LEOPOLD MOZART had every reason to be satisfied with the result of his tour; the extraordinary talents of his children had been duly appreciated,1 honours of every kind had been heaped upon them, and the three years exertions had produced a not inconsiderable pecuniary gain.2 In spite of repeated, and sometimes severe, attacks of illness, the children returned to Salzburg in full health and vigour, and, what was of not less importance, with their childlike simple minds unspoiled by the exceptional degree of notice and admiration they had everywhere excited. The little Orpheus rode round the room on his father's stick, and sprang up to play with his favourite cat, in the middle of his improvisations on the clavier.
During the journey he had amused himself by constructing an imaginary kingdom, which he called Rücken; it was inhabited by children, of whom he was king, and his invention of fresh gifts and qualities for his kingdom and subjects was inexhaustible. So vividly was it impressed on his imagination, that he made a servant, who was something of a draughtsman, draw a map of it, to which he supplied the names of the places.3 A very favourite idea of his was to compose an opera, to be performed entirely by young Salzburgers, of whom he drew up a list with his father. His tenderness of heart was constantly displayed. One morning on awaking, he began to cry bitterly, and STUDY IN SALZBURG. being asked the reason, answered that he longed to see his friends in Salzburg, all of whom he then mentioned by name. When he heard that Hagenauer's son Dominicus had entered the Monastery of St. Peter's he burst into tears, imagining that he should never see him again. Reassured on this point, he planned a visit to St. Peter's immediately on his return home, and talked of the games that he and his friend would play together.
Occasionally, Wolfgang displayed a considerable amount of self-assertion. A gentleman of rank in Salzburg was uncertain how to address the boy in conversation. The formal pronoun Sie appeared unbefitting a child, while Du was too familiar for so celebrated an artist; he took refuge in Wir, and began: "So we have been in France and England"—"We have been introduced at court"—"We have been honoured"—when Mozart interrupted him hastily: "And yet, sir, I do not remember to have seen you anywhere but in Salzburg."
But L. Mozart's satisfaction was not entirely without alloy. He was too intimately acquainted with the Salzburg court to feel certain of obtaining such a position as would enable him to educate his children in a way befitting their talents. On this point he had written to Hagenauer, shortly before their return:—
Everything depends on my having a position at home which is suitable to my children. God (all too merciful to me, miserable sinner) has endowed my children with such genius that, laying aside my duty as a father, my ambition urges me to sacrifice all else to their education. Every moment lost, is lost for ever, and if I never realised before how precious the time of youth is, I know it now. You know that my children are accustomed to work; if they once had an excuse for idleness, such as an inconvenient house, or want of opportunity for study, my whole fabric would fall to the ground. Custom is an iron path, and Wolfgang has still much to learn. But how shall we be treated in Salzburg? Perhaps we shall be only too glad to take our knapsacks on our backs and be off again. At any rate, I offer my children to my country. If it will have none of them, that is not my fault, and will be my country's loss.
So shrewd a man of the world had no idea of burying the pound that might produce such excellent interest. INSTRUCTION IN COUNTERPOINT. The uneventful stay of nearly a year which L. Mozart made with his children in Salzburg was employed in mechanical practice, and perhaps still more in the study of composition. A detailed account of these studies is not obtainable; but L. Mozart's wise and earnest views, his clear apprehension that genius entails twofold labour and exertion on its possessor, leave no doubt as to the severity and thoroughness of his instruction to his son. An exercise book containing exercises in thorough-bass and counterpoint is preserved in the Mozarteum at Salzburg, bearing no date, but evidently falling within this period. The intervals and scales are followed by a long list of short lessons on a given melody generally in three parts, to be worked out harmonically and according to the different kinds of simple counterpoint. (Nota contra notam; duoy quatuor nota contra notam; cum ligaturis; floridum.) The choral tunes which serve as Cantus firmus are taken from Fux's Gradus ad Pamassum, which was no doubt employed as a textbook. 4 The lessons, corrections, and brief notes are generally in the father's writing, the working out and the fair copies of the corrected lessons are of course made by Wolfgang; on one occasion he jokingly notes the different parts as Il Sign. d'Alto, il Marchese Tenore, il Duca Basso. An observation of the compositions of this period, which are still preserved, will show us the result of the studies.
Archbishop Sigismund,5 incredulous of Wolfgang's powers, caused him, so Barrington says, to be locked up for a week, seeing no one, during which time he was to compose an oratorio, for which the Archbishop provided the subject. Wolfgang stood the test triumphantly, and the oratorio was publicly performed, with great success, during Lent, 1767.
This composition (35 K.) was printed in Salzburg (1767) with the title:— STUDY IN SALZBURG. The Obligation of the First and Greatest Commandment, Mark 12, v. 30: Thou shalt love the Lord Thy God with all thy hearty with all thy mind, with all thy soul, and with all thy strength.
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After this preface, the declaration "that there is no more dangerous state for the soul than lukewarmness in the work of salvation" is given as a reason for this musical representation "by which it is intended not only to delight the mind but to elevate the soul."
In the first part the understanding and judgment of the lukewarm Christian are stirred by the loving and indefatigable zeal of the Christian Spirit, with the assistance of Divine Mercy and Justice. In the second part, right FIRST ORATORIO, 1767. judgment is victorious, the will is prepared for surrender, to be finally and completely freed from fear and wavering in the third and last part.
The verses, richly garnished with Latin texts, have quite the prosaic bombastic character of the period.
