Gradir tutti ed un solo amar, is fresh and lively, and the passages are so natural and graceful, that even in the present day it does not sound ROSINE, CASSANDRO. antiquated. The first part of the second song (9) is especially beautiful, and the principal melody reminds us, in dignity and expression, of the Countess in "Figaro." The words—
give opportunity for descriptive music, the susurrar being expressed by a phrase for the violins, while a solo oboe enacts the part of Echo, repeating the end of each phrase.
But this trifling is kept in the background, and does not in the least interfere with the tender character of the air. The second part (Allegro grazioso, 3-4), although light and cheerful, does not approach the first in originality and depth. The cavatina in the second act (15) expresses a simple, fervent emotion in a beautiful melody; the whole piece, both in design and execution, shows Mozart's manner most unmistakably; and is marked by a certain individuality of conception which transcends all technical readiness and skill. On the other hand, the song (17) which Rosine sings in her rôle of affected simplicity, is cheerful and fresh, but not particularly striking.
The part of Cassandro is not on a par with the two we have been considering. Caratoli, for whom it was written was past his best days as a singer, but he was an excellent actor, and "knew how to dispense in some measure with singing"; he generally played old men, and his desire to please the multitude led him into occasional extravagances.23 His part is specially adapted to the peculiarities of the Italian buffo; it contains rapid declamation, well-applied pauses, strong contrasts, and other similar conventional effects; but not much original conception of THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. comic character. In one song, indeed, we have a clever expression given to the not over-refined words:—
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We must not indeed compare such jesting as this, however it may have been applauded at the time, with the delicate humour of Figaro. The composer is not at his best; but much of the blame lies at the door of the poet who wrote such trash, and of the performer who would accept only slight indications of the music to be sung, that he might win applause by his own elaboration of it. But youthful inexperience and ignorance of the minds of men must also naturally have narrowed the boy's ideas. It is a sufficient proof of his thoroughly artistic nature that his fun was exempt from childish extravagance.
The two pairs of lovers are not of equal prominence. The somewhat timid and indolent Giacinta is a difficult subject for musical representation. In her first song she declares(3)—
the husband is to be—
This is not exactly the state of mind for a prima donna. The music that she sings is harmonious and pleasing, but, with the exception of a happy turn here and there, not above the average. Only the song in the third act (24) expresses dismay at the pretended flight with a tragic pathos, which, though of course exaggerated, is well sustained, both by the voice and the accompaniment. The conception of this part was doubtless influenced by the individuality of the singer for whom it was written. According to Sonnenfels this was Signora Eberhardi.
"She has an agreeable contralto voice, and a style which pleases universally. Her shakes certainly degenerate sometimes into a quake, and if the tempo is taken very fast she fails to keep pace with it. In her acting she suffers the natural to pass into the artificial, and her conventional gestures are often constrained."24
Fracasso is a lover of the usual type, rough and impetuous as becomes a Hungarian officer, quarrelsome with the two brothers, but without marked individuality. This it was impossible for so young a composer as Mozart to evolve out of such commonplace and insignificant materials. The part was cast for Laschi, whom Sonnenfels25 praises as a cultivated artist, and a buffo actor of the most refined and intelligent type. He still played first lover's parts, but was much commiserated on account of the loss of certain notes of his voice, a defect which he sought to hide by transposing airs and passages.
Simone is an ordinary valet, blunt rather than rude, and merry, all which is well represented by the music, the part seldom rising, however, above the ordinary buffo level. Most genial and telling is the song(13)—
and the concluding refrain "Madama, bastone!" is pretty and comical. Poggi, who took the servants' and peasants' parts, possessed a fine bass voice and correct execution, together with a charming style of acting, and was the favourite of connoisseurs.26
The character most devoid of colour is that of Ninetta, and we find in it no foretaste of a Susannah or a Despina. It can only have been intended for Bemasconi, who had made a great sensation as Sandrina in Piccini's "Buona Figliola," and in Sacchini's "Contadina in Corte."27 It is indicative of the healthiness of Mozart's genius that some of the songs for these less important personages were rewritten several times, no doubt at the request of the performers.28 Where any natural emotion or characteristic situation is to be represented, his judgment is at once correct and decided; but in unimportant matters he is ready to yield to the wishes of the singers and the public, and to attempt various modes of expression in search of what is pleasing and harmonious.
In accordance with the prevailing fashion, solo songs abound in this opera; each character has two or three, Rosine has four, and the total number amounts to twenty. The majority are formed on the same model, the usual one of the day.
They have a long ritomello, and consist of two movements, differing in time, measure, and key, which are generally both repeated; each movement is woven into one long thread, the motifs being sometimes repeated, but never really worked out. This clumsy form gives few opportunities for dramatic effect, and is especially adapted for the singer who is desirous of displaying his own,
As a matter of course, those songs which have most originality disregard such rules, and their form is rounder, THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. more self-contained and complete. In these, little opportunity is given for a display of execution; the melodies are simple, ornamental passages and runs few in number,29 and little beyond the cadenzas is left to the singers' discretion. The natural expression of feeling in the songs is never inconsistent with the style of an opera buffa; all is cheerful, light, and easy of apprehension.
By the side of these numerous airs, there is only one duet between Fracasso and Cassandro (19), of a purely comic character; Cassandro assumes an air of arrogant importance, but, terrified in reality, seeks by any means to escape from the proposed duel. This is animated, and must have been very effective at the time; but it is in reality a solo for the bass buffo, for Fracasso has only detached ejaculations, and the two voices never go together.
Each act of the opera ends with a finale, in which the action, increasing in intensity through the several scenes, is wound up and represented to the audience in a connected and coherent form. Clearly defined rules left little scope for originality in the arrangement and composition of these finales. Changes of time, measure, and key took place according to rule with every change of situation; and each movement formed a complete and detached whole. When the action becomes animated, or the dialogue rapid, the orchestra, by means of retaining and developing a characteristic motif, supplies a framework from which individual dramatic features can be detached without risk of the whole falling asunder.
