“My friends, I wish to show you my heart. If your mother were in this country, gave you birth and suckled you, and, while you were suckling, some person came and took away your mother and left you alone and sold your mother, how would you feel then? This is our mother,—this country,—as if we drew our living from her. My friends, all of this you have taken. Had I two rivers, I would leave the one, and be content to live on the other. I name the place for myself, the Grande Ronde, the Touchet towards the mountains, and the Tucañon.”
Thus even Steachus, the most friendly of the Cuyuses, was the first to express his dissatisfaction with a treaty which left him none of his own country, and to request a reservation within its borders. The Indians were slow to speak; they required time to make up their minds, and the council was therefore adjourned.
About midnight the governor and his little son were awakened by Lawyer, who shook the tent and said, in a low, soft voice, without a trace of hurry or excitement, “Water come now.” On springing out of bed, they splashed knee-deep in water flooding the tent, and were forced to make a hasty flight to higher ground. The creek had risen suddenly without warning, probably from a waterspout or heavy rains in the mountains. The following day it subsided again as rapidly as it rose.
When the council met the next day, Lawyer spoke first, and expressed the assent of himself and his people to the treaty. A great part of his speech was addressed to the Indians. He traced the increase of the whites from the discovery of the New World by Columbus; alluded in a touching manner to the way in which the Indians had passed and were passing away; and urged his auditors, as their only refuge, to place themselves under the protection of the Great Father in Washington.
When Lawyer concluded, the Young Chief, the haughty Cuyuse, was the first to break the silence:—
“He would not sell his country. He heard what the earth said. The earth said, ‘God has placed me here to take care of the Indian, to produce roots for him, and grass for his horses and cattle.’ The water spoke the same way. God has forbidden the Indian to sell his country except for a fair price, and he did not understand the treaty.”
Five Crows, the Yellow Serpent, Ow-hi, and several other chiefs followed in similar strain. The Yellow Serpent proposed that another council should be held at some future time. He insisted that the whites should not be allowed to come into his country to settle. He complained that the Indians were treated like children, were not consulted in drawing up the terms of the treaties, etc.
Kam-i-ah-kan refused to speak, although several times urged to do so. His invariable reply was, “I have nothing to say.”
The commissioners replied, explaining those parts of the treaties which the Indians did not understand, and answering their objections. The discussion on the part of the Indians was captious, stormy, and unsatisfactory. Governor Stevens in pointed words, well calculated to touch their pride, urged the recusant and evasive chiefs to speak plainly:—
“My brother and myself have talked straight. Have all of you talked straight? Lawyer has, and his people here, and their business will be done to-morrow.
“The Young Chief says he is blind, and does not understand. What is it that he wants? Steachus says that his heart is in one of three places, the Grande Ronde, the Touchet, and the Tucañon. Where is the heart of Young Chief?
“Pu-pu-mox-mox (the Yellow Serpent) cannot be wafted off like a feather. Does he prefer the Yakima reservation to that of the Nez Perces? We have asked him before. We ask him now. Where is his heart?
“And Kam-i-ah-kan, the great chief of the Yakimas, he has not spoken at all. His people have had no voice here to-day. He is not ashamed to speak. He is not afraid to speak. Then speak out!
“But Ow-hi is afraid lest God be angry at his selling his land. Ow-hi, my brother, I do not think that God will be angry if you do your best for yourself and your children. Ask yourself this question to-night: ‘Will not God be angry with me if I neglect this opportunity to do them good?’ Ow-hi says his people are not here. Why did he promise to come here, then, to hear our talk? I do not want to be ashamed of Ow-hi. We expect him to speak straight out. We expect to hear from Kam-i-ah-kan, from Skloom.”
At length Five Crows proposed an adjournment. “Listen to me, you chiefs. We have been as one people with the Nez Perces hitherto. This day we are divided. We, the Cuyuses, the Walla Wallas, and Kam-i-ah-kan’s people and others will think over the matter to-night, and give you an answer to-morrow.”
The feature of the treaties which met with the greatest opposition was the provision that the Cuyuses, Walla Wallas, and Umatillas should relinquish the whole of their own lands, and remove to a reservation in the Nez Perce country. The commissioners therefore decided to establish a separate reservation for these three tribes on the headwaters of the Umatilla, at the base of the Blue Mountains. Conferences were had with the recusant chiefs separately, the proposition of a reservation in their own country was broached, and the whole ground of the treaties again gone over and fully discussed. Steachus expressed himself as highly pleased with the new arrangement, and, although the others gave less encouragement, the commissioners were hopeful that a successful result would soon be reached.
The change of reservations was brought forward in council the next day. The annuities of five hundred dollars for ten years to each of the head chiefs were extended to twenty years. The Yellow Serpent was given the privilege of establishing a trading-post for trade with the settlers and emigrants, and an annuity of one hundred dollars a year for twenty years was given his son. Young Chief and Yellow Serpent were the principal speakers, and in lengthy and rambling speeches gave their assent to the treaties. The latter, on declaring his acceptance, exclaimed, “Now you may send me provisions!” Kam-i-ah-kan was sullen, and refused his assent.