Mozart's original score6 has the title in his father's writing: "Oratorium di Wolfgango Mozart composto nel mese di Marzo, 1766." As they were then in the Netherlands, we must suspect an error. But the date 1766 is established by the "10 years old" on the title-page; he must have set to work immediately after his return, quite at the end of 1766, and the representation must have taken place in March of the following year.
The score, which fills 208 pages, bears unmistakable traces of boyish workmanship in the blotted notes, and in the uncertain writing and spelling of the text of the songs (that of the recitatives is in another and a firmer handwriting), but there is not a sign of boyishness in the music itself. The whole composition is modelled on the Italian oratorio, and shows a complete mastery of its forms. The introductory symphony is an allegro in the usual two parts, simple in its execution, and with no actual thematic elaboration, but precise and well rounded. The dialogue is in recitative, and maintained throughout with correct declamation, here and there displaying a fine sense of fitting expression, which tells more for the independent power of comprehension than even the surprising technical skill exhibited. Here and there comes an accompanied recitative, with an effort after originality, depending chiefly on the expression of the words, which are poor stuff in most cases. For instance, after the lines—
which have been given in secco-recitative, comes the strongly accented passage:—[See Page Image] FIRST ORATORIO, 1767. They are in the usual form, the principal subject elaborated and repeated after a short intermediate subject, with ritornellos differing in length and character, according to the commonly accepted varieties. The perfect decision of style and composition leaves the inexperienced hand of the scholar hardly visible, and it is plain that the boy has taken in and turned to account all that he has heard. But although the work may be considered on a level with most of the similar compositions of the time, it cannot be said to be distinguished from them by individual character. It conforms on all important points to the Italian style, although there is now and then a sentimental colouring suggested by Graun's German verses.
The melodies are simple and good, with here and there a pure and dignified phrase, and a delicate expression of deep feeling. Witness the passage in the second soprano air, "Du wirst von deinem Leben genaue Rechnung geben," which is afterwards well made use of in the recitative. The very moderate embellishment of the whole work is in great measure the father's addition. The third tenor air rises above the level of the rest; the words, although themselves certainly not inspired, have given opportunity for the expression of a tender earnest mood in a charming flowing melody whose well-chosen harmonies and admirable instrumentation shadow forth unmistakably the later Mozart. He must himself have felt the charm of this air, for, as we shall see, he repeated it in his first opera. The finale of the oratorio is a pleasing terzet for two soprani and tenor, with the parts in easy imitation. The orchestra is the usual one of the day, stringed instruments, bassoons, seldom used independently, two horns, and two oboes, sometimes replaced by two flutes. The parts are, as was usual, carefully put together, but without any pretence to more than technical skill; only the second tenor air has an obbligato alto trombone accompaniment suggested by a reference in the text to the trump of doom.7
A little cantata for two voices was also evidently composed for this Lent. It bears the title "Grab-Musik, 1767" (42 K.), and is a dialogue between the Soul and an Angel, the verses having a decided smack of the local poet of Salzburg. The Soul is intrusted to a bass voice, which was not employed in the oratorio. The cantata begins at once with a Recitative for the Soul:
Then follows the air—
Here Wolfgang has striven to express the somewhat whining pathos of the text both by the voice and the instruments, and the result is a bravura song, handled with great skill. There can be no doubt that this song made a great effect at the time, though its want of good taste shocks us now. The succeeding soprano air, on the other hand, which closes with the warning— [See Page Image] GRAB-MUSIK, 1767. expresses a soft, not unpleasing sentimental mood, which is still more toned down in the concluding duet. Yet even here we have fanciful passages—accepted at the time as legitimate both in music and poetry, as corresponding to a complex state of feeling.
For a later performance, probably before 1775, Mozart added a final chorus, introduced by a short recitative, in unjson throughout, thus bringing the whole piece simply and melodiously to a conclusion. A little song (146 K.): "Kom-met her, ihr frechen Sünder, seht den Heyland aller Welt," not in any way remarkable, belonging probably to the beginning of 1770, was also intended for a Lenten performance.
Not long after Wolfgang's return from Paris, he paid a visit to the Monastery of Seeon, where he was on friendly terms with the monks. During dinner the abbot expressed his regret that no offertory had been composed for the festival of St. Benedict. Wolfgang took advantage of the first pause STUDY IN SALZBURG. to leave the dining-hall, and leaning on the ledge of the window opposite the door, he wrote his offertory "Scande coeli limina" (34 K.). It begins with a pleasing soprano solo, a gentle flowing melody accompanied by the violins; then comes a lively chorus with drums and trumpets, somewhat cramped in style and pedantic in the imitative arrangement of its parts.
Among the monks was a certain Herr v. Haasy, called Father Johannes, who was very fond of Wolfgang. The boy sprang towards him as soon as he entered the monastery, climbed on his neck and stroked his cheeks, singing the while:—
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This scene excited great amusement, and the monks were never tired of teasing him about his tune. When the fête-day of Father Johannes came round, Wolfgang presented him with an offertory (72 K.). It begins in a joyous burst with the words (Matth. xi. 11), "Inter natos mulierum non surrexit maior"; then with the words "Ioanne Baptista" he introduces the above melody as a birthday greeting to his friend. Apart from this charming display of childish affection, the offertory, which in any case belongs to his early boyhood, is a beautiful piece of music. The subject, which is pursued throughout with a natural, easy movement of the parts, has the caressing little melody running through it, and is twice interrupted by the words (S. John i. v. 29), "Ecce Agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi," given in a quiet, serious manner, that has a charming effect. The greeting breaks out once more in the "Alleluia," which ends the piece.8
In the spring of 1767, Wolfgang again came forward as a composer in his native town.