The skilful modelling of a composition from its purely musical aspect, is as important to true artistic workmanship as is the vivid delineation of individual character; only a consummate master of his art can be expected to bring both these elements to perfection. The first predominates in these finales.
The design and modelling of each subject is firm and FINALES—OVERTURE. flowing. The voices are not artificially involved, but free and independent throughout; the orchestra is cleverly handled and treated with due consideration, whether it comes to the front, or remains as an accompaniment in the background.
The instrumentation is rich, and even where the rapid progress of the action causes difficulties, it is full of effects of light and shade.
The wind instruments are frequently employed independently; and there is already visible the germ of Mozart's inimitable art of combining orchestra and voices with mutual independence into perfect unity. The situations and characters are fitly and dramatically expressed by the orchestra, though not in so striking a degree as in the airs. Creative power is not so prominent here as the dexterity with which the various parts are moulded together. Even with his extraordinary gifts, such a mere boy could not satisfy in an equal degree the very great and varied demands made upon him face to face with such a task as this; the only wonder is that Mozart did not yield to the temptation of producing brilliant effects at the cost of artistic unity.
These finales make a perfectly harmonious effect, and wanting as they are in depth and vigour, preserve throughout the genuine character of an opera buffa. The last movement of each finale is for four voices, and is sung by all the personages present; a similar movement opens the opera. They are very simple, the voices in harmony, to a varied figure on the violins, generally only a sort of paraphrase of the principal subject; the other instruments fill in the harmonies, so that the whole has a rapid, busy effect.
The overture (Sinfonia) is, according to established custom, in three movements, the two first being in two divisions. It is a symphony, composed previously on January 16 (45 K.), and prefixed to the opera with the omission of the minuet. There are a few minor alterations, chiefly in the instrumentation. The symphony had originally trumpets and drums, which were omitted in the overture, while flutes and bassoons were added. This is unquestionably the weakest part of the opera, and the middle movement is THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. especially poor; but little importance was then attached to the overture, and it is not worse than others of its day.
To sum up our criticism, the opera was a worthy rival to those already in possession of the stage, and portions of it may fairly be said to surpass them in nobility and originality both of invention and execution, while it points unmistakably to a glorious future for its composer. Surely this is extraordinary praise for the work of a boy!
The manuscript score is clearly a fair copy, but not without corrections. Some of these are of mistakes in the copying; others, although seldom, are alterations probably demanded by the performers, either curtailments or additions. The additions are for the most part to the closing phrases, which Mozart, as a rule, cut very short; the singers, mindful of a good exit, demanded their prolongation. The hand of L. Mozart is discernible throughout; the indications of the tempo, of the persons, instruments, &c., the minute directions as to execution, are almost all in his handwriting.
There are also some indications of his having revised the composition in unimportant trifles. But this score, being a copy, can offer no evidence as to the influence of L. Mozart's advice and corrections on the compositions of his son; we can well understand that at the time this influence was thought to be overpowering; now that Wolfgang's career and development lie open before us, we rate it at next to nothing.
Although L. Mozart was denied the satisfaction of witnessing the public recognition of his son's genius by the performance of this opera, yet a good opportunity was afforded him of asserting his dramatic talent before a small circle of connoisseurs. The Mozarts became acquainted with a Dr. Messmer,30 who had married a rich wife, and who kept ROUSSEAU'S "DEVIN DU VILLAGE." open house for a select and cultivated circle. Heufeld was among the number of his friends. Dr. Messmer was musical, and had built an amateur theatre; here was performed, a little German opera composed by Wolfgang, with the title "Bastien und Bastienne" (50 K.).
We must here revert to J. J. Rousseau's intermezzo, "Le Devin du Village," the origin of which he describes in the eighth book of his "Confessions."31 The pleasure which he had derived during his stay in Italy from the performances of the opera buffa was revived in 1752 at Passy, where he encountered a zealous musical friend, Musard, who shared the same tastes. This suggested to Rousseau the idea of placing something of the same kind on the French stage; in a few days the plan of the piece, the text, and some of the music were sketched out, and within six weeks, the poem and composition were complete. At a private rehearsal, which Duclos arranged, the operetta made a great sensation, and attracted the attention of the manager des menus plaisirs, De Cury, who ordered and directed a performance of it at court.
It was twice (on October 18 and 24,1752) performed before the King at Fontainebleau, Mdlles. Fel and Jeliotte singing Colette and Colin, with great applause. Then it was given publicly in Paris before the Académie Royale de Musique on March 1, 1753, and met with great and universal approbation.32 From the King, who, "with the worst voice in his whole kingdom," sang "J'ai perdu mon serviteur," downwards, the couplets of the operetta were in every one's mouth, and it became popular to a remarkable degree. In 1774 it received almost as much applause as Gluck's "Orpheus,"33 THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. and even in 1819 and 1821 German musicians were astonished at its popularity. It did not finally disappear from the stage until 1828.34 The plot could not be simpler:—
Colette, a village maiden, is inconsolable for her faithless swain, Colin, and goes to a soothsayer for advice and assistance. He informs her that the lady of the manor has entangled Colin in her toils, but that he is still faithful at heart, and will return to his first love; she must punish him by pretended indifference, so as to inflame his desires afresh; this she promises. Colin then enters; he is healed of his madness, and returns to his Colette. On being informed by the soothsayer that she loves another, he, too, begs for help; the soothsayer undertakes to summon Colette by magic, but Colin must himself do the rest. Colette appears, and somewhat unsuccessfully plays the prude; her lover thereupon rushes off in despair, she calls him back, and then follow reconciliation and renewed assurance of love and constancy. The soothsayer receives thanks and reward, and the assembled villagers take part in the joy of the lovers.