Some commotion was now observed among the Indians, and suddenly a small party of warriors were seen approaching, painted and armed, singing a war-song, and flourishing on the top of a pole a freshly taken scalp. It proved to be a party of Nez Perces, headed by Looking Glass, the war chief, just from the Blackfoot country, where they had been for three years hunting the buffalo. Looking Glass was old, irascible, and treacherous, yet second only to Lawyer in influence. While hunting the buffalo he had several fights with the Blackfeet. At one time seventy of his horses were stolen by them; but the vigorous old chief hotly pursued the depredators, killed two, put the rest to flight, and recovered his horses. He had reached the Bitter Root valley on his return home, when he heard that the Nez Perces were at a great council, and concluding a treaty without his presence. Leaving his party to follow more slowly, he pushed on with a few chosen braves, crossed the Bitter Root Mountains, where for some distance the snow was shoulder-deep on their horses, and, having ridden three hundred miles in seven days at the age of seventy, reached the council ground while Governor Stevens was urging Kam-i-ah-kan to give his assent to the treaty, for the governor, hearing the arrival of Looking Glass announced, seized the occasion to call upon the Yakima chief to sign the treaty in the name of Looking Glass, there being great friendship between these two. Scarcely had he concluded when Looking Glass, surrounded by his knot of warriors with the scalps tossing above them, rode up, excited and agitated, received his friends coldly, and finally broke forth into a most angry philippic against his tribe and the treaty:—
“My people, what have you done? While I was gone, you have sold my country. I have come home, and there is not left me a place on which to pitch my lodge. Go home to your lodges. I will talk to you.”
The council was immediately adjourned. Governor Stevens consulted Lawyer, who was of opinion that Looking Glass would calm down in a day or two and accept the treaty. He said, however, that the latter’s return would make it impossible to reduce the Nez Perce reservation, which, originally intended for the Cuyuses, Walla Wallas, and Umatillas, in addition to the Nez Perces, was larger than they alone required, and it was determined to make it a general reservation for other tribes, not exceeding in numbers those for whom it was at first designed.
In the evening Governor Stevens assembled the Yakima chiefs in his tent, and discussed the treaties with them until one o’clock in the morning. Kam-i-ah-kan was not present, but Skloom acted as the principal spokesman. The governor remarks in his journal, “Skloom was desirous that his land should first be surveyed.”
The council of the following day, however, soon made it evident that Looking Glass had not yet calmed down. He declared himself the head chief of the tribes present; that the boys had spoken yesterday, but that he would speak to-day. He made many inquiries, raised many objections, and finally marked another line for the reservation, including nearly the whole of the Nez Perce territory. The Cuyuses seized the occasion to retract their assent to their treaty, and the Young Chief strenuously supported Looking Glass in his objections, and omitted no opportunity to assert his supremacy as head chief of the Nez Perces. At length Lawyer abruptly left the council in the midst of one of Looking Glass’s philippics, and retired to his lodge. Governor Stevens refused to submit to the demands of the angry and grasping old chief, and adjourned the council until the following Monday.
After the adjournment the Yellow Serpent and Kam-i-ah-kan, who had at length yielded to the advice of the other chiefs, with all the chiefs and prominent men of the two tribes, came forward and signed their respective treaties. The former had remarked in the morning that his word was pledged, and that he should sign the treaty no matter what Looking Glass and the Nez Perces did. It was thought that his example had great weight with Kam-i-ah-kan.
Late in the evening Governor Stevens had an interview with Lawyer, who said:—
“Governor Stevens, you are my chief. You come from the President. He has spoken kind words to us, a poor people. We have listened to them, and have agreed to a treaty. We are bound by the agreement. When Looking Glass asked you, ‘How long will the agent live with us?’ you might have replied by asking the question, ‘How long have you been head chief of the Nez Perces?’ When he said, ‘I, the head chief, have just got back; I will talk; the boys talked yesterday,’ you might have replied, ‘The Lawyer, and not you, is the head chief. The whole Nez Perce tribe have said in council Lawyer was the head chief. Your faith is pledged. You have agreed to the treaty. I call upon you to sign it.’ Had this course been taken, the treaty would have been signed.”
“In reply,” says the governor, “I told the Lawyer that we considered all the talk of Looking Glass as the outpourings of an angry and excited old man, whose heart would become all right if left to himself for a time; that the Lawyer had left the council whilst in session, and without speaking. It was his business to have interfered in this way, had it been necessary. We considered the Lawyer’s leaving as saying, ‘Nothing more can be done to-day; it must be finished to-morrow.’ Your authority will be sustained, and your people will be called upon to keep their word. You will be sustained. The Looking Glass will not be allowed to speak as head chief. You, and you alone, will be recognized. Should Looking Glass persist, the appeal will be made to your people. They must sign the treaty agreed to by them through you as head chief, or the council will be broken up and you will return home, your faith broken, your hopes of the future gone.”
The council being adjourned, the Cuyuses and Nez Perces retired to their respective camps to hold councils by themselves, which lasted all night. The position of Looking Glass was determined by the latter to be second to Lawyer, who was reaffirmed head chief. The council was stormy, but the chiefs at length all agreed on a paper sent in by Lawyer, and read in council, which declared the faith of the tribe pledged to Governor Stevens, and that the treaty must be signed. “Those who would advise breaking their word were no better than the Cuyuses. Let them share the lot of the Cuyuses.” The morning after this council being Sunday, Timothy preached a sermon for the times, and held up to the indignation of the tribe, and the retribution of the Almighty, those who would coalesce with the Cuyuses, and break the faith of the Nez Perces.