It was the general custom at the university to celebrate the close of the scholastic year by a dramatic representation APOLLO ET HYACINTHUS. among the students. In the year 1661, a large theatre, supplied with twelve scenes, was built to replace the smaller one hitherto used, and excited great admiration.9 According to custom, a Latin play, written by the Professor of Poetry, or some other ecclesiastic, was represented by the "Benedictine Muses," i.e., by the students. The subject was taken from the Old or New Testament, more rarely from heathen mythology, and was always intended to point some particular moral.10 Following an old usage, musical portions were interspersed through the tragedy or comedy, as they were also in the Italian spoken drama, so that a short Latin opera of a congenial tendency, with one part serving as a prologue, was introduced between the acts of the drama, just as in the opera seria the intermezzi or ballets came between the acts. Members of the chapel undertook the composition, and some of the singers assisted the performance by taking the more difficult parts.
On May 13, 1767, the Syntax, that is, the students of the second class, performed the tragedy, "dementia Croesi." This time the musical supplement was entitled "Apollo et Hyacinthus seu Hyacinthi Metamorphosis," and composed by Wolfgang, who is set forth in the printed text-book thus: Auctor operis musici nobilis dominus Wolfgangus Mozart, un-decennis, filius nobilis ac strenui domini Leopoldi Mozart, Capello Magistri.
The old myth is treated with considerable freedom, after the manner of an Italian opera; for the edification of pious youth Melia becomes the beloved of Apollo and Zephyrus, Hyacinthus a comparatively insignificant personage. The piece ends en règle with a betrothal. A regular dramatic treatment is not even attempted, only long detached airs and duets, old-fashioned in style and form, and adapted of necessity to the Latin text. The dialogue is in Iambics, the choruses and songs are rhymed. The text is correct enough, but devoid of taste, and imitates in some particulars the STUDY IN SALZBURG. libretti of the Italian opera. After a short overture in two parts, simple and well put together, the action begins with a recitative between Hyacinthus and Zephyrus, who betrays his love for Melia and jealousy of Apollo; Æbalus and Melia appear and sacrifice to Apollo, who is invoked by the chorus:—
The sacrifice is not accepted; a thunderbolt scatters them all, and Æbalus tries to reassure Hyacinthus in an air:—
Then Apollo appears, and begs for the protection of Æbalus, Jupiter having banished him; after many civilities on either side, Apollo returns thanks in an air. Hereupon follow the two first acts of the tragedy. Then Æbalus informs his daughter that Apollo demands her in marriage; she willingly consents, and expresses her delight in an elaborate air.
But now comes in Zephyrus with the tidings that Hyacinthus is slain by Apollo. Melia thereupon declares that she cannot accept him, OEbalus wishes to banish him, and Zephyrus expresses in an air the hopes to which these APOLLO ET HYACINTH US. events give birth. Then enters Apollo, overwhelms Zephyrus with abuse, and causes him to be borne away by the winds; Melia, enraged by this fresh deed of violence, reproaches Apollo, and a duet follows, in which she rejects and dismisses him, while he bewails his love and her cruelty.
Hereupon follow the third and fourth acts of the tragedy. Then Hyacinthus is borne in dying, and declares in an accompanied recitative that Zephyrus is his murderer, which gives occasion to Æbalus to rage duly in an air, followed by a duet between him and Melia, dreading the anger of the offended god. But Apollo appearing, changes Hyacinthus into a flower, extends his forgiveness to Æbalus and Melia, and betrothes himself to the latter.
A concluding terzet expresses the general satisfaction.
This composition manifests throughout great decision of style, and in many respects a very marked progress. The songs—in the old-fashioned aria form—are more freely treated, the handling of the parts is more independent, and a disposition to the imitative form is more marked than heretofore. In the duet between Melia and Æbalus, for instance, and in the first chorus, where the voices are treated harmonically, the violins have an imitative phrase in the accompaniment.
Mistakes here and there in the text prove Wolfgang's Latin to be still that of a learner. A droll little note written in 1769, to Madame Hagenauer, shows that he was then working hard at it. The note runs as follows:—
Dear Friend,—I hope you will excuse the liberty I take in troubling you with these few lines; but since you told me yesterday that you understood everything, and that I might write Latin to you as much as I chose, I cannot refrain from sending you at once some Latin lines, and when you have read them please send the answer back by one of your own servants, for our girl cannot wait. (But you must send me the answer in a letter.)
Cuperem scire, de qua causa, à quam plurimis adolescentibus ottium usque adeo æstimetur, ut ipsi se nec verbis, nec verberibus, ab hoc sinant abduci.
Even if the text were translated and explained to him, it would have been strange if he had found no difficulty in the STUDY IN SALZBURG. language; and it is only another proof of the boy's musical apprehension that his setting of the familiar German sacred texts has a more distinctive character than that of this piece of declamatory school rhetoric; the mere fact of being set to produce a brilliant work as a task had its influence on the music, which is cold and stiff, and sometimes devoid of taste. No doubt the long passages, the peculiar turns given to the pompous or amorous melodies, all that appears to us most tiresome was then most loudly applauded, and the truly surprising ability shown in the working out may have passed at that time for original productive power, which is just what we cannot grant it to have been. Still, there are not wanting signs even of this, and the young artist asserts his individuality at once whenever he has to express a simple emotion, such as he can comprehend and enter into.
There is a little solo in the first chorus (G major, 3-4) which, in its expressive simplicity, almost reminds us of Gluck. Again, in the duet between Melia and Obalus there is a long well-worked-out cantilene, which is not without beauty and expression, and is further distinguished by original instrumentation. In this the first violins (muted) lead the melody, the second violins and bass accompany pizzicato, two tenors coll' arco, and two horns are introduced; a very striking variation on the otherwise simple orchestral accompaniment, consisting of the string quartet, two oboes, and two horns.