The simplicity and naïve sentiments, which atone for the poverty of the plot, are also characteristic of the music. A certain inequality in technical details, and here and there gross errors, betray the amateur;35 but there is a natural feeling in the melodies, and a playful tenderness in the whole composition, which must have had an extraordinary effect at the time of its production. Rousseau, who aimed at unity of tone before all things in this little sketch, was not satisfied with furnishing the couplets with easy flowing melodies, but bestowed great care on the recitatives, which, in imitation of the Italian, were intended to be pieces of artistic and studied declamation.36 The minute care with which he indicated the smallest detail in the delivery of his recitatives is almost incredible; it is plain that he gave credit to the performers for no musical feeling or power of expression whatever.
Rousseau's opera coincided in point of time with the first THE PARODY, "BASTIEN ET BASTIBNNE." appearance of Italian opera buffa in Paris; and though he had avowedly taken, this as his model, comparison serves only to prove the complete originality of his work. It bore unmistakable traces of its nationality, and was French in feeling and tone.37 The abiding impression created by it is best shown by the innumerable operas of the same kind, which followed closely in its rear,38 such as "Rose et Colas," "Annette et Lubin," "La Clochette." The Comédie-Italienne ratified the success of the "Devin du Village" in yet another way. According to the custom, by which every piece of any importance was parodied as soon as it appeared on the stage, a parody of Rousseau's intermezzo appeared at the Italiens, September 26, 1753, with the title: "Les Amours de Bastienet Bastienne."39
It was composed by the witty and agreeable Madame Favart and Hamy,40 and, without attempting to disparage the original, it transforms the Arcadian idealism of Rousseau's shepherds into the unromantic realism of country life. Genuine French peasants express appropriate sentiments in their patois, and the whole piece is rustic and natural.
The dialogue is strung together by well-known melodies, as was always the case in vaudeville. The piece was highly applauded, owing its success in great measure to the lively and natural acting of Madame Favart. She was the first actress who ventured to appear in the genuine simple costume of a peasant woman, and her appearance in sabots created a great sensation. Her portrait was painted in this THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. character, and it had much to do in laying the foundation of her fame.41
The parody was elaborated into a German operetta. In Vienna, low comedy had never entirely renounced the aid of music; Haydn composed his operetta "Der neue Krumme Teufel" for Kurz-Bemardon. When the more refined comic opera was introduced by Hiller, it was accepted and imitated in Vienna. In 1764 Weiskem translated Madame Favart's parody with some slight alterations,42 and to this text Mozart composed the music.43 The piece is a continuous dialogue, interrupted by isolated songs and duets at appointed places. These, consisting of eleven solo songs, three duets, and one terzet do not always correspond to those of Rousseau's opera, which was unknown to the adapter; many songs have several verses, of which Mozart has only transcribed the first.
The French parody has been most unskilfully travestied, as will be seen by a comparison of the first song in its various forms.
ROUSSEAU.
MADAME FAVART.
MOZART'S "BASTIEN ET BASTIENNE."
WEISKERN.
The verses are equally tame and clumsy all the way through; and even taking into account the prevailing low standard of cultivation and taste, it is difficult to believe that this operetta could have been produced at a private house of any importance.44
Mozart has given his music a strictly pastoral character, indicated, wherever possible, by its outward form. The orchestral introduction (Intrada) an Allegro (3-4) of about seventy bars, begins with a pastoral theme—
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interrupted by quick passages for oboes and horns, plainly intended to express a disturbance of the peaceful shepherd's life; this passes into a tender pianissimo, prefiguring Bastienne's song. Holmes remarks that the subject reminds one of Beethoven's Sinfonia Eroica, and still more so as the overture proceeds; but no one, it is to THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. be hoped, would think of an actual reminiscence. Both the melody and its accompaniment, particularly the holding down of the bass note or the fifth, often of both, are meant to suggest bagpipes.
Only the stringed instruments are employed; and a curious effect is produced by the first violins giving the fundamental note to the melody on the open string of G or D. The bagpipes are imitated again in a little passage, with which Colas enters, playing the bagpipes:—
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In this passage Mozart has jokingly introduced a G sharp to imitate the sound between G and G sharp, which wind instruments sometimes emit, when unskilfully handled.45 All these little tricks had already been brought in to his "Galimathias" (p. 45).
Comparing this operetta with the "Finta Semplice," we find that the former is as distinctively German in execution and colouring as the latter is Italian. What amount of direct influence Hiller's operas had upon "Bastien and Bastienne"
(Op. 30, 5), and others in Mendelssohn's "Midsummer Night's Dream." MOZART'S "BASTIEN ET BASTIENNE." it is difficult to say, but there can be no doubt that the intention of both composers was the same.
Simplicity and directness of expression being essential, the songs are destitute both of runs and florid passages, and the fashioning of the melodies is decidedly German, generally taking the ballad form; where a more elaborate working is attempted, we may indeed trace Italian influence, but the style is invariably simplified.
The conventional form of the aria in two parts, with the repetition of the first or both, and the usual variations, is not adhered to: and when an aria consists of two parts, it has no Da capo.46 So, too, the cadence, which had become almost a rule in Italian songs—is employed only once or twice.
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The whole composition displays little inventive faculty,. and there are no pieces of the same significance as some of those in the Italian opera; here and there is a slight uncertainty of rhythm or harmony, and occasionally also obsolete turns of expression.
On the other hand', there are not wanting passages full of grace and tenderness, the harmony is often well chosen and even bold, and the operetta is so far Mozart's best expression of simple sentiment coming direct from the heart.
