The committee of the College of Physicians said that “the universal and almost pathognomonic symptom was a distressing pain and sense of constriction in the forehead, temples, and sometimes in the whole face, accompanied with a sense of soreness about the cheek-bones under the muscles,” reminding one of the fierro chuto or “iron cap” of the South American epidemic in 1719. Sometimes no catarrhous affection followed these strange head pains. The languor of body and depression of spirits were thought to be more protracted than in 1762, but the fatalities at the time were fewer than in the earlier epidemic, and there were fewer consumptions following. Sweating, also, was said by some to be less remarkable than in 1762; but Carmichael Smyth said: “The late influenza [1782] might very properly have been named the sweating sickness, as sweating was the natural and spontaneous solution of it[667].” One distinctive thing in the epidemic of 1762 was missed by most in 1782, namely, the peculiar constriction of the breast, with heat and soreness of the trachea, as if excoriated; but Hamilton describes that very thing for 1782 in Bedfordshire[668]. As in other epidemics of the kind, especially those which have been least catarrhal, there were hardly two cases quite the same.

The Epidemic Agues of 1780-85.

Let us now take up the strange history of epidemic agues for two or three years preceding and following the influenza of June, 1782. Sir George Baker begins his account of them thus[669]: “The predominance of certain diseases observable in some years, and the total or partial disappearance of the same in other years, constitute a subject worthy of our contemplation.”

Reynolds, another London physician, in a letter to Sir George Baker confirms all that the latter says of these singular epidemic agues: “No two cases resembled each other except in very few circumstances[670]”—the remark commonly made about the influenza itself. If these descriptions of the epidemic ague had not been given by physicians living as late as 1782, and altogether modern in their methods, we might have supposed that they were confusing influenzas with agues, or using the latter term inexactly. “The ague with a hundred names” is the striking phrase of Abraham Holland, in his poem on the plague of 1625. Whitmore, describing the fatal epidemic ague (with an episode of influenza) in 1658-59, does not say that it had a hundred names, but that it assumed a hundred shapes, “which render it such a hocus-pocus to the amazed and perplexed people, they being held after most strange and diverse ways with it.... So prodigious in its alterations that it seems to outvie even Proteus himself[671].”

As farther showing the anomalous character of these epidemic agues, or their difference from the endemic, Baker adds:—

Baker heard from all parts that the same constitution continued through 1781 and 1782; and that since that time, though it seemingly abated, yet agues had been much more prevalent than usual, and had even been frequent in places where before that period they were uncommon. They were very noticeable in London from 1781 to 1785, not least so during the very severe cold of the winter and spring of 1783-84. We hear of great numbers attacked at Hampstead with common intermittents in February and the following months of 1781, during which time even the measles, in the greater number of cases, “ended in very troublesome intermittents[672]”—just as they were apt to end often in troublesome coughs.

The annals of Barker, of Coleshill, are full of references to agues, among other fevers, from 1780 onwards. Under 1781 he writes:—

As many as five persons in an evening were buried from it in some large towns in Northamptonshire; and about Boston it was so general and grievous that out of forty labourers hired for work in harvest, half of them, it was said, would be laid up in three days[673]. In 1783 the “pestilential agues” were as bad in Northamptonshire and eastern parts as the year before. A Liverpool writer says:

On October 25, 1783, a correspondent of the Gentleman’s Magazine offered an explanation of the “present epidemic disorder, which has so long ravaged this country, and that in the most healthy situations of it,” namely, “the putrescent air caused by the number of enclosures, and the many inland cuts made for navigation[675].” Next year, 1784, appears to have been the principal season of epidemic agues on both sides of the Severn valley, one practitioner at Bridgenorth making them the subject of a special essay[676].

It was at this time that Fowler brought into use his solution of arsenic as a substitute for bark in agues, the latter having notably failed in the epidemics since 1780.