The duet between Melia and Apollo shows most dramatic talent, being the only expression of an exciting situation and contrasting emotions. The recitatives are not distinguished by characteristic expression in the same degree as those of the sacred pieces; they are easy and flowing, but quite in the style of the ordinary recitative of Italian opera; no doubt because Mozart felt that such an expression of feeling as suited the elevated, lyrical emotions of the cantata was unsuited to the dialogue of an opera.
It is an astonishing proof of the productiveness and constant industry of the young composer that, between December and May, three important works were completed and performed. In the summer of 1767 we find him preparing VIENNA, 1767. [See Page Image]
for a journey to Vienna, and composing four clavier concertos (37,39-41 K.), in F (April), B flat ( June), D and G major ( July), with the usual orchestral accompaniment; once, only, trumpets are added. The form is the usual one in three movements, like the symphony. The compositions are not above the ordinary level, and have little either of original or technical interest. It is noteworthy that even in these works, which were to serve as show pieces, we can trace no signs of boyish pleasure in odd or artificial effects; the love of tuneful melody, and the endeavour to blend the orchestra and the solo part into an harmonious whole, are as observable in his first compositions as in his last.
THE approaching marriage of the Archduchess Maria Josepha with King Ferdinand of Naples furnished Leopold Mozart with a pretext for repairing to Vienna with his whole family; this he did in the beginning of September,
1767, with every expectation that the public of that brilliant capital would recognise the progress made by Wolfgang since their former visit.1
They travelled quickly; were invited to dine with the Bishop at Lambach; and at the Monastery of Mölk, where Wolfgang tried the organ, his playing was at once recognised by the organist.
Misfortune awaited them at Vienna. The charming and universally beloved Princess Josepha fell ill of the small-pox, which carried her off in less than a month. This, of course, put a stop to any appearance at court, or at the houses of the nobility.
Leopold Mozart had been advised when in Paris to follow the example of the Duke of Orleans, who had set the fashion THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. of inoculation with his own children in 1756, and to "graft the small-pox" in his little boy. "But I prefer," he wrote (February 22, 1764), "to leave it all in God's hands; let Him, in His divine mercy, dispose as He will of the life of this wonder of nature." Now, however, he took instant flight to Olmütz with his children, but they did not escape; first Wolfgang sickened, then Marianne. Count Leopold Anton von Podstatzky, Dean of Olmütz and Canon of Salzburg (which would account for his acquaintance with Mozart), out of compassion to the distracted father, took the whole family into his house, making light of the risk of infection. In the deanery, well cared for, and skilfully doctored, the children passed through all stages of the disease, which, with Wolfgang at least, was so severe, that he lay blind for nine days.
"Again is the saying proved true," writes L. Mozart: "In Te Domine speravi, non confundar in æternum." "What extraordinary and unexpected good fortune it was that Count P. should have been willing to receive a child with the small-pox! I cannot tell you with what kindness and goodness we were treated; who else would have received a family under such circumstances, and that from an impulse of pure humanity? This good deed shall redound to the honour of the Count in the biography of our little one which I intend to publish some day, for I consider that it is the commencement of a new epoch in his life."
He endeavoured also to bring about an expression "of gratitude, or at all events of approbation" on the part of the Archbishop towards the Count. For several weeks after his recovery, Wolfgang was obliged to be very careful of his eyes, and his daily visitor, the Archbishop's chaplain, Hay, afterwards Bishop of Konigsgràz (brother to Frau von Sonnenfels),2 strove to relieve the tedium of his enforced idleness by teaching him card-games, in which the boy soon became as great an adept as his instructor. He threw himself with the same zeal into the practice of fencing, IMPERIAL CONDESCENSION—VIENNA, 1768. having at all times a great love of exercises demanding bodily activity.3 When his recovery was complete, he composed an aria for the little daughter of his physician, Wolf, of which her father reminded him in later years (May 28, 1778).
On their return journey to Vienna they stayed for a fortnight at Brunn, where they were received with great kindness by Count Franz Anton Schrattenbach, brother to Archbishop Sigismund, of Salzburg: all the nobility residing at Brünn treated them with the "highest distinction."
But at Vienna, which they re-entered at the beginning of January, 1768, difficulties crowded thick upon them. At court, indeed, their reception took place sooner than they had dared to hope. The Empress Maria Theresa had scarcely recovered from the small-pox, when she remembered her admiration of the children, and sent for the family.
The Emperor himself came into the ante-chamber, and conducted them to his mother, no other person being present but Duke Albert of Sachsen-Teschen, and the Archduchesses. They passed two hours in the midst of this family circle. The Empress, a motherly woman, conversed intimately with Frau Mozart, and questioned her on all details of the children's illness, pressing her hands and stroking her cheeks compassionately, while the Emperor discussed musical and other matters with Wolfgang and his father, and "made Nannerl blush very often."