His dramatic talent again asserts itself unmistakably; the three characters are boldly sketched, and many little comic touches are thrown into relief, as, for instance, the song in which Colas practises hocus-pocus, the duet in which Bastienne to all Bastien's despairing resolutions answers only: "Viel Glück!" and others. The technical working-out is very simple. Neither in the duets nor in the closing terzet are the voices interwoven; but they THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. alternate with each other, or proceed together in simple harmony; only in one instance does there occur a short imitative passage. The orchestra usually goes with the voice, to which a simple, well-arranged bass is provided, the other parts filling in the harmonies. An accompaniment with any independent phrasing is rarely met with. The accompaniment is mainly intrusted to the stringed instruments, strengthened by oboes (on one occasion by two flutes) and horns, but only to fill in the harmonies. Horns are also employed obbligato, and with charming effect, in Bastienne's second song, "Ich geh jetzt auf die Weide."
It says much for the artistic feeling and true discrimination of a boy of twelve years old, that he not only displays a mastery of operatic form, and a rare dramatic and inventive genius, but that he is able to grasp and appreciate the essential differences, both artistic and national, between German and Italian opera.
It is noteworthy that his first dramatic attempts should, so to speak, touch the two extremes, which it was to be his mission to bring together. One song of Bastien's (10), with slightly altered words and clavier accompaniment, "Daphne, deine Rosenwangen," and another, "Freude, Königin der Weisen" (52, 53, K.), were printed in a musical serial,47 the editor, no doubt, thinking to make his profit with the name of the youthful prodigy.
Among the occasional compositions, which were numerous during Mozart's stay in Vienna, two symphonies must be mentioned. The first, in F major (43 K.), falling within the year 1767, is only noticeable for its middle movement, which is an elaboration of the duet in "Hyacinthus," already mentioned (p. 62 ). The second, in D major, dated December 13,1768 (48 K.), is very animated, and has some striking features.
Considerable doubt still exists on the subject of a quintet, in B flat major (46 K.), which, according to Kochel's unimpeachable authority is preserved in Mozart's boyish QUINTET IN B FLAT MAJOR, AND SERENADE. hand-writing in the archives of the Austrian Musikverein; it has many corrections, and the date appended, in a strange hand certainly, but coinciding with the composition, is "d. 25 Januar (Mozart writes Janner), 1768." This quintet, for two violins, two tenors, and violoncello, contains the four principal movements (omitting the second minuet, the romance, and the variations) of the great serenade for wind instruments belonging to the year 1780 (361 K); the substance is here in its integrity, with only the necessary alterations to adapt it for strings.
Close examination leaves hardly any doubt that the composition was originally intended for wind instruments; finer effects are produced in the serenade, and are obviously not interpolated; the quintet betrays itself as an arrangement by evident efforts to bring out given effects.
Accordingly the serenade must be considered also as a very early work, and the omission of the three movements in the quintet affords no reason for ascribing them to a different period. Nevertheless, the conception and workmanship of these movements, and the scientific mastery of the art therein displayed, belong to the maturity of manhood, and make it difficult to give credence to the handwriting of the manuscript rather than to this internal evidence.
L. Mozart's hope of seeing an opera by Wolfgang on the Vienna stage was, as we have seen, destroyed; but he was not altogether deprived of the satisfaction to be afforded him by a public display of his son's genius. They had become acquainted with the celebrated Father Ign. Parhammer, a Jesuit, who had been especially zealous in purifying the land since the emigration of the Protestants from Salzburg in 1733; 48 he took a prominent position in Vienna, and became father confessor to the Emperor Francis I. in 1758. In the following year he was made director of the Orphan Asylum, which he extended and reorganised with remarkable activity, making it at length one of the most noted of such institutions.49 In all similar institutions conducted by the Jesuits in Germany, the musical education of the orphans was THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA. considered next in importance to their religious duties,50 and in this case the result was so striking that the Emperor intended employing them in his operatic company.51 Parhammer sometimes invited the Mozarts; and when the foundation stone of a new chapel was laid in the summer they were present and met the Emperor, who conversed with Wolfgang about his opera. Soon after he was commissioned to prepare the music for the mass to celebrate the dedication of the chapel, with the addition of an offertory and a trumpet concerto, to be performed by one of the boys. The latter is not preserved; the Mass in G major (49 K.), the first which Mozart had written, betrays, as might be expected, the uncertainty of boyish workmanship more than any previous work. It is written for chorus and solos which do not merely alternate with the chorus in short phrases; "Et in Spiritum Sanctum" is an independent solo for the bass; Benedictus, a solo quartet. The plan, modelling, and execution of the music are quite of the conventional type of a Missa brevis; it is almost devoid of original invention, and bears no signs of those stirrings of genius which we have remarked in previous works. This want has not been without influence on the working-out of the music. The imitative phrasing is stiffer and less free than elsewhere; only the little regulation fugue "Et vitam" shows the result of study; and the impetuous Osanna— FIRST MASS IN G MAJOR. [See Page Image] is vigorous and well finished. The Offertory, "Veni, Sancte Spiritus" (47 K.), in C major is lively and brilliant, with trumpets and drums. The closing "Alleluia" is almost too gay, but it is pretty and fresh, reminding one of Caldara's easier pieces.
The performance, which Wolfgang conducted, took place on December 7, 1768, in the presence of the imperial court, and confirmed, as the father writes home, that which their enemies by opposition to the opera had sought to disprove; convincing the court and the numerous audience assembled, of Wolfgang's right to a place of honour among composers.
The following is the testimony of a contemporary journal:52
On Wednesday, the 7th, his Imperial Majesty, with the Archdukes Ferdinand and Maximilian, and the Archduchesses Maria Elizabeth and Maria Amelia were pleased to repair to the Orphan Asylum on the Rennweg, in order to be present at the first festival service and dedication of the newly erected chapel.