The governor had a conversation with Kam-i-ah-kan, who said:—
“Looking Glass, if left alone, will sign the treaty. Don’t ask me to accept presents. I have never taken one from a white man. When the payments are made, I will take my share.”
Steachus, the friendly Cuyuse chief, expressed his earnest desire that his tribe should sign the treaty, and both Pu-pu-mox-mox and Kam-i-ah-kan used their influence to induce them to accept it.
Early Monday morning Governor Stevens saw Lawyer, and said to him: “We are now ready to go into council. I shall call upon your people to keep their word, and upon you as head chief to sign first. We want no speeches. This will be the last day of the council. Call your people together as soon as possible.” The Lawyer replied, “This is the right course,” and immediately summoned his tribe. The closing scene of the council is best given in Governor Stevens’s own words:—
“The Looking Glass took his seat in council in the very best humor. The Cuyuses and Nez Perces were all present. Kam-i-ah-kan sat down near the Young Chief. The council was opened by me in a brief speech: ‘We meet for the last time. Your words are pledged to sign the treaty. The tribes have spoken through their head chiefs, Joseph, Red Wolf, the Eagle, Ip-se-male-e-con, all declaring Lawyer was the head chief. I call upon Lawyer to sign first.’ Lawyer then signed the treaty. ‘I now call upon Joseph and the Looking Glass.’ Looking Glass signed, then Joseph. Then every chief and man of note, both Nez Perces and Cuyuses, signed their respective treaties.
“After the treaties were signed, I spoke briefly of the Blackfoot council, and asked each tribe to send delegations, the Nez Perces a hundred chiefs and braves, the whole under the head chief, or some chief of acknowledged authority, as Looking Glass. There was much talk on the subject on the part of the Indians. Looking Glass said he would have a talk with me alone some other time.”
The council being completed, presents were made to all the assembled tribes, who began packing up and moving off. Eagle-from-the-Light, the Nez Perce chief, who was at first opposed to the treaty and refused to accept provisions, now presented a magnificent grizzly bear’s skin, with the teeth and claws intact, to Governor Stevens with the following speech: “This skin is my medicine. It came with me every day to council. It tells me everything. It says what has been done is right. Had anything been done wrong, it would have spoken out. I have now no use for it. I give it to you that you may know my heart is right.” Every day Eagle-from-the-Light had brought this skin to the council, and, placing it with the teeth and claws turned towards the commissioners, had used it as a seat, declining the roll of blankets offered him.
“Thus ended,” says the journal, “in the most satisfactory manner, this great council, prolonged through so many days,—a council which—in the number of Indians assembled and the different tribes, old difficulties and troubles between them and the whites, a deep-seated dislike to and determination against giving up their lands, and the great importance, nay, absolute necessity, of opening this land by treaty to occupation by the whites, that bloodshed and the enormous expense of Indian wars might be avoided, and in its general influence and difficulty—has never been equaled by any council held with the Indian tribes of the United States.
“It was so considered by all present, and a final relief from the intense anxiety and vexation of the last month was especially grateful to all concerned.”
The following day the Nez Perces celebrated the happy conclusion of the treaty, and the return of Looking Glass and his braves from the buffalo country, by a scalp-dance. The chiefs and braves, in full war-paint and adorned with all their savage finery, formed a large circle, standing several ranks deep. Within this arena a chosen body of warriors performed the war-dance, while the densely massed ranks of braves circled around them, keeping time in measured tread, and accompanying it with their wild and barbaric war-song. The ferocious and often hideous mien of these stalwart savages, their frenzied attitudes and shrill and startling yells, formed a subject worthy the pen of Dante and the pencil of Doré. The missionary still had work to do. Presently an old hag, the very picture of squalor and woe, burst into the circle, bearing aloft upon a pole one of the fresh scalps so recently taken by Looking Glass, and, dancing and jumping about with wild and extravagant action, heaped upon the poor relic of a fallen foe every mark of indignity and contempt. Shaking it aloft, she vociferously abused it; she beat it, she spat upon it, she bestrode the pole and rushed around the ring, trailing it in the dust, again and again; while the warriors, with grim satisfaction, kept up their measured tread, chanted their war-songs, and uttered if possible yet more ear-piercing yells. A softer and more pleasing scene succeeded. The old hag retired with her bedraggled trophy, and a long line of Indian maidens stepped within the circle, and, forming an inner rank, moved slowly round and round, chanting a mild and plaintive air. A number of the stylish young braves, real Indian beaux in the height of paint and feathers, next took post within the circle, near the rank of moving maidens, and each one, as the object of his adoration passed him, placed a gayly decorated token upon her shoulder. If she allowed it to remain, his affection was returned and he was accepted, but if she shook it off, he knew that he was a rejected suitor. Coquetry evidently is not confined to the civilized fair, for, without exception, the maidens, as if indignant at such public wooing, threw off the token with disdain, while every new victim of delusive hopes was greeted with shouts of laughter from the spectators.
The turning-point in the council was undoubtedly the discovery of the Cuyuse conspiracy by Lawyer, and his act of moving his lodge into Governor Stevens’s camp, thereby placing the whites under the protection of the Nez Perces. This was all that prevented the hostile chiefs and braves from striking the blow. They refrained because they knew that if Lawyer was killed in an attack on the camp, which was to be expected in the mêlée, the whole Nez Perce nation would avenge his slaughter in their blood. The real extent and imminence of the danger was known to but few, but the fact of the plot was soon generally bruited about.
