the Hittites.
[457] “The Canaan” refers to the land of Canaan, probably here Phœnicia.
[458] Yenoam was a town situated at the extreme north of Galilee, just at the end of the valley between the two ranges of the Lebanon mountains.
[459] Translated from the cuneiform text in Harper’s Code of Hammurabi, and Ungnad’s Keilschrifttexte der Gesetze Hammurabis.
[460] The mana consisted of sixty shekels. Tn English it is corrupted to mina.
[461] The nature of these officials is in doubt. Scheil and others think the first a recruiting-officer; Delitzsch and Ungnad, a soldier. The name of the second officer is literally fish-catcher, but it is certain that here he was some kind of a fisher of men.
[462] Such as plowing, or the young plants early in the season.
[463] At this point five columns of the pillar are erased. It is estimated that 35 sections of the laws are thus lost. § 66 is added from a fragment found at Susa.
[464] Translated from Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts, Philadelphia, 1914, No. 93, col. ii.
[465] Translated from ibid., col. iii.
[466] The translation, “be brought to the judges,” has no warrant in the Hebrew.
[467] Since Deut. 15:18 says that such a slave has served “double the hire of a hireling,” Dr. Johns thinks that it betrays a knowledge of the Babylonian three-year regulation. This seems, however, quite problematical.
[468] In a marriage contract on a papyrus from the Jewish colony at Elephantine in Egypt, written in the fifth century B. C., it is provided that the wife may institute divorce proceedings on an equality with the husband. Some Jewish women thus secured by contract that which the law did not grant them. Christ assumed such cases among Palestinian women; see Mark 10:12.
[469] From the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, I, No. 165.
[470] It is the word so translated in Deut. 33:10.
[471] So rendered in Lev. 7:13; 10:14. Many scholars would render it “thank-offering.”
[472] Compare Exod. 29:13, 14. The Hebrew law differed from the Carthaginian.
[473] This is the rendering of the Revised Version for this word. The Authorized Version rendered it less accurately “meat-offering.”
[474] Each temple had a number of officials connected with it besides the priests, such as carpenters, gate-keepers, slaughterers, barbers, Sodomites, and female slaves. Another Phœnician inscription mentions these.
[475] See Part I, Chapter I. § 7 (3).
[476] From Winckler und Abel’s Thontafelnfund von El-Amarna, No. 73. Cf. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 84.
[477] The letter takes up assertions made by Rib-Adda in previous letters.
[478] Winckler und Abel, op. cit., No. 77, Knudtzon, op. cit., No. 103.
[479] These “sons of Ebed-Ashera” are mentioned in many other letters.
[480] Winckler und Abel, op. cit., No. 174, and Knudtzon, op. cit., No. 286.
[481] Winckler und Abel, No. 102; Knudtzon, 286.
[482] Winckler und Abel, op. cit., No. 103; Knudtzon, op. cit., No. 287.
[483] Winckler und Abel, No. 104; Knudtzon, No. 288.
[484] Winckler und Abel, No. 105 plus No. 199; Knudtzon, No. 289.
[485] Winckler und Abel, No. 106; Knudtzon, No. 290.
[486] The tablet reads Beth-Ninib, but scholars are agreed that it refers to Beth-shemesh.
[487] For the text cf. Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, No. 17. See also Knudtzon, El-Amarna Tafeln, No. 333.
[488] Published by Hrozny in Sellin’s Tell-Taanek, pp. 115 and 121.
[489] In the Babylonian script, Aḫi-ya-mi.
[490] See the writer’s article, “Yahweh before Moses,” in Studies in the History of Religions Presented to C. H. Toy, especially pp. 188-191.
[491] Taken from Breasted’s Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, pp. 278, ff.
[492] “She” refers to Tentamon, the queen.
[493] These statements are taken from Breasted’s Ancient Records, Egypt, IV. §§ 44, 81, and 82.
[494] See Evans, Scripta Minoa, Oxford, 1909, pp. 22, ff., 273, ff.
[495] See R. A. S. Macalister, The Philistines, Their History and Civilization, London, 1913, p. 83, ff.
[496] See Sarzec, Découvertes en Chaldée, p. ix, col. v, 28, ff. See also Thureau-Dangin, Les inscriptions de Sumer et d’ Akkad, Paris, 1905, p. 109, and his Sumerischen und akkadischen Königsinschriften, Leipzig, 1907, p. 68, f.