On either side of the entrance to the chapel were stationed the companies of body guards with their bands. The royal party were received by his Eminence the Cardinal Archbishop of this place with his attendant clergy, amid the flourish of trumpets and drums, and the discharge of guns and cannons. The service of the dedication was conducted by his Eminence, and the mass by the suffragan Bishop Marxer, with repeated discharge of fire-arms.
The entire music, sung by the choir of orphans, was composed for the occasion by Wolfgang Mozart, son of Dr. L. Mozart, Kapellmeister at Salzburg, a boy twelve years of age, well known for his extraordinary talent; it was conducted by the composer with the utmost precision and accuracy, and was received with universal applause and admiration.
THE Archbishop could not but feel flattered at the accomplishments of the young Salzburger, and he endeavoured, as far as lay in his power, to complete the partial success of the visit to Vienna by ordering a performance of Wolfgang's opera in Salzburg, notwithstanding that it was "an opera buffa, THE ITALIAN TOUR. requiring performers of a buffo character." The programme, recovered by Köchel 1 gives the following [See Page Image] 2cast:—
The performance must have taken place on the fête-day of the Archbishop or some similar festive occasion, and upon a stage specially erected in the archiepiscopal palace.
1748, "La Clemenza di Tito" was given by the Signori Paggi di Corte, who played even the female parts, or of the chapel.
It was the custom on such occasions at the close of the performance to address the person in whose honour it was given, generally in the form of an air with recitative, concluding with a chorus; this peroration, which had no connection with the body of the opera, was called licenza) Two such, composed by Wolfgang for Archbishop Sigismund, are still preserved; a tenor air (36 K.) and a soprano air (70 K.), both with long recitatives, giving testimony to increasing dexterity in the treatment of form.
The performance of the opera was followed on the side of the Archbishop by the announcement of Wolfgang's appointment as Concertmeister, and he was accordingly so entered in the Court Calendar of 1770.
The greater part of the year 1769 was spent quietly at Salzburg in studies of which we know but little. The only compositions which can certainly be ascribed to this year are seven minuets for two violins and bass, composed January 26, 1769,3 and two masses; they are all of the nature of studies. The first of the masses, in D minor, dated January 14, 1769 (65 K.), noteworthy on account of the minor key, is a missa brevis, and keeps strictly to that form, both in choruses and solos; in the Credo the words "Genitum, non factum—consubstantialem Patri—per quem omnia facta sunt," are distributed to three voices, and sung together. The different phrases, though well formed, have a certain abruptness, showing that the skill to continue and develop the suggestions of the mind was still wanting. But the ordering of the details and the counterpoint are both excellent, and bear many marks of originality.
As an example the fugue— THE ITALIAN TOUR. is unusual, but has a striking effect in this place. Mozart evidently enters more into the spirit of his work as the mass proceeds, and gives his impulses freer play. The Benedic-tus apparently gave him some trouble. First, it was written for all four voices, then for soprano solo, and lastly as a duet for soprano and alto, this last arrangement being twice elaborated. The alterations in the details show how precise he was in this work. [See Page Image]
The beginning of the Dona—
Do - na, do - na no - bis PATER DOMINICUS MASS. promises well, but fails to maintain the same level to the end. [See Page Image]
The second mass, in C major (66 K.), the "Pater Domini-cus Mass," was composed in October, 1769, on the occasion of the first celebration of mass by Hagenauer's son, whose entrance into a monastery had formerly caused Wolfgang to shed tears (p. 50).4 The young composer put forth all his powers to produce a truly grand and brilliant festival mass.
Every part is well conceived and worked out, and considerable progress is observable in the mechanical details of the whole. The subjects are more important, and the passages for the violins, which are very prominent, have more distinct character; the different parts, too, have freer play. But it is at the same time to be noted that the substance of the work is not yet on a level with its broader scheme. A succession of independent solos, which evidently served as the special embellishment of the mass, show a considerable effort to avoid a light operatic tone, and to combine dignity with easy and attractive grace.
Mozart's unequalled talent for pure and noble melody is as discernible here as elsewhere, though it is crippled by a certain amount of confusion of ideas. Curiously enough the Benedictus, a solo quartet, is accompanied only by the first violin, which plays round the voices with a continuous running passage. There is a good effect in the Dona nobis, where the chorus answers the short solo phrases— THE ITALIAN TOUR. with changes of lead and harmony. [See Page Image]
This mass serves as a proof that L. Mozart did not confine himself to educating his son as an operatic composer, but that he made him pass through a course of severe study in every branch of his art, with the just conviction that his genius, when fully trained and developed, would mark out a line for itself.
L. Mozart's intention of taking Wolfgang to Italy remained firm as ever, and he considered their stay in Vienna as the first step towards its accomplishment. At that time, Italy was to musicians what she now is to painters and sculptors; a residence there was necessary to give the finishing touches to their education, and éclat to their reputation.
Music in Italy was not only an art universally diffused and esteemed, it was the Art par excellence. All classes shared the insatiable desire for music everywhere—in the churches, the theatres, the streets, and their own homes; and the delicate appreciation and enthusiasm for what was excellent were increased by practice and education. So in Italy a national tradition for production as well as for taste had been gradually formed, a sort of musical climate, in which artists found it easy to breathe. They knew that they might rely confidently on the appreciation of the public, whose attention and intelligence urged them to fresh efforts, while rewarding each success with sympathetic applause.
Opera and church music were almost in equal favour, and afforded mutual support to each other. It was accordant with the brilliancy of royal courts and rich cities to give operatic performances either at Carnival time or on special festive occasions; no expense was spared to engage the most famous singers, male and female, and for every season (stagione) new operas were written, if possible by famous and favourite composers. Again, the dignity of the Church required, at least on great holy days, that the musical part of the worship should be grand and imposing; and the more MUSIC IN ITALY. richly endowed churches and monasteries were quite able to rival the theatres. There was on every side a steady demand for musical production and execution, which offered abundant opportunity for the exercise of every kind of talent.