“Their design,” says Colonel Kip, “was first to massacre the escort, which could have been easily done. Fifty soldiers against three thousand Indian warriors, out on the open plains, made rather too great odds. We should have had time, like Lieutenant Grattan at Fort Laramie last season, to deliver one fire, and then the contest would have been over. Their next move was to surprise the post at the Dalles, as they could also have easily done, as most of the troops were withdrawn, and the Indians in the neighborhood had recently united with them. This would have been the beginning of their war of extermination against the settlers.”
Foiled in their plot, why did they then so quickly agree to the treaties, which up to that time they had so bitterly spurned? All the circumstances and evidence go to show that, with the exception of Steachus, the friendly Cuyuse, they all—Young Chief, Five Crows, Pu-pu-mox-mox, Kam-i-ah-kan, and their sub-chiefs—all signed the treaties as a deliberate act of treachery, in order to lull the whites into fancied security, give time for Governor Stevens to depart to the distant Blackfoot country, where he would probably be “wiped out” by those truculent savages, and for the Nez Perces to return home, and also for completing their preparations for a widespread and simultaneous onslaught on all the settlements. Scarcely had they reached home from the council when they resumed such preparations, buying extra stores of ammunition, and sending emissaries to the Spokanes, Cœur d’Alenes, and even to some of the Nez Perces and to other tribes, to incite them to war, actually held a council of the disaffected at a point in the Palouse country the following month, and, within three months of accepting ostensibly the protection of the Great Father, precipitated the conflict. Agent Bolon and many white miners and settlers in the upper country were massacred, and settlements as widespread as Puget Sound and southern Oregon, six hundred miles apart, were attacked on the same day. In this conspiracy and contest Kam-i-ah-kan was the moving spirit, the organizer, the instigator, whose crafty wiles never slept, and whose stubborn resolution no disaster could break. But in the end, after protracted and stubborn resistance, they were defeated and compelled to move on their reservations, and live under the very treaties they so treacherously agreed to, and under which they still live and have greatly prospered.
Whether or not the Walla Walla council precipitated the outbreak, as has been claimed, it is certain that it confirmed the Nez Perces in their friendship, neutralized the Spokanes for two years, kept even some of the Cuyuses friendly all through the war, namely, Steachus and his band, extinguished the Indian title, and permanently settled the status of the Indian and his relation with the white man, without which peace was an impossibility. The outbreak itself could have been suppressed in a single season, had Governor Stevens’s firm policy and sagacious views been sustained.
Over sixty thousand square miles were ceded by these treaties. The Nez Perce reservation contained five thousand square miles, including mountain and forest as well as good land, and provision was made for moving other tribes upon it. The payment for the Nez Perce lands comprised $200,000 in the usual annuities, and $60,000 for improving the reservation, saw and grist mills, schools, shops, teachers, farmers, mechanics, etc. Ardent spirits were excluded; the right to hunt, fish, gather roots and berries, and pasture stock on vacant land was secured, and provision was made for ultimately allotting the land in severalty. An annuity of $500 for twenty years was given the head chief, and a house was to be built for him, and ten acres of land fenced and broken up the first year. At the special request of the Indians, the claim and homestead of William Craig was confirmed to him, and was not to be considered part of the reservation, although within its boundaries.
Besides Lawyer and Looking Glass, fifty-six chiefs signed this treaty, and among them were Joseph (the father of the chief Joseph, who in 1877 fought the brilliant campaign against Generals Howard, Gibbon, and Miles, the only conflict that has ever occurred between the Nez Perces and the whites), James, Red Wolf, Timothy, Spotted Eagle, and Eagle-from-the-Light.
The Umatilla reservation contained eight hundred square miles. $100,000 to be given for annuities in goods, etc., for twenty years; $50,000 for improving the reservation; $10,000 for moving the emigrant road, which passed through it, around its borders; a sawmill, a flour-mill; two schoolhouses; a blacksmith’s shop, a wagon and plough making shop, a carpenter and joiner shop; tools and equipments; and teachers, farmers, and mechanics to instruct them for twenty years,—were the very liberal payments for their lands. Moreover, the head chief of each tribe was to have his annuity of $500 for twenty years, a house built, and ten acres fenced and ploughed. Pu-pu-mox-mox, in addition, was to be allowed to maintain a trading-post at the mouth of the Yakima; his first year’s salary was to be paid him on signing the treaty; he was also to receive three yoke of oxen, three yokes and four chains, a wagon, two ploughs, twelve axes, two shovels, twelve hoes, one saddle and bridle, a set of wagon harness and one of plough harness; and his son was to have an annuity of $100 for twenty years, and have a house built, and five acres of land ploughed and fenced.
The wily old chief had certainly gotten all he could.
The other provisions were similar to those of the Nez Perce treaty. It was signed by the three head chiefs and thirty-two sub-chiefs.
The Yakima treaty contained the same general provisions. A large reservation on the Simcoe, a southern branch of the Yakima, and a smaller one on the Wenatchee, including the fishery there, were set apart for them. The payments include $200,000 in annuities, $60,000 for improving the reservations, the annuity, house and field for the chief, etc. In all the treaties provision is made for finally dividing the land among the Indians in severalty.