This unusual condescension was gratifying to the patriotic feelings of the Mozart family, but it was not directly profitable. The Empress presented them with a pretty medal of small value; but as she had visited neither the opera nor the theatre since the death of her consort, and had discontinued all musical parties, a summons to play at court could only come from the Emperor. But Joseph showed little inclination to liberality in the cause of art, and others, besides L. Mozart, complained of his parsimony. THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. The nobility followed the example of the court, and avoided any appearance of extravagance in order to ingratiate themselves with the Emperor. Dancing was the only amusement during the carnival, but, whereas, formerly the nobles vied with each other in costly entertainments, at which distinguished artists were nearly always present, they now gave their balls in public rooms and at small expense. L. Mozart suspects that the court made its advantage by this, contracting for all dances, masquerades, and balls, and sharing the profits with the contractor. Under these circumstances, the good recommendations Mozart had brought with him were of little use. He had letters to the Master of the Horse, Count von Dietrichstein, who was high in the Emperor's favour, to Fräulein Josepha Guttenberg, "the Empress's right hand," and to the court physician, L'Augier,4 a travelled and accomplished man of considerable talent, and excellent judgment in music; all that was refined and cultivated in Viennese society flocked to his assemblies. Among Mozart's patrons was also Duke Joh. Carl v. Braganza, a man of the first importance, who had proved his spirit and courage at the earthquake of Lisbon, and as a volunteer in the Austrian army;5 frequent travels had increased his knowledge and enlarged his views;6 he was an excellent companion and a thorough musical connoisseur.7
Gluck dedicated to him his "Paride ed Elena" (1770), and in the well-known dedication explained that he sought in the Duke, not so much a patron as a judge, of thorough knowledge, fine taste, and unprejudiced opinions.
The Mozarts were further favourably noticed by Prince Kaunitz, an elegant connoisseur, but a man of such exaggerated anxiety on the subject of his health, that he would not admit Wolfgang into his presence as long as the traces of the small-pox remained on his face. MUSIC IN VIENNA, 1768. But the Viennese generally were not enthusiastic for art. Leopold Mozart gives the following account of them:—
The Viennese public, as a whole, has no love of anything serious or sensible; they cannot even understand it; and their theatres furnish abundant proof that nothing but utter trash, such as dances, burlesques, harlequinades, ghost tricks, and devil's antics will go down with them. You may see a fine gentleman, even with an order on his breast, laughing till the tears run down his face, and applauding with all his might some piece of senseless buffoonery; whilst in a most affecting scene, where the situation and action are alike irresistibly fine and pathetic, and where the dialogue is of the highest order, he will chatter so loud with a lady that his better-informed neighbours can scarcely hear a word of the play.
Recollecting the efforts that were being made just at this time by Sonnenfels and his colleagues to introduce a higher style of entertainment in Vienna,8 this description will not appear exaggerated. Indeed, L. Mozart fails to animadvert on the main entertainment of the Viennese, the barbarous baiting of wild animals. Under these circumstances, it is conceivable that the same people who raved about the performances of the little prodigy, felt little interest in the development of an artist's genius. To this passive indifference on the part of the public was added the active opposition of envious musicians living by their profession, who had been ready to applaud the precocity of a child, but who saw with quite other eyes the arrival in their midst of an accomplished musician ready to meet them on their own ground.
L. Mozart says of them:—
I soon found that all the clavier-players and composers in Vienna were in opposition to us, Wagenseil only excepted, who, being ill, could be of little use to us. The plan adopted by these people was to avoid all opportunities of seeing us or of learning the extent of Wolfgang's attainments. Why was this? In order that when they were asked whether they had heard the boy, and what they thought of him, they might reply in the negative, and deny the possibility of what they were told; that they might assert his performances to be impostures and THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. mere buffoonery, got up beforehand, and all that he pretended to compose to have been previously learnt. Now you see why they avoided us. They knew very well that if they saw and heard they would not have a word to say without the risk of losing their honour. But I set a trap for one of these good folks. I persuaded some one to give me quiet notice of his presence, and to induce him to bring an extraordinarily difficult concerto, which was to be laid before Wolfgang. This all took place, and he had the satisfaction of hearing his concerto played by Wolfgang as if he knew it by heart. The astonishment of this composer and clavier-player, the expressions of which he made use in his admiration, let us all into the secret of what I have told you above. He ended by saying: "I must honestly declare my opinion that this boy is the greatest musician in the world; I could not have believed it."
But a solitary triumph of this sort could not do much against the secret enmity of an envious cabal. The Emperor himself furnished a better weapon by a proposal which was calculated to display Wolfgang's powers in the most brilliant light. He ordered him to compose an opera, and intimated a wish that the boy should himself conduct the work at the clavier.
Both father and son eagerly seized on this proposal, the more so as success would not only insure their position in Vienna, but would pave the way for the young artist to Italy and the Italian stage.
The Emperor announced his wish to the theatrical manager, Affligio. Leopold Mozart, knowing that the fate of an opera greatly depends on the performers, strove to win the goodwill of the artists, male and female; this was not difficult to accomplish, for it was felt that unusual applause would be given to the work of so young an artist, and Affligio was urged on all sides to undertake the production of the work. He was ready enough to consent; and concluded a contract to produce the opera, with an honorarium to the composer of 100 ducats.
The singers available for opera seria were not by any means of the first rank.
On September 29, 1767, L. Mozart gives as his opinion that Hasse's opera ("Partenope") is fine, but the singers, considering the occasion, indifferent; Tibaldi was the tenor; Rauzzini, of Munich, the best male soprano; the GLUCK'S "ALCESTE." prima donna was Elizabeth Deiberin (Teyber), daughter of a Viennese court violinist, and pupil of Tesi and Hasse. Gluck had not been willing to entrust his "Alceste" to these singers. "Alceste" was brought out in Vienna on December 16, 1767; Bemasconi made a great sensation as Alceste, but Tibaldi took Admetus. The Mozarts were then at Olmtitz, but they had an opportunity on their return of hearing what L. Mozart calls "Gluck's melancholy 'Alceste.'"