Baker says: “The distinguishing character of this fever was its obstinate resistance to the Peruvian bark; nor, indeed, was the prevalence of the disease more observable than the inefficacy of the remedy:” in that respect the epidemic agues had belied the experience with bark in ordinary agues. Again, it is singular that bark had failed most, and arsenic been especially useful in those parts of England where ordinary malarious agues were never seen. One practitioner in Dorset laid in a large stock of arsenic, wherewith he “hardly ever failed to stop the fits soon[677].” Another, at Painswick, in Gloucestershire, used it successfully in two hundred cases of epidemic agues from 1784 onwards. He gives the following account of these unusual agues at Painswick:

It will be seen from the following table of cases treated at the Newcastle Dispensary, under the direction of Dr John Clark, during twelve years from 1 October, 1777, to 1 September, 1789, that influenza makes the smallest show among them, being far surpassed by the intermittent fevers and dysenteries, while all three together are greatly exceeded by the perennial typhus fever:

In Scotland, also, agues became epidemic about the year 1780. There is no reason to suppose that their prevalence in these years was less exceptional there than in England and Ireland. It will be seen, indeed, from the following table compiled from the books of the Kelso Dispensary that the only years of their considerable prevalence were the same as the years of epidemic ague in England.

Kelso Dispensary[680].

It was doubtless the recollection of these epidemic agues that led the parish ministers who wrote in the ‘Statistical Account of Scotland’ from 1791 to 1799 to remark upon a supposed progressive decline of endemic ague, which they set down to drainage of the land[681]. It is probable, however, that each tradition of ague in Scotland dated from one of its epidemic periods; it has been shown, indeed, in the foregoing that Scotland in the end of the 17th century was reputed tolerably free from ague, and that the severe agues previous to 1728, which belonged to the epidemical kind, were thought to be something new.

The Influenza of 1788.

According to Barker, of Coleshill, who kept systematic notes of the epidemic maladies from year to year, there were several recurrences of the influenza of 1782[682]. But there is only one of these seasons, the summer of 1788, that other English writers have singled out as a time of influenza. It was undoubtedly of a very mild type, producing hardly any effect upon the bills of mortality; but it attracted the notice of several. Dr Simmons, the editor of the London Medical Journal, became the recorder of it, collecting reports from various parts, as others had done in 1782. He himself treated 160 cases at the Westminster General Dispensary, and 65 more elsewhere. It was most prevalent in London from the second to the fourth week of July, but the mortalities for those weeks show no abrupt rise. It was at Chatham, Dover, Plymouth and Bath about the same time, at Manchester in the beginning of August, in Cornwall in the middle of August, and at Montrose about the end of August, or perhaps most certainly in October. On 5 August, a physician at York wrote: “We have not had the slightest appearance of a catarrh in our city or neighbourhood during the year.” The epidemic was undoubtedly a partial one in Britain, and so slight as to have made little impression where it did occur. It is said to have been very general at Warsaw in April or May, at Vienna in April (20,000 cases before the 20th), at Munich in June, at Paris in the end of August and still continuing on the 24th October, at Geneva on the 10th October. Its most constant symptom in England was pain in the fore-part of the head, with vertigo; next most constant was a pain at the pit of the stomach and along the breast-bone; cough was wanting in perhaps a third of the cases and was always slight, diarrhoea was somewhat general, running from the eyes exceptional, sore-throat in perhaps one-sixth of the cases[683]. At Plymouth where it was seen earliest and clearest among the regiment of artillery and in the guardships, the symptoms were pain in the head and limbs, soreness of the throat, pain in the breast, a feeling of coldness all over the skin, and these followed by cough, a great discharge from the nose and eyes, and slight nausea. It was much less noticeable among the townspeople than among the troops and sailors[684]. It occurred chiefly among soldiers or sailors also at Dover and Chatham. At Bath it was marked by chills, headache, swelling of the throat, difficult swallowing, quick pulse, hot, dry skin (but not pungent as in malignant fever), ending in a sweat; no delirium, but broken sleep or vigil; the eyes scarcely affected, cough in some, but not vehement; in some, sublingual swellings which suppurated[685]. At Manchester it looked as if it had been brought in by travellers who had acquired it in London[686].

At Portsmouth a singular thing happened two or three months after the epidemic had passed. The frigate ‘Rose’ arrived on 4 November from Newfoundland; within a short time all the dogs on board were seized with cough and catarrh, and soon after the whole ship’s company were affected in the same way[687]. Simmons says of the epidemic of 1788 in general: “During the progress of the influenza, a complaint which was evidently an inflammatory affection of the mucous membrane of the fauces, etc. was frequently observed among horses and other cattle, and was generally as violent among them as it was mild among their rational neighbours”—many dying after four or six days.