Kam-i-ah-kan, Ow-hi, Skloom, and eleven other chiefs signed the treaty. The first three were able and persistent inciters of, and leaders in, the Indian war. Ow-hi is mentioned in “The Canoe and Saddle,” by Theodore Winthrop, and met a tragic end, being slain while a prisoner trying to escape from the troops under Colonel George Wright.
After their exemplary punishment the Yakimas settled down on their reservation, and for many years were prosperous and contented under the charge of the faithful agent Wilbur. They number 2556, showing little diminution; have taken their lands in severalty; most of them wear civilized dress in whole or part; have 17,000 acres under cultivation; raise 50,000 bushels of grain, 9600 of vegetables, and 25,000 tons of hay.
The Spokanes number 3000. While some of the bands are backward, others have made encouraging progress, “are thrifty and industrious, have splendid farms, and raise large crops of grain and hay, ... are self-supporting, and, but for the intemperance of some of them, are making rapid strides towards civilization.” The agent says of one band: “They accept no issues from the government, and are independent and self-supporting. They are peaceable in their own social relations, and courteous to their white brethren. They have made material progress, having good farms, fine horses, and many of them small herds of cattle.”
The Cœur d’Alenes, numbering 506, are further advanced in civilization, and in better condition financially than any other tribe. They are well supplied with all kinds of farming implements, from a plough to a threshing-machine, of which latter they now have thirteen in operation, purchased by themselves with their own money.
The Nez Perces, the most progressive and deserving of all, seem to have fared the worst. Their reservation was early overrun by thousands of miners, and they were outrageously swindled by dishonest agents. They number only 1795, having diminished one half. But they have taken their lands in severalty; have 10,000 acres under cultivation, 100,000 acres under fence; raise 55,000 bushels of grain, 15,000 bushels of vegetables; own 30,000 horses, 15,000 cattle, 3000 swine, and 20,000 fowls. “Very enthusiastic revival meetings were conducted here last winter by the native elders, which resulted in quite a number of converts being made.”[6]
On the close of the council the Indians homeward-bound filled all the trails leading out of the valley with their wild and picturesque cavalcades,—the braves resplendent with scarlet blankets and leggings; the squaws and pappooses decked with bright calico shirts and kerchiefs. Lieutenant Gracie marched away to join Major Haller in an expedition against the predatory Snakes. The secretaries and other treaty officers toiled early and late making up the records and reports for Washington, which, with letters and instructions for Olympia, were dispatched on the 14th by W.H. Pearson, the express rider.
It will be noted how carefully and fully the proceedings of all Governor Stevens’s councils were recorded; not merely a statement of what was done, but a complete verbatim report of the deliberations, the speeches, every word uttered by both whites and Indians in council, and many of the talks out of council, was reduced to writing and made part of the official record,—a record which now affords the most convincing evidence of the wisdom, foresight, and benevolence of the treaties, as well as the difficulties and dangers attending them, and presents a most interesting and historically valuable picture of the characters, dispositions, and feelings of the Indians.
General Palmer had been appointed one of the commissioners to treat with the Blackfeet, Governor Stevens and Alfred Cumming, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Nebraska, being the others, but he declined the arduous and dangerous duty, and, with the Oregon Indian officers, started for home.
A.J. Bolon, the Yakima Indian agent, with a small party, was sent to old Fort Walla Walla with a quantity of Indian goods intended for the Spokanes, there to be stored for safe-keeping. He was instructed to visit and inspect the Yakima reservation, thence proceed to the Dalles and bring the Nez Perce Indian goods to Walla Walla, deposit them, and, loading up with the Spokane goods, take them to Antoine Plante’s ranch on the Spokane River, in readiness for the council on the governor’s return from the Blackfoot country. Mr. Henry R. Crosby was dispatched to Colville to notify the Indians, the Hudson Bay Company officers, and the missionaries of the proposed council. Agent W.H. Tappan was sent with Craig to Lapwai to organize a delegation of the Nez Perces to go to the Blackfoot council, and was to accompany them himself. All the officers were charged to examine the regions traversed by them, and report on the topographical and agricultural features, etc. The governor had procured from New York a supply of barometers and other instruments, and was determined to continue and complete his railroad explorations, so summarily arrested by Jefferson Davis, as far as possible on this expedition, although it was one primarily on the Indian service. In his final railroad report he gives a daily journal of this trip, and a graphic description of the country passed over, together with an immense amount of new information, the fruits of his own indefatigable personal exertions and those of his subordinates, amplifying and triumphantly vindicating his first report.