It is a remarkable coincidence, that in the act of writing his first opera, Wolfgang should have witnessed in Gluck's "Alceste" the most marked attempt yet made for the reform of dramatic music; and it is not unlikely that early association may have been partly the cause that he afterwards studied "Alceste" with unquestionable partiality.
L. Mozart's ideas were too firmly rooted in the tradition of Italian music to enable him to appreciate Gluck's innovations. That the public in general were of his opinion is evident from Sonnenfels' mimicry of the gossip, not of the gallery, but of the boxes of the nobility:—
"This is edifying! Nine days without a play, and on the tenth we get a De profundis—What? This is meant to be pathetic? Well, perhaps we shall shed a few tears presently—from ennui."
"Come, this is throwing money away! It is too absurd, a fool of a woman dying for her husband!"
The members of the Opera Buffa, on the contrary, were of first-rate excellence;9 the die was cast, therefore, for an opera buffa. The text was furnished by Marco Coltellini, who had been "Theatrical Poet" in Vienna since 1764, and in 1772 was made "Imperial Poet" at the court of St. Petersburg. He wrote after the manner of Metastasio, who complimented him highly;10 his principal libretti were for Gassmaun ("Amore THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. Psiche"), Hasse ("Piramo Tisbe"), Salieri ("Armida"),11 and for Mozart "La Finta Semplice," in three Acts (51 K). Wolfgang set to work at once in order that the opera might be ready by Easter. As soon as the first act was completed it was distributed among the singers, who expressed their entire satisfaction and admiration. But delay was caused by the poet, who proceeded so leisurely with the alterations in the text required both by composer and performers, that he had not finished them until after Easter. Mozart, nothing daunted, composed eagerly and industriously, wrote new airs whenever they were demanded, and had soon completed the score of 25 numbers and 558 pages, in three parts. In the meantime intrigues were set on foot from all sides to hinder the production of the opera. Advantage was taken of a natural feeling of repugnance at seeing a boy of twelve years old conducting in the place usually occupied by Gluck. Leopold suspected Gluck of being concerned in these intrigues. It is true he wrote at first: "I have brought Gluck over to our side, and even if he is not quite sincere, he has to keep it to himself, for his patrons are also ours;" but later he says, in plain language: "So far, all the composers, with Gluck as their leader, have left no stone unturned to hinder the progress of this opera." The decision with which Gluck proceeded on the path he had marked out for himself may have caused him to take less interest in Mozart's youthful genius than seemed to the father right, and the latter may have been still further repelled by Gluck's unsociable manners;12 but envy and intrigue directed against struggling talent are inconsistent with the composer's proud and upright character. Nevertheless, the music was condemned beforehand as being "not worth a groat, suiting neither the words nor the metre, in consequence of the boy's not understanding Italian sufficiently well." Thereupon Leopold caused Hasse, a man honoured for his reputation, beloved for his gentle disposition, and justly called the "father of music,"13 and Metastasio, as the PROFESSIONAL INTRIGUES. highest authority, to pronounce their opinion in opposition to Gluck and Calsabigi,14 that of thirty operas produced in Vienna Wolfgang's was incomparably the best, and worthy of the highest admiration.
Then the mode of attack was changed. The composition, it was said, was not Wolfgang's at all, but his father's. This assertion also could be disproved. At a large assembly, where there were present Prince Kaunitz, Duke of Braganza, Bono, Kapellmeister to the Prince von Hildburghausen,15 Metastasio, and Hasse, a favourite volume of Metastasio was opened, and a song taken at random was given to Mozart to compose and write down with orchestral accompaniments—a proof which at least left no doubt of the boy's technical skill and readiness. Niemetschek confirms this through the testimony of "credible persons," who had been present at similar tests.
In spite of all L. Mozart's exertions the unceasing slanders issuing from "the stirred-up hell of music" reached at last the artists who were to represent the opera. The orchestra were encouraged to resent the leadership of a boy; the singers, although they had one and all declared themselves fully satisfied with the music, now that they saw the strength of the opposition, began to fear the effect of the opera before the public. It became their interest to postpone its production, and to shrug their shoulders over the composition whenever they saw an opportunity.
L. Mozart complains bitterly of the duplicity of the singers, some of whom scarcely knew their notes, and had to learn everything by ear, and assures Count Zeil, who thought that all the musicians were in Wolfgang's favour, that he must not judge from the outside, but must learn the "innate malice of the creatures."
Soon the impresario, who had undertaken the production of the opera chiefly on account of the effect likely to be produced by the boyish age of the composer, began to reflect on THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. the risk he was running, and to draw back. Affügio was an adventurer and a gambler, who had procured an officer's commission by swindling, and had risen to be lieutenant-colonel; his utter want of sympathy with art was illustrated by the anecdote that being present at a bull-baiting where two dogs were pitted against a Hungarian ox, he remarked to a friend, "Believe me, I prefer these dogs to Aufrene and Neuville" (two excellent actors, then high in favour with him).16 His name acquired an unhappy immortality by the share which he took more than once in the struggle of the legitimate drama against the buffoonery of the age.17 He was at last sent to the galleys for forgery, and there ended his career.18
With such a man as this had Mozart to do. He postponed the opera on every possible pretext from Easter to Whitsuntide, then to the Emperor's return from Hungary, and so on continually, putting one opera after the other into rehearsal, and as often as L. Mozart wrung from him the order to copy and rehearse Wolfgang's opera, so often was it secretly recalled. The Emperor's interest in the work remained unabated, and he frequently inquired after its progress from Wolfgang; but even his influence could not prevail against Affligio, who held his position quite independent of the court. He had the theatre on a lease, and bore all the expenses, the imperial family having the privilege of free ingress.