The musical education of youth was principally intrusted to the Church. Monasteries and religious institutions were careful to train the musical strength, which was later to be at their disposal; special institutions were founded, which were in part the origin of the future Conservatoires, whose mission it was to train their scholars as singers, instrumentalists, or composers, and in every case as thoroughly cultivated musicians. In Venice there were four such foundations in which boys, and more especially girls, received musical instruction, preparatory to devoting themselves to the service of the Church: the Ospidale della Pietà, intended for foundlings; Ospedaletto, where Sacchini was kapellmeister at this time; Gli Mendicanti, and Gli Incurabili, then under Galuppi's direction.5 In Naples were similar establishments, De Poveridi Gesù-Christo; Della Pietà de' Turchini; S. Onofrio; Loretto. Though all were originally intended as nurseries for church music, yet they were of almost equal service to music of a secular nature; indeed, the most highly gifted among the scholars were likely to prefer the more brilliant and profitable career of the opera stage. But the separation was never complete; operatic composers for the most part worked also for the churches, where opera singers and even professional instrumentalists were often heard. Ecclesiastics, too, practised music in various branches, often with zeal and success. Although this union of musical forces, through the overpowering influence of the opera, worked in time prejudicially on the dignity and purity of church music, yet there can be no doubt of its good effect on the study of form and musical science. The result was all the greater, since the almost instinctive steadfastness of the national taste preserved musicians from aberrations which are only to be checked by rigid limitations as to style and form. An art so formed, THE ITALIAN TOUR. with so one-sided a cultivation, must of course die out in the end; but the extraordinary accomplishments of numerous Italian masters cannot fail to impress us with admiration of the share which Italian music, in its fulness of life and activity, had in producing a true musical atmosphere. It was indeed, this firm foundation of scientific knowledge which made possible a liberation of music from its confined Italian limits without abandoning the laws of artistic formation.
Under these circumstances Italy enjoyed undisputed and unlimited sovereignty in all matters relating to music. Spain and England acknowledged it almost without reserve; in France, where the impulse proceeding originally from Italy, had been modified by national characteristics, the influence of Italy was now beginning to reassert itself. In Germany alone, the works of great masters (we need only remind our readers of the Bach family as representatives of German church music; of Keiser, the creator of German opera in Hamburg) bore witness to an independent development of music. Even here it was not as "German as the German oaks," and bore many traces of Italian or French influences; but the comprehension and cultivation of form, the substance and spirit of the music, are purely German. This German music, however, was principally confined to Protestant North Germany; it was nourished by no favour from the great, and the colder artistic mind of North Germany hindered it from attaining the popularity which was enjoyed by music in Italy. At all the German courts, Protestant as well as Catholic, the opera was Italian; the Catholic church music was under the exclusive sway of Italian composers; all singers, male and female, were either born or educated in Italy, and so, for the most part, were the instrumentalists, although it was in instrumental music that Germany first challenged the supremacy of Italy.
The curious attraction of Germans to Italy, which has existed in all ages under different manifestations, must have worked with peculiar power on musicians.6 The German LEOPOLD' MOZART'S HOPES. composers of the last century (with the exception of the North German Protestant church composers) all studied and laid the foundation of their fame in Italy, even those who, like Handel and Gluck, possessed original power enough to enable them later to strike out a path for themselves.7
It may be said that, in this sense, Mozart's pilgrimage to Rome was the last of its kind; to him it was accorded, not, only to attain to the highest aim of Italian opera but to break the bonds of nationality, by lending depth and substance to the Italian perfection of form, while, with the wealth of knowledge acquired in Italy, he furnished artistic form and expression to the national opera of Germany.
In taking his son to Italy, L. Mozart had a twofold end in view. Wolfgang was not so much to continue his scholastic training (that he could have done at home) as to emerge from a narrow provincial existence into the great world of art, and by extended experiences to gain the refined taste of a cultivated man of the world. He was also to gain fresh laurels, and to prepare the way for a prosperous and glorious future. L. Mozart expected from the excitable Italians special interest and applause on account of Wolfgang's youth; and in this he was not disappointed. But he soon found that no pecuniary gain was to be expected from this journey, since all concerts (accademie) were given by exclusive companies, or by a public institute without entrance money; so that the artist could count on no receipts but a voluntary fee from the entrepreneur, which was not usually large. Soon after his arrival in Italy L. Mozart remarks to his wife, a remark often repeated, that although not rich he has "always a little more than is absolutely necessary"; and so bearing his main object in view, he is quite content.
Considering the constant fulfilment of duty as the most important factor in education, he insisted on Wolfgang's continuing his regular studies during their journey. A long list of compositions, partly suggested by passing events, partly set studies, bear witness to this. Wolfgang, who was very fond of arithmetic (p. 22), asks his sister to send his arithmetic book after him, so that he may go on with his sums. In Rome he had a present of an Italian translation of the "Arabian Nights," which amused him very much. Soon after we find him reading "Telemachus." L. Mozart was too well informed himself to look upon this journey as instructive merely from a musical point of view. His letters show that he took interest in politics and social life, in nature, art, and antiquity; he sends home long descriptions of the journey, which are to serve as preliminaries to future conversations over the books and engravings he is collecting. Wolfgang evinced the same fresh interest in everything he saw, and offered no opposition to the care his father took of his health. "You know that he can be moderate," writes L. Mozart (February 17,1770), and I can assure you that I have never seen him so careful of his health as in this country. He leaves alone all that he does not think good for him, and many days he eats but little; yet he is always fat and well, and merry and happy the whole day long. And from Rome he writes (April 14, 1770), that Wolfgang "takes as much care of his health as if he were a grown man."