It was a beautiful, sunny June morning, the 16th, when the little train drew out from the deserted council ground, and took its way in single file across the level valley prairie, covered with luxuriant bunch grass and vivid-hued flowers. A large, fine-looking Cœur d’Alene Indian, named Joseph, led the way as guide; then rode the governor with his son, Secretary Doty, Agent Lansdale, and Gustave Sohon the artist, barometer-carrier, and observer; then came Packmaster Higgins, followed by the train of eleven packers and two cooks, and forty-one sleek, long-eared pack-mules, each bearing a burden of two hundred pounds, the men interspersed with the mules to keep them moving on the trail; while seventeen loose animals, in a disorderly bunch, driven by a couple of herders, brought up the rear. It was a picked force, both men and animals, and made up in efficiency for scanty numbers. The artist, Gustave Sohon, a soldier of the 4th infantry, detailed for the trip, was an intelligent German, a clever sketcher, and competent to take instrumental observations. Higgins, ex-orderly sergeant of dragoons, a tall, broad-shouldered, spare, sinewy man, a fine swordsman and drill-master, a scientific boxer, was a man of unusual firmness, intelligence, and good judgment, and quiet, gentlemanly manners, and held the implicit respect, obedience, and goodwill of his subordinates. He afterwards became the founder, banker, and first citizen of the flourishing town of Missoula, at Hell Gate, in the Bitter Root valley. A.H. Robie worked up from the ranks, married a daughter of Craig, and settled at Boisé City, Idaho, where he achieved a highly prosperous and respected career. Sidney Ford, a son of Judge Ford, already mentioned, was a handsome, stalwart young Saxon in appearance, broad-shouldered, sensible, capable, and kindly. The others were all men of experience on the plains and mountains, brave and true; several had been members of the exploring expedition; others had served the fur companies, or voyageured and trapped on their own account. By all odds the most skillful and picturesque of these mountain men, and having the most varied and romantic history, was Delaware Jim, whose father was a Delaware chief and his mother a white woman, and who had spent a lifetime—for he was now past middle age—in hunting and traveling over all parts of the country, from the Mississippi to the Pacific, meeting with many thrilling adventures and hair-breadth escapes. He had a tall, slender form, a keen eye, an intelligent face, and reserved manners. He was reticent in speech, although he spoke English well; but when he was induced to relate his varied experiences and adventures, his simple and modest narrative impressed every auditor with its truth. Many of the men were clad in buckskin moccasins, breeches, and fringed hunting-shirts; others in rough, serviceable woolen garb, stout boots, and wide slouch hats. All carried navy revolvers and keen bowie-knives, and many in addition bore the long, heavy, small-bored Kentucky rifle, which they fired with great deliberation and unerring skill.
One of the most remarkable men connected with the expedition was the express rider, W.H. Pearson. A native of Philadelphia, of small but well-knit frame, with muscles of steel, and spirit and endurance that no exertion apparently could break down, waving, chestnut hair, a fair, high forehead, a refined, intelligent, and pleasant face, the manners and bearing of a gentleman,—such was Pearson. He was destined that year to render services invaluable in character and incredible in extent. Of him the governor remarks in his final report, p. 210:
“Hardy, bold, intelligent, and resolute, having a great diversity of experience, which had made him acquainted with all the relations between Indians and white men from the borders of Texas to the 49th parallel, and which enabled him to know best how to move, whether under the Southern tropics or the winter snows of the North, I suppose there has scarcely ever been any man in the service of the government who excelled Pearson as an expressman.”
He was still young, about thirty-five, but, as a Texan ranger, a scout, Indian fighter, and express rider, knew the frontiers from the Rio Grande to the Columbia and Missouri like an open book.
The party thus starting on the protracted and perilous expedition was composed of only twenty-two persons, as follows: Governor Isaac I. Stevens; James Doty, secretary; R.H. Lansdale, Indian agent; Gustave Sohon, artist; Hazard Stevens; C.P. Higgins, packmaster; Sidney S. Ford, Jr., A.H. Robie, Joseph Lemere, Frank Genette, H. Palmer, William Simpson, John Canning, Frank Hale, Louis Oson, Louis Fourcier, C. Hughes, John Johnson, William S. De Parris, William Prudhomme, packers, the last two cooks; Joseph, the Cœur d’Alene guide; and Delaware Jim, who deserves a place by himself.
The party followed the Nez Perce trail, and, after a short march of eight miles, made camp on Dry Creek. Two messes were formed,—the gentlemen of the party, with the guide Joseph, Delaware Jim, Ford, Genette, and De Parris as cook, comprising the governor’s mess, and the remainder of the party Higgins’s mess.
Continuing on the Nez Perce trail, the party in the next three days and fifty-four miles traversed a beautiful rolling prairie country of fertile soil, luxuriant bunch grass, and wild flowers, crossing the Touchet and Tucañon rivers, and ascending the Pa-ta-ha branch of the latter, and, descending the Al-pa-wha Creek, reached its confluence with Snake River at Red Wolf’s ground. Here was found a village of thirteen lodges of Nez Perces, under the chiefs Red Wolf and Timothy, with a fenced field of thirty acres, well watered by irrigation from the Al-pa-wha, and containing a fine crop of corn and a promising orchard. “I observed with great pleasure that men as well as women and children were at work in this field, ploughing and taking care of their crops,” observes the governor. After some bargaining, for the chiefs were keen traders and exacted a stiff toll for the service, the party, with packs and baggage, were ferried across the Snake, a notably swift and dangerous river, by the Indians in their canoes, and went into camp, while the animals crossed by swimming.
By appointment Lawyer met the governor here, and with the other two chiefs took supper with him, the three devouring the lion’s share of a fine salmon, which Timothy had just sold at an exorbitant price,—clearly the Nez Perces were fast learning the ways of civilization,—and completed the arrangements for sending their delegation to the Blackfoot council. Lawyer also gave much information about his people and country.