Affligio had promised the nobles, and especially Prince Kaunitz, to revive the French drama, discarded in 1766. He accomplished this in 1768, but, according to L. Mozart, at a cost of 70,000 gulden and a great loss to himself; Prince Kaunitz strove to make the loss good by an appeal to the Emperor to share in the expenses; but this attempt failed signally. Under these circumstances, no influence from this quarter could be brought to bear on Affligio, and nothing remained for L. Mozart but to overcome his evasions step by step. When at last Affligio was driven to bay he declared TREACHERY OF AFFLIGIO—FAILURE. that he would give the opera if L. Mozart insisted on it, but that it should not benefit him much, for he would take care that it was hissed off the stage. After this threat, which would certainly have been fulfilled, nothing remained but to give up the production of the opera. On September 21, L. Mozart justified himself to the Emperor by a formal complaint against Affligio, which was intrusted for delivery to the Court Director of Music (Hof und Kammer-Musik-director), Count Joh. Wenzel Spork, a zealous musical friend; but, as might have been foreseen, it was without result.
For nine months the affair had thus dragged on, during which time L. Mozart had been living with his family at Vienna almost entirely on the proceeds of their previous tour. His receipts at Vienna could not but be insignificant, and the salary which he drew at Salzburg as professor of the violin in the Royal Chapel, and leader of the orchestra, was withdrawn in March of this year with the observation that he might remain away as long as he chose, but that he would not be paid during his absence.
He was too proud to use the influence of his patron, Count Schrattenbach, brother to the Archbishop, in soliciting the continuance of a salary which, "in the firm opinion of most of the court officials," he did not deserve.
But he could no longer count with certainty on the future security of his position at Salzburg, and a rumour even reached him that this was imperilled by the gossip which represented his gains in Vienna as enormous, and fixed on 2,000 gulden as the sum which had been paid for Wolfgang's opera.
L. Mozart sought to justify himself with the Archbishop by a reference to Affligio's want of faith, which it had been impossible to foresee; and by declaring that had the work been an opera seria instead of an opera buffa, requiring all the strength of the Viennese company, he would not have hesitated to shake the dust of Vienna from his feet, and lay his son's first important composition at the feet of his rightful and gracious lord. The honour of the Archbishop himself Mozart considered to be concerned, that artists employed THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. and recommended by him should not be treated as "charlatans, liars, and impostors, who go abroad with his permission to throw dust in people's eyes like common conjurors"; and the Archbishop was implored to undertake Wolfgang's cause as identical with his own against people, who "because they sniff the air of the town where the Emperor happens to reside, look with disdain on those who serve foreign princes, and speak disrespectfully of the foreign princes themselves."
Nay, he calls upon him as a Christian to convince the unbelievers that the Almighty has worked a miracle in the birth of this prodigy at Salzburg:—
If ever I considered it my duty to convince the world of this miracle I do so now, at a time when every effort is made to bring miracles into disrepute and ridicule. What greater joy and triumph could I enjoy than to hear the astonished exclamation of a follower of Voltaire (Grimm): Now for once in my life I have seen a miracle; it is the first. But because this marvel is too patent and too open to be denied, every effort is made to suppress it, and to deprive the Lord of the glory due to Him. There is an idea that in a few years the wonder will cease and will fall back into the natural. So it is to be hidden away from the eyes of the world; for what could manifest it more openly than a public performance in a large and populous city?
This tone was undoubtedly adopted as an appeal to the Archbishop's bigoted piety.
In spite of all discouragements, L. Mozart never swerved from his main object. He had an immovable faith in the Providence which had "so often and so evidently urged him on or held him back, and always led him in the right way." Just as firm was his confidence in the artistic gifts of his son, for whose glorious future he considered it his mission to prepare the way. His conviction that the opera in Vienna would be the pioneer on the road to Italy made him ready to sacrifice to it even his official position in Salzburg:—
I reckon upon this as a means of extorting permission for the journey to Italy, a journey which, all things considered, cannot be long delayed, and for which the Emperor himself has given me every possible assistance in the imperial towns, and in Florence and Naples. Failing FORTITUDE OF L. MOZART. this, we must pine at Salzburg in the vain hope of better fortune, until I shall have grown too old to make the journey at all, and until Wolfgang has grown up, and his performances are deprived of everything marvellous. Can it be that the first step of this opera in Vienna shall have been made in vain, and that my son is not to advance with rapid strides along the path so plainly marked out for him?
However bitterly he felt that ill-will and disappointment pursued him in Vienna as they had never done abroad, and that his opponents were Germans seeking to oppress a German, whom foreigners had treated with justice and liberality, yet intrigues and slanders never deprived him of patience and self-command:—
It is just the way of the world; if a man has no talent he is unhappy enough, but if he has talent, then envy follows him in proportion to his ability. All we can do is by patience and perseverance to convince the world that our adversaries are malicious liars, slanderers, and covetous wretches, who would laugh in their sleeve if we allowed them to frighten or weary us.