Neither the honours with which he was everywhere overwhelmed, nor his performances as a musician, had any effect in spoiling the unsophisticated nature of the boy; he was always bright and animated, full of jokes and merry absurdities, and retaining a strong attachment to home and the home circle amid all the distractions of the journey. In his letters to his sister, he falls into a ludicrous jargon, composed of any number of different languages, and of childish jokes and teasings, after the manner of brothers and sisters who have grown up together and are under no sort of restraint in their intercourse.
But whenever the subject is connected with music, through all the joking tone can be traced a lively interest and a INSPRUCK—ROVEREDO, 1770. decided and impartial judgment; and the whole tone of his letters breathes hearty sympathy and amiability. Fortunate circumstances and a sensible education had combined with the happiest result; and there can be no doubt that the concentration of Mozart's early training on one object had the indirect effect of keeping at a safe distance much that might have been hurtful to his disposition.
The father and son left Salzburg at the beginning of December, 1769.8 Many threads of personal recommendation stretched thence into the Tyrol and upper Italy, partly from mercantile connections, partly through the noble families belonging to the Cathedral Chapter, and the travellers had introductions which gained them admittance into widely different circles. Their first stay was at Inspruck, where they were well received by Count Spaur, brother to the Salzburg Capitular. On December 14, at a concert given by the nobility at the house of Count Künigl, Wolfgang played a concerto at sight, which had been put before him as a test of his skill; at the close he was presented with it, and twelve ducats in addition. The Inspruck newspaper testified (December 18) that "Herr Wolfgang Mozart, whose extraordinary musical attainments have made him famous alike in the imperial court, in England, France, Holland, and throughout the Holy Roman Empire," had given in this performance the most convincing proofs of his marvellous skill. "This youthful musician, who is just thirteen years old, has added fresh brilliancy to his fame, and has commanded the unanimous approbation of all musical connoisseurs."
As soon as they entered Italy the marks of honour with which the young artist was received became more animated and enthusiastic. At Roveredo the nobles arranged a concert at the house of Baron Todeschi, who had known Mozart at Vienna. "There is no need to say how Wolfgang is received," writes his father. When he wanted to play the organ at the principal church, the report of it spread through THE ITALIAN TOUR. the town, and the church was so full that it took two strong men to clear the way to the choir, and then it was a quarter of an hour before they could get to the organ, they were so besieged by the audience.
The enthusiasm in Verona was still greater. As there was an opera every evening, a week elapsed before a concert could be arranged; but in the meantime invitations poured in from the Marchese Carlotti, Count Giusti del Giardino, Locatelli, &c.
Wolfgang performed a symphony of his own composition before a select assembly of connoisseurs, besides playing difficult pieces at sight, and composing a song to some dictated words, which he afterwards sang. The scene at Roveredo was repeated when he went to play the organ at St. Thomas's Church. The press was so great that they were obliged to get into the church through the monastery, and even then they could hardly have reached the organ had not the monks formed a ring round them, and so made a way through the crowd. "When it was over, the noise was still greater, for every one wanted to see the little organist."
Newspapers and poets vied with each other in extolling the marvellous apparition. The Receiver-General, Pietro Lugiati, chief among intellectual dilettanti, caused a life-size portrait of Wolfgang at the clavier to be painted in oils, and acquainted his mother with this honour in a long letter which contained warm expressions of admiration for the "raro e portentoso giovane."9
On January 10 they entered Mantua well and hearty in spite of the cold; but Wolfgangerl looked, his father said, owing to the fresh air and the heat of the stove, "as if he had gone through a campaign, a sort of reddish brown, particularly round the eyes and mouth, something like his Majesty the Emperor." Here too, they were warmly received by all the distinguished dilettanti of the place; Signora Bettinelli in especial lavished all a mother's care on PROGRAMME OF CONCERT AT MANTUA, 1770. the boy, and wept at parting from him. A Signora Sartoretti invited them to dine with her, and sent by her servants a vase with a beautiful bouquet tied with red ribbon, and in the middle of the ribbon a piece of four ducats folded in a poem addressed by the Signora to Wolfgang.
On January 16, the concert of the Philharmonic Society was given in their capital hall, Wolfgang being the principal performer. The programme, which we append, gives some idea of Wolfgang's performances in Italy.
Serie delle composizione musicali da eseguirsi nell' accademia pubblica filarmonica di Mantova la sera del di 16 del corrente Gennajo, 1770.
In occasione della venuta del espertissimo giovanetto
Sign. Amadeo Mozart.
1. Sinfonia di composizione del Sign. Amadeo.
2. Concerto di Gravecembalo esibitogli e da lui eseguito all im prowiso.
3. Aria d'un Professore.
4. Sonata di Cembalo all improwiso eseguita dal giovine con variazioni analoghe d'invenzione sua e replicata poi in tuono diverso da quello in cui è scritta.
5. Concerto di Violino d'un Professore.
6. Aria composta e cantata nell' atto stesso dal Sign. Amadeo all'
improwiso, co' debiti accompagnamenti eseguiti sul Cembalo, sopra parole fatte espressamente; ma da lui non vedute in prima.
7. Altra sonata di Cembalo, composta insieme ed eseguita dal medesimo sopra un motivo musicale propostogli improwissamente dal primo Violino.
8. Aria d'un Professore.
9. Concerto d'Oboè d'un Professore.
10. Fuga musicale, composta ed eseguita dal. Sign. Amadeo gul Cembalo;
e condotta a compiuto termine secondo le leggi del contrappunto, sopra un semplice tema per la medesima presentatogli all' im-prowiso.
11. Sinfonia dal medesimo, concertata con tutte le parte sul Cembalo sopra una sola parte di Violino postagli dinanzi improwisamente.