Climbing out of the deep cañon of the river next morning by an easy grade up a lateral creek, the party took a general N.N.E. course across the high, rolling plains stretching away to the mountains, for five days traversing a fine fertile and diversified country, clothed with waving grass and bright flowers, well wooded with groves of pine, and abundantly watered. They passed on the second day 600 Nez Perces gathering the kamas root, and having with them 2000 horses, and crossed the Palouse River, with its broad valley extending far eastward into the heart of the mountains. Says the governor: “We have been astonished at the luxuriance of the grass and the fertility of the soil. The whole view presents to the eye a vast bed of flowers in all their varied beauty.” The governor continually remarks the fertility and agricultural capabilities of the country traversed. It now forms the most productive part of the wheat belt of eastern Washington, and is all settled up by a prosperous farming community. The third day’s camp was made at the kamas prairie of the Cœur d’Alenes, where were found 29 lodges and 250 Indians of that tribe, gathering and drying kamas. This esculent is about the size and shape of a large tulip bulb, and when dried and smoked for use has a dark color and sweet taste, and was highly esteemed by the Indians and mountain men. The governor had a talk with Stellam, the head chief, and a number of other chiefs, and requested them to meet him at the mission in order to learn about the treaty the Great Father desired to make with them. They promised to attend. In the evening came the Palouse chief, Slah-yot-see, with 30 braves, and complained that no goods were given him at the recent council. The governor replied:—
“Slah-yot-see, you went away before the council was ended. Koh-lat-toose remained and signed the treaty. He was recognized as the head chief of the Palouses, and to him the goods were given to be distributed among his tribe as he and the principal men should determine. I have brought no goods to give you. Go to Koh-lat-toose. He is the chief, and it is from him you must obtain your share of the presents. Had you remained until the council terminated, you would have had a voice in the distribution of the goods. Kam-i-ah-kan, your head chief, signed the treaty, and said that he should bring the Palouses into the Yakima country, where they properly belonged.”
The chief said but little in reply except acknowledging Kam-i-ah-kan as his head chief. The Palouses had a bad name, and were regarded as sullen, insolent, and disaffected.
The last day, putting the party in camp on the Cœur d’Alene River, the governor with Doty and Sohon rode on nine miles farther to the mission, where he was received with the utmost hospitality by good Father Ravalli, and where he found Crosby, just arrived from Colville. The mission was situated on a sightly eminence in the midst of a little prairie on the right bank of the river. On this beautiful and commanding site stood a well-proportioned church, solidly built of squared timbers as smoothly hewn and closely fitted as though done by skillful white artisans, yet all the work of the Indians, under the direction of the priests. A long wooden building, plain but comfortable, afforded quarters for the fathers and two or three lay brothers and the transient guests. At the foot of the knoll, near the river, were the lodges of the Indians, constituting their principal village.
At the camp of the party this evening an incident occurred of quite unusual character,—a wrestling match between Indian and white. A large number of the Cœur d’Alenes had come down with their canoes, and assisted the party in crossing the rivers, and had taken the packs by water a long distance, thus relieving the animals over a stretch of muddy trail, and at night camped near the whites. After supper they came over to camp, and, with much talk in Chinook and many signs, at length conveyed the idea of a challenge at wrestling between an immense, powerfully formed Indian, whom they brought forward as their champion, and any “skookum man” of the whites. The latter were rather taken back. None liked the looks of the big and muscular savage, but all agreed that it would never do to decline the challenge, and back down before a parcel of Indians. At last Sidney Ford stepped forward, declaring that he would try a fall with him, if he broke his back in the effort. In the struggle which ensued, it was soon apparent that the Indian was the superior in weight and strength, and Ford had to put forth all his skill and agility to prevent being forced to the ground. At last, while all the spectators, both red and white, were breathlessly watching the straining, panting wrestlers, the whites especially with great anxiety and apprehension, Ford gave a sudden and mighty heave, the huge Indian’s bare legs and moccasined feet whirled in the air, and the next instant he struck the ground with a heavy and sickening thud, and lay senseless as the dead. Ford had thrown him completely over his shoulder by some skillful wrestling stroke. The Indian soon recovered, and departed with his companions, well satisfied that the white man was “hi-u skookum” (mighty strong). This rencounter led to much discussion around the camp-fire that evening as to the relative prowess of Indian and white. All agreed that the latter was far superior, not only in courage and physical strength, but even in endurance and woodland and savage arts and skill.
The next day the party moved and encamped near the village, and on the following morning the principal chiefs to the number of thirty assembled in front of the governor’s tent, and listened attentively as he explained to them the benefits they would gain by learning to “follow the white man’s road,” and referred to the treaties made with the other tribes at the recent council, at which some of them were present, and asked them to meet him in council with the Spokanes on his return. Finally he invited them to send with him a delegation to the Blackfoot council, and make peace with those fierce and feared marauders. The chiefs received the talk favorably, but declined to send the delegation, saying that only a few of their people went to buffalo, and besides they were afraid to go to the council. The Blackfeet would kill them.
At noon, after this conference, the train set out in charge of Higgins, while the governor, with Doty and Crosby, remained a few hours longer. The oath of allegiance to the United States was administered by Crosby to the fathers and lay brothers, who subscribed the naturalization papers, and seemed much pleased with the idea of becoming American citizens. Towards evening they bade the hospitable missionaries farewell, and, riding rapidly eleven miles, found the train snugly encamped in a large prairie with fine grass, where the governor encamped, October 12, 1853. The next two days the party were kept in camp by a pelting summer rain.