It is impossible to withhold our sympathy from L. Mozart's shrewd and patient endeavours to bring to light his son's work, in the full belief of its worth; but we must ascertain also how far this belief is justified by the work itself. The opera is preserved in Mozart's handwriting, and a detailed examination of it serves to confirm the judgment of contemporary critics, that it is not only on a level with the numerous comic operas of the time, but far superior to the majority of them.19
The text goes far to justify Coltellini's want of success as a librettist. The poverty of the plot, the unreality of the characters, and the stupidity of the jokes, all prove the truth of Nicolai's severe criticism of the "outlandish musical zany in Vienna, whose pieces are as poor as those of any mountebank."20
The plot is somewhat as follows:— THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. Fracasso, a Hungarian officer, is quartered with his servant Simone in the house of two rich bachelors, Cassandro and Polidoro, who have a beautiful sister Giacinta. Fracasso and Simone are of course carrying on a love intrigue with Giacinta and her maid, Ninetta, of which the brothers know nothing. The latter are broad caricatures. Polidoro, the younger of the two, is simple and timid, but amorous by nature, which he does not dare to betray to Cassandro, who, by virtue of his wealth, talent, and good looks, of which he is inordinately vain, tyrannises over his household, and though not less amorous than his brother, feigns a contempt for women. In order to outwit the brothers and force them into a consent to their union, the two pair of lovers plot that Rosine, Fracasso's sister, who is expected on a visit, shall, under Ninetta's instruction, make both brothers in love with her. Rosine enters with 'feigned simplicity,' and with a marvellous show of naïveté throws herself at the head of the two brothers. Each of them, delighted at her demonstration of love, wishes to marry her at once. The tricks which she plays on them, the Complications which ensue when each brother in turn surprises her with the other, their attempts to ingratiate themselves with her, and their awkward manners form the main subject of the opera, which is devoid of dramatic action, and consists of detached burlesque scenes. We will note a few characteristic traits. At their first meeting, after a very few words, Polidoro proposes marriage on the spot to Rosine. She shows herself not averse but "domanda un matrimonio i passi suoi, s' am a da prima, e poiche qualche visita almeno, qualche gentil biglietto, qualche bel regalo." He is nothing daunted; as for love he declares, it exists already; for the visits, he has just paid one. Ninetta shall write a love-letter for him, and, by way of present, he thrusts a purse of gold into her hand. In a subsequent scene he is formally instructed in the duties of a husband.
Cassandro fares no better. At their first interview, Rosine begs for a ring which he wears, and, on his refusal, she teases him into lending it, whereupon he plainly expresses his doubt of ever receiving it back again. In the following act he comes in intoxicated and is consequently forced by Rosine to converse with her from the opposite corner of the stage; she expresses herself in pantomine, which he misunderstands, and at last goes to sleep. Then she puts the ring on his finger again and leaves him.
Fracasso enters, and Cassandro complains that his sister has kept the ring; but as it is shown to be on his finger, a duel is the consequence, in which Cassandro makes full display of his cowardice. To bring matters to a point the brothers are informed that Giacinta and Ninetta have decamped with gold and jewels, and are induced to promise the hands of these young ladies to whomsoever shall bring them back. Fracasso and Simone are happy enough to accomplish this; Rosine having given her hand to Cassandro, clears up all misunderstandings, and the piece ends amid general rejoicings.
The noble and refined genius of young Mozart now, as ever, raising to a higher sphere all with which it came in contact, was able to transform and quicken even such miserable trash as this. The jesting is confined to the dialogue; the songs have a higher tone, and in the finales, which are unquestionably burlesque in their situations, the poor fun of the text is made subordinate to the strongly marked individuality of the composer. A talent for musical delineation of character is clearly visible in this work, and must be entirely ascribed to the genius of the youthful composer, who had no help from the poet. The part of Polidoro is the most favourable instance of dramatic power. It was written for Caribaldi, whose beautiful voice was very telling in slow movements, but who had a poor execution, and strove unsuccessfully to imitate Caratoli in his acting.21 Mozart has contrived to give a simple, noble expression to the genuine feeling of love which invests even the poor simple dupe with a certain dignity; and yet the comic element is never lost sight of. His first air (7), in which he describes the impression made on him by Rosine, is the crown of the whole opera. The naïve emotion of a youth, who is as yet unconscious of the strength of his own passions, is so naturally and heartily expressed, that we may well ask how the boy had acquired such a degree of psychological insight. We are reminded of Cherubino in "Figaro," but Polidoro is not to be compared to the Page in fire and spirit. All Mozart's later characteristics, the quiet beauty and easy flow of the melodies and harmonies, the symmetrical blending of the details into a whole, and the intrinsic unity of style, are already to be traced, and we may fairly rank this song with those of his maturer works.
The instrumentation is carefully and effectively worked out. The first violins and the voice go together, the second violins have a simple accompaniment, the basses THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. play pizzicato. Two tenors and bassoons, generally in unison, supply the shadows to this outline (as it may fairly be termed), and two oboes let in the appropriate lights; the horns, made use of only in long-drawn notes, keep the whole together. The skilful employment of these simple means produces an effect of light and shade which is at once striking and beautiful.
As we have already observed, this air was taken, with slight modifications, and with the omission of the middle movement in G minor, and of the Da capo, from Mozart's earlier oratorio (p. 55). This species of borrowing was common enough at the time, but Mozart never made use of it except in this instance; his having done so here proves how strongly the young composer himself felt the beauty of his music.
Polidoro's air in the second act (17) has far more of dramatic energy. Rosine, insulted by Cassandro, bursts into tears; Polidoro, indignant with his brother, but more than half-frightened at his own temerity, seeks to console her. The contrast between his strong feeling of attraction to Rosine and the effort which he makes to overcome his fear of his brother is well marked by modulations of time and measure, and by the instrumentation; the accelerated part has much of the ordinary buffo character.
Next to Polidoro we may rank Rosine. The part was publicly announced for Clementine Baglioni, whose voice "had a silvery tone, was as easy and fluent as could be desired, and carried admirably"; she sang "without audacity and correctly; her gestures were easy and becoming."22 "The same simplicity and truthfulness of expression is observable here as in the part of Polidoro. The first song (6) in which she undertakes to show—