[497] Ibid., col. vi, 3, ff.
[498] Translated from W. Max Müller’s Egyptological Researches, Washington, D. C., 1906, Plates 75-87, with a comparison of Breasted’s Ancient Records, IV, pp. 350-354.
[499] See Le Gac, Les Inscriptions d’ Aššur-nasir-aplu III, Paris, 1908, p. 111, line 84, ff.; cf. also Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, New York, 1912, p. 277, ff.
[500] The text is published in Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 7, 8. These lines are at the bottom of p. 8. Cf. also Craig, Hebraica, III, 220, ff., and Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, 295, ff.
[501] From Layard’s Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character from the Assyrian Monuments, London, 1851, p. 15. Cf. Delitzsch in Beiträge zur Assyriologie, VI, 146.
[502] Layard, op. cit., line 84, ff.
[503] Layard, op. cit., line 90, ff.
[504] Ibid., line 99, ff.
[505] From Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 5, No. 6. The text is also published in Delitzsch’s Assyrische Lesestücke, 4th ed., p. 51, ff.
[506] The cliff at the mouth of the Dog river, a short distance north of Beirût. This portrait, with that of Ramses II and other kings, may still be seen carved in the cliff.
[507] From Abel und Winckler’s Keilschrifttexte, Berlin, 1890, p. 12.
[508] Layard. op. cit., p. 10, line 102, ff.
[509] Messerschmidt, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts, Leipzig, 1911, No. 30, line 13, ff. Cf. Langdon’s translation Expository Times, Vol. XXIII, 1911, p. 69; also Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels, p. 298, ff.
[510] Translated from Smend and Socin’s Die Inschrift Mesa von Moab, Freiburg I. B., 1886. Cf. also Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische Epigraphik, Weimar, 1898, Tafel I; G. A. Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, Oxford, 1903, p. 1, ff.; Davis, in Hebraica, VII (1891), 178-182; Bennett, The Moabite Stone, Edinburgh, 1911; and Hastings, Dict. of the Bible, III, 406, ff.
[511] In Joshua the name appears as Bamoth-baal.
[512] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. I, p. 35, No. 1. Cf. also Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, p. 305, ff., and the references there given to other translations.
[513] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 9, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglathpilesers III.
[514] Translated from Rawlinson, ibid., No. 3.
[515] Translated from Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character, with a comparison of Rost, op. cit.
[516] From Rawlinson, op. cit., 10, No. 2, with a comparison of Rost, op. cit.
[517] From Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 67.
[518] From Winckler’s Keilschrifttexte Sargons, p. 1, line 10, f.
[519] Translated from Winckler. op. cit., p. 30, No. 64, 23, f.
[520] Ibid., pp. 1, 2, beginning at p. 1, No. 2, line 10.
[521] Ibid., p. 48, line 8, ff.
[522] From Winckler, op. cit., p. 31, lines 27, ff. and 33, ff.
[523] Ibid., p. 33, line 90, ff.
[524] From Winckler’s work previously cited, p. 44.
[525] From Abel und Winckler’s Keilschrifttexte, p. 18, col. ii, 34, ff.
[526] From Winckler’s Keilschrifttextbuch, 1892, p. 36.
[527] From Abel und Winckler’s Keilschrifttexte, p. 17, line 9, ff.
[528] From Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen Museen zu Berlin, I, 75.
[529] Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 1872, 168, ff.
[530] Meinhold, Die Jesaiaerzählungen, Jes. 36-39, 1898.
[531] Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, 1892, pp. 27-50.
[532] Prašek, Sanheribs Feldzüge gegen Juda, 1903.
[533] In Bibliotheca Sacra, LXIII (1906), 577-634.
[534] Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, 1912, 332-340.
[535] Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 158, ff.
[536] Translated from a facsimile in the Kautzsch-Gesenius, Hebraische Grammatik, 1902.
[537] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. III, p. 16, col. v, line 12, ff.
[538] Ibid., Vol. V, 2, 49, f.
[539] Ibid., 9, 115, f.
[540] From Breasted’s Ancient Records, Egypt, IV, 498.
[541] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, I, 33, col. ii, line 12, ff.
[542] Translated from Pognon, Les inscriptions babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa, Pl. xiii, f., and Recueil de traveaux relatifs à la philologie et à l’archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes, XXVIII, 57. See also Langdon, Neubabylonischen Königsinschriften, 174, ff.