Friday, June 29, on a cool and delightful morning after the storm, the march was continued up the Cœur d’Alene River, retracing the governor’s route of 1853 across the Bitter Root Mountains; the summit was passed on July 1, and, descending the St. Regis de Borgia, crossing and recrossing the stream no less than thirty-five times, the Bitter Root River was reached on the 3d, eighty-six miles distant from the mission. The Father Superior of the Catholic missions, with two companions returning from an inspection of the Pend Oreille Mission, was met the first day, and on the summit a Cœur d’Alene Indian, whom the governor had previously sent to the Bitter Root valley[7] with dispatches to Mr. Adams, special agent for the Flatheads, in regard to holding a council with them, brought the gratifying intelligence that the Indians were all ready to assemble, all full of the Blackfoot council, and that everything was quiet in the Indian country. The governor took great pains in examining the route and the topography of the country, and in determining the altitude by the barometer.
The Fourth of July was spent in crossing the Bitter Root, which was at this point one hundred and fifty yards wide, with a swift, strong current, and fordable only at the lowest stage of water in fall and winter. It was now swollen from recent rains and melting snows in the mountains. All hands set to work felling trees and building rafts, with which to effect a crossing. While thus laboriously engaged, a large band of Flathead Indians, who were encamped here, took down their lodges, and ferried themselves over the swift and broad river, with all their women, children, horses, dogs, lodges, and effects, in less than an hour’s time, and in a simple and ingenious manner, which put the whites quite to the blush. The buffalo-skin lodge was spread out on a smooth, flat place at the water’s edge, all the blankets, robes, clothing, bundles of provisions, saddles, packs, everything in short in the way of goods and chattels were piled in a broad, circular pile upon it, and the ends and edges of the skin were stretched up and tied together on top, as one would tie up a bundle of clothes in a handkerchief. This being completed, a brave rode his horse into the river until almost swimming, holding by his teeth the end of a line; the bundle was then pushed and lifted into the river; the squaws climbed on top of it with the children and babies around them, one of them took and held the other end of the line, and the brave started his pony swimming across the stream, holding by the mane or tail with one hand, and swimming with the other, and soon reached the opposite bank in safety. It was a curious and exciting spectacle to see ten or twelve of these bundles, the size of large haycocks, surmounted by groups of squaws and pappooses, rapidly floating down the stream, while being slowly towed across, nothing visible of the ponies and braves except their heads, while the loud, labored breathing of the swimming horses and the shouts and splashings of the Indians echoed across the water.
The Flatheads were accustomed to train and exercise their horses in swimming, and were very skillful in crossing streams in this manner. The buffalo-skin lodges were impervious to water for only a short time, and would become leaky and useless by a prolonged soaking.
The party built three large rafts, loaded all the goods upon them, and poled them across the river with long poles. The animals were compelled to swim. The last, bearing the governor, was the largest and least manageable, and came near escaping down the river on a voyage of its own choosing. It was carried farther down than the others, and on nearing the other bank got into a swifter current, where the poles were quite useless, and was swept along at break-neck speed, flying past the rocks and trees of the bank only forty feet away. At this juncture Higgins seized the end of a pack rope and plunged headfirst into the raging current, gained the shore in a few powerful strokes, raced along it at top speed to keep the rope from being jerked out of his hands by the flying raft until he came to a tree, threw a turn of the rope around it, and checked the raft, which then swung inshore under the pressure of the current. In these few minutes the unwieldy craft was carried down two miles. But everything was gotten together and a comfortable camp pitched before night. The tired men smoked their pipes around the camp-fire after supper and recounted the adventures of the day, with great satisfaction that the river was behind them.
After a late start the next morning the party moved eighteen miles up the right bank of the beautiful river, traversing tracts of open woods and prairies, alternating in pleasing variety with the dark, rugged range just surmounted, frowning on the right. Large schools of salmon or trout were seen in the clear, pellucid water, motionless over the spawning-beds, fairly covering and hiding the river’s bed, in such numbers were they. The next day’s march was thirty-seven miles. On the 7th, soon after leaving camp, they were met and received by three hundred chiefs and braves of the Flathead, Pend Oreille, and Koo-te-nay tribes, in the most cordial manner, with a salute of musketry, and escorted to their camp near Hell Gate River. After spending some hours with them, learning their condition, and establishing pleasant relations between them and his own party, the governor moved to the main river, a mile distant, and established his camp and council ground.
In the afternoon the three head chiefs, Victor of the Flatheads, Alexander of the Pend Oreilles, and Michelle of the Koo-te-nays, accompanied by a number of other chiefs, visited Governor Stevens, and after the pipe had passed around,—the indispensable introduction to every Indian conference,—the latter spoke to them in his usual vein, proposing a treaty, referring to the great council just held with so many Indians in the Walla Walla valley, and appointing the next Monday for opening the council with them. He also spoke of his efforts to make peace with the Blackfeet, and urged them to send a delegation to the proposed council with these, their inveterate and bloody foes. This was a sore subject with the Flatheads, for the Blackfeet had but faithlessly kept their promises of amity and good conduct towards their neighbors. Many of their young braves, despite the efforts of the chiefs and elders to restrain them, had continued their predatory raids, saying, “Let us steal all the horses we can before the great white chief returns and makes peace with all the tribes, and stops horse-stealing forever,” and had inflicted severe losses upon the Flatheads since the governor passed through their country nearly two years before, notwithstanding, and that was what made it all the harder to bear; the Flatheads had scrupulously heeded the governor’s admonitions, and refrained from retaliation. On one occasion, when some young Pend Oreilles ran off a number of Blackfoot horses, the chiefs sent them back, at the risk of the lives of the party returning them. When the governor finished, Victor said:—