12. Duetto di Professori.
13. Trio in cui il Sign. Amadeo ne suonerà col Violino una parte all improwiso.
14. Sinfonia ultima di composizione del Suddetto.
The result was brilliant, the applause indescribable, and, according to a newspaper account, the musicians in Mantua were unanimous in declaring that this youth was born to surpass the most accomplished masters of the art.
This notice and others dwell chiefly on the precocious performances of the youthful prodigy. But wonderful as were Wolfgang's accomplishments as a clavier-player, violinist, and vocalist, they were thrown into the shade by his talents as a composer. Even in his public performances the prominence given to improvisation is remarkable, and the readiness with which he adapted the most varied subjects, always fulfilling the conditions of musical art, presupposes not only great liveliness of imagination, but a perfect mastery of mechanical form. In estimating Mozart's early acquirements, the most impressive fact to be noticed is the absence of any exaggeration of feeling or over-cultivation; all is natural and unstrained. His talent was no forced exotic, which springs up quickly and as quickly withers away; it was a plant of healthy growth, coming gradually to maturity; and the mechanical skill acquired in youth was the best foundation for the free creative power of manhood.
Father and son arrived at Milan before the end of January, and found a safe and comfortable lodging in the Augustine monastery of San Marco. A lay brother was appointed to wait on them, even to the warming of their beds, which attention caused Wolfgang to be "delighted when bedtime came." Their warm friend and patron was the Governor-General, Count Carl Joseph von Firmian (b. 1716). He had been partly educated at Salzburg (where his elder brother Joh. Bapt. Anton was Archbishop until 1740), and had there founded a literary society, whose earnest endeavours after a freer method of scientific inquiry had led to many hard struggles with authority.10 He afterwards studied at Leyden, and acquired cultivation and taste by frequent travels in France and Italy. As Ambassador at Naples, he won the heart of Winckelmann, who speaks of MILAN, 1770. him as one of the greatest, wisest, most humane, and most learned men of his time and country.11 Count Firmian was appointed Govemor-General of Lombardy in 1759, and spared no efforts to promote the material well-being as well as the intellectual and artistic improvement of his province.
Like Münchhausen,12 he was not only a patron, but an accomplished judge of science and of the arts, and his support and hospitality were freely bestowed on artists and scholars. The Mozarts found a ready sympathiser in him, and his introduction to families of rank obtained for them all the pleasures of the Carnival; they were invited to balls and masquerades, and were obliged to follow the fashion, and order dominos and bajuti (caps, which covered the face to the chin and fell back over the shoulders).13 L. Mozart thought they were exceedingly becoming to Wolfgang, but shook his head over his own "playing the fool in his old age," and consoled himself with the thought that the things "could be used for linings afterwards."
At the opera, where they were often present, they made the acquaintance of the Maestro Piccinni, who was producing his "Cesare in Egitto." Wolfgang's performances at a public concert excited here as elsewhere the wondering admiration of artists and amateurs. "It is the same in this place as in others," writes L. Mozart, "I need not particularise."14 The friendship which Wolfgang struck up with two clever young singers, of fourteen and fifteen years old, led to his composing for them two Latin motetts.
But Count Firmian imposed a severer task on the young musician. He gave a brilliant soirée at his Palace, graced by the presence of the Duke of Modena and his daughter, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Milan. Wolfgang was commissioned to prepare for this soirée three songs to Metastasio's words as a proof of his power to produce serious dramatic music.
The principal piece was a grand aria with an accompanied recitative from "Demofoonte," the celebrated and often-composed "Misero pargoletto" (77 K.). The recitative is very elaborate, in high tragic style; its forcible character is rendered chiefly by the orchestra.
The air consists of an Adagio with a Poco allegro interposed in the same tone throughout. The two other songs (78, 79 K.) from Metastasio's "Artaserse," "Per pietà bel idol mio" and "Per quel paterne amplesso," have each only one movement; the last song has a short introductory recitative. In the two latter songs the simple Cantabile is embellished by bravura passages, which are wanting altogether in the first. They are all written for a soprano voice,15 and stood the test as representative of the dramatic song of the time. Count Firmian presented Wolfgang with a snuff-box and 20 gigliati,16 together with a copy of Metastasio's works. But the most important result of this soirée, and of their stay in Milan, was that Wolfgang was commissioned to write the new opera for the next season; the first singers—Gabrielli, with her sister and Ettore—were to be engaged for it, and the remuneration was fixed at 100 gigliati and free quarters in Milan during their stay. The libretto was to be sent after them, so that Wolfgang might make himself familiar with it, the recitative was to be forwarded to Milan in October, and the composer to be there himself at the beginning of November, to complete the opera in the neighbourhood of the singers, and to rehearse it for production at Christmas. These conditions were both agreeable and convenient, as they did not interfere with the journey through Italy, and allowed Wolfgang ample time to complete the opera quietly.
Mozart's first quartet was composed on the way from Milan to Parma, and dated Lodi, March 15, 7 o'clock in the evening (80 K.). At Parma the celebrated singer Lucrezia Agujari, called "la Bastardella," invited them to sup with her, and sang so as to justify the reports they had heard of "LA BASTARDELLA"—BOLOGNA, 1770. her execution and the fabulous compass of her voice. "I could not have believed that she could sing to C in altissimo," writes L. Mozart, "had I not heard it with my own ears. The passages which Wolfgang has written were in her song, and she sang them somewhat softer than the deeper notes, but as clearly as an octave pipe in an organ. In fact, the trills and all were note for note just as Wolfgang has written them down. Besides this she has good alto notes, as low as G. She is not handsome, but certainly not ugly; has a wild look in her eyes at times, like people who are subject to fits, and she limps with one leg. She has always conducted herself well, and has therefore a good name and reputation."