[543] Translated from the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, I, 337, f.
[544] See Part I, Chapter II, p. 46, f.
[545] This is the reading of the margin in R. V., and correctly translates the original. He was not walking “in” the palace, but upon its flat roof, from which he could see the great city.
[546] From de Morgan’s Délégation en Perse, Vol. XIV, p. 60.
[547] From Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 68, No. 1.
[548] From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, VII, 157, f.
[549] From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, VII, 162, f., and Clay, Light on the Old Testament from Babel, 374, f.
[550] See Expository Times. Vol. XXVI, 297-299 (April, 1915).
[551] Babylonian Texts from the Yale Collection, No. 39.
[552] From Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, V, 35.
[553] Herodotus, Book II, 161.
[554] Josephus professes to be quoting Manetho, and puts the incident in the time of Ramses. Perhaps Aristeas in his letter refers to this colony, when he speaks of Jewish soldiers. (See Kautzsch, Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen, II, 7.)
[555] The documents have been published by Sayce and Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, London, 1906, and Sachau. Aramäische Papyrus und Ostraka aus Elephantine, Leipzig, 1911. Those translated here are Nos. 1, 4, 6, and 11 of Sachau’s publication.
[556] Perhaps this disfavor arose in part from the fact that, as a papyrus not translated here shows, two other deities were worshiped along with Jehovah.
[557] It is possible that the Elephantine colony were taken from northern Israel.
[558] Translated from the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, X, 478, f., and Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions, IV, 60*.
[559] Literally, “like opening and shutting.”
[560] Perhaps one of the antediluvian Babylonian kings. (See Part II, Chapter IV.) The Sumerian form of his name was Laluralim and in Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. V, p. 44, 17b, is glossed as Zugagib or “scorpion.” Zugagib is one of the early kings of Babylonia, who is said to have ruled 840 years.
[561] Translated from S. Langdon’s Historical and Religious Texts from the Temple Library of Nippur, Munich, 1914, No. 16.
[562] Translated from Haupt’s Akkadische und sumerische Keilschrifttexte, 116, ff., with comparison of Zimmern’s Babylonische Busspsalmen, 33, f.
[563] Translated from Haupt’s Akkadische und Sumerische Keilschrifttexte, p. 122, f.
[564] Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c., in the British Museum, Part XV, pp. 16, 17.
[565] Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c. in the British Museum, XV, 10.
[566] An epithet of the inhabitants of Babylonia.
[567] Taken from Breasted’s Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 315, f.
[568] A fabulous mountain beyond the western horizon, over which the sun was believed to pass at evening.
[569] Taken from Breasted’s Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 324, f.
[570] There is a pun on the word Re; it is the same as “all.” Such puns are frequent in the Hebrew of the Old Testament prophets.
[571] Compare Psa. 104:24.
[572] Ikhnaton is the name adopted by Amenophis IV in connection with his reform. It means “Aton’s man.” His old name meant “Amon is gracious” and had heathen associations. On the sentiment of lines 120, 121, compare Matt. 11:27.
[573] See Weigall, The Treasury of Ancient Egypt, London, 1911, p. 206.
[574] The first twenty are culled from a tablet in the British Museum, published by Langdon in the American Journal of Semitic Languages, Vol. XXVIII, 217-243, under the title “Babylonian Proverbs.” For convenience those quoted are numbered consecutively without reference to the parts omitted.
[575] Translated from Delitzsch’s Assyrische Lesestücke, 4th ed., p. 118, f.
[576] Translated from Meissner’s Beiträge zum Altbabylonischen Privatrecht, p. 108.
[577] Taken from Macmillan’s translation, Beiträge zur Assyriologie, V, 557, ff.
[578] The sun-god, the god of justice.
[579] Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 231, f. Breasted’s references to the sections of the original text are here omitted.
[580] The Gilgamesh Epic is an early Babylonian poem in twelve tablets or cantos. It is a collection of early legends and myths. The Babylonian account of the flood, translated in Chapter VI (Part II), forms the eleventh canto of it.
[581] Translated from the Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1902, Heft 1, p. 8.
[582] These are translated from the German rendering in W. Max Müller’s Liebpoesie der alten Ägypter, Leipzig, 1899.
[583] From Müller, p. 15.
[584] Ibid., p. 16.
[585] From Müller, ibid., p. 17.
[586] Perhaps the name of a Nileometer station in the vicinity of Memphis.
[587] Müller, ibid., p. 22.
[588] Müller, ibid., p. 22.
[589] Müller, ibid., p. 23.
[590] Married couples are usually so represented in Egyptian pictures.
[591] The Egyptian is here followed, rather than the German.
[592] Müller, p. 24.
[593] Ibid., p. 27. It describes a walk in a garden.
[594] The garden again.
[595] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, III, 32, 16, f.
[596] I. e., the thing thou hast prayed for.
[597] Translated from the German of Vogelsang und Gardiner, Klagen des Bauern, Leipzig, 1908.
[598] The original contains a list of plants, stones, birds, etc., the modern equivalents of which are not known.
[599] See Gardiner in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, XXXV, 269.
[600] Taken from A. H. Gardiner’s Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage, Leipzig, 1909, pp. 19 and 39, f., pp. 69 and 78.
[601] Translated from Rawlinson’s Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. IV, p. 31.
[602] The spirits of earth.
[603] Translated from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c., in the British Museum, Part XV, 18.
[604] These sayings are translated from Grenfell and Hunt’s Sayings of Our Lord, 1897, with a comparison of Lock and Sanday’s Two Lectures on the Sayings of Jesus Recently Discovered at Oxyrhynchus, 1897.
[605] Translated from Grenfell and Hunt’s New Sayings of Jesus and Fragment of a Lost Gospel from Oxyrhynchus, 1904.
[606] Compare John 21:24, 25.
[607] Translated from Viereck’s publication of the text in Philologus, Vol. LII, 234, f.
[608] These assessments, then, occurred in the following years: 174-5; 160-1; 146-7; 132-3; 118-9; 104-5; 90-1; 76-7; 62-3; 48-9; 34-5; 20-1; 6-7; 9-8 B. C.
[609] From Hermes, XXVIII, 1893, p. 233.
[610] Translated from Grenfell and Hunt’s Oxyrhynchus Papyri, II, 1898, p. 214. Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, II, 19, thinks that this cannot refer to a census because the term by which it is described is different, but, as Grenfell and Hunt remark, the simpler term in the papyri earlier than the year 61 A. D., indicates that we are nearer the beginning of the institution of the census.
[611] Ibid., p. 205; cf. p. 206.
[612] Ibid., p. 282.
[613] Translated from Kenyon and Bell’s Greek Papyri in the British Museum, Vol. III, 1907, p. 125.
[614] Translated from the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, XIV, No. 3613.
[615] Translated after Ramsay, Expositor, series 8. Vol. IV, 1912, p. 401. For Ramsay’s opinions, see the article of which the inscription forms a part.
[616] Translated from Burton’s publication in the American Journal of Theology, II, 600.
[617] Translated from ibid., p. 604.
[618] Taken from Deissmann’s St. Paul, p. 261, f.
[619] Pausanias, i, 1:4, and v. 14:8.
[620] Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, vi, 3.
[621] Translated from Deissmann’s St. Paul, pp. 246, 247.
[622] See Deissmann’s St. Paul, p. 248, ff.
[623] Dio Cassius, lvii, 14, 5.
[624] The most reliable chronologies of the life of Christ now place his crucifixion not later than 30 A. D.
[625] The original is in Berlin and the publication is not accessible to the writer. The above translation is taken from that of J. Rendel Harris in the Expositor, 5th series, Vol. VIII, p. 164.
[626] Translated by J. Rendel Harris, ibid., p. 166.
[627] 2 Cor. 11:32.
[628] Translated from the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Pars II, Tom. I, Fasc. ii, No. 209.
[629] Ibid., Pars II, Tom. I, Fasc. ii. No. 196.
[630] Taken from Breasted, Ancient Records, Egypt, III, p. 7.
[631] Taken from Breasted, ibid., p. 273.
[632] See S. Schiffer, Keilschriftliche Spuren in der zweiten Hälfte des 8ten Jahrhunderts von den Assyrern nach Mesopotamien deportierten Samarier, Berlin, 1907.
The text of the Berlin tablets was published by Ungnad in Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler, I, Leipzig, 1907, Nos. 84-94, 101, 104. Those in the British Museum, by Johns, in Assyrian Deeds and Documents, I, Cambridge, 1898, Nos. 22, 69, 73, 74, 98, 153, 154, 170, 229, 234, 245, 312.
[633] Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler, I, No. 88. 15.
[634] See Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, New York, 1912, p. 226.