The very slight and partial influenza of July and August, 1788, happened at a time when there was much fever of a more serious kind in the country. The history of the latter belongs to another chapter; but there was in Cornwall, in the same season as the influenza, an epidemic fever which might in former times have been described as a part, and the most fatal part, of the “new disease,” and may be taken in this context rather than in the chapter on typhus. The same physician, Dr William May, of Truro, gave an account of the influenza first[688] and of the other fever afterwards[689].

For a good many years after the period last dealt with, nothing is heard in Britain either of epidemic agues or of influenza[691]. Writing in 1800, Willan said that intermittents had not, to his knowledge, been epidemic in London at any time within twenty years. He explains this by “the practice of draining, and the improved modes of cultivating land in Essex, Kent, and some other adjoining counties, from which either agues were formerly imported, or the effluvia causing them were conveyed by particular winds”—the latter being the doctrine of Lancisi for the country round Rome. But he forgets that their appearance nearly twenty years before was a strange phenomenon to the practitioners of that generation, and that Sydenham, whom he cites to prove agues in London in former times, had also remarked their absence, except in occasional cases, for as long a period as thirteen years. Of such occasional agues acquired in London, Willan and Bateman had each one or two examples in the autumn of 1794, and the spring of 1805.

As in the case of epidemic agues, so also in the case of influenzas, there was immunity in Britain for a good many years after 1788; and, as the slight epidemic catarrh of 1788 was something less than universal, the clear interval may almost be reckoned from the summer of 1782, a space of over twenty years. Willan’s monthly reports of the weather and diseases in London from March, 1796, to December, 1800, twice mention epidemic catarrhs,—in February and March, 1797, and in February, 1800, the latter chiefly among children. But to neither of them will he concede the name of “influenza,” as the complaint was merely epidemical from a particular state of the atmosphere, and not propagated by contagion, nor quite general.

The Influenza of 1803.

The number of the Medical and Physical Journal for March, 1803, announced that “a cold attended by symptoms of a very alarming nature has been general in the city of Paris for some time”; but it said nothing of the alarming disorder being in London. It is in the next number, under the date of Soho Square, March 11th, that a correspondent identifies the Paris epidemic with “the complaint now general in this metropolis, and called by some the Influenza.” In a report upon the diseases “in an Eastern District of London from February 20 to March 20, 1803,” the “catarrhal fever” is thus described:

Meanwhile the information from various sources showed that the old influenza was once more really in this country. Two collective inquiries were made on the influenza of 1803: one by Dr Beddoes of Bristol, who issued a circular of five queries, and received answers to them (with other information) from one hundred and twenty-four correspondents[693]; the other by the Medical Society of London[694]. The Medical and Physical Journal and Duncan’s Annals each received a few independent papers on it; and several pamphlets were issued, mostly devoted to treatment—two in London[695], one at Edinburgh[696], one at Bath[697], and one at Bristol[698].

In these abundant data there is little novelty and not much variety.

The deaths were for the most part among the phthisical, the asthmatic and the aged; but these were not many, certainly not so many as in 1729, 1733 and 1743, and probably in about the same proportion as in 1762, 1775 and 1782. In the London bills the weekly deaths rose in March, to an average of 537 from an average of 429 in February, and of 375 in January, falling to an average of 417 in April. In Ireland the epidemic is said to have been seen among the troops in garrisons as early as December, 1802; it became universal in spring and summer. In Edinburgh the rise in the burials at Greyfriars churchyard was in the weeks ending 5th and 12th April, making them about a half more than usual for the brief period. When the wave of influenza was past, the public health in nearly all places became unusually good, as had happened immediately after the influenza of 1782.

The question most to the front in the influenza of 1803 was its manner of spreading. Beddoes, who believed in personal contagion, had this in view in his five queries:

The dates of commencement were earlier or later according to no rule of direction or of distance from London. In some large towns of Yorkshire it appeared to be unusually late, in Chester unusually early; Edinburgh, certainly, was as long behind London as London was behind Paris. Haygarth, who took the most narrow view of contagion, made out the incidence thus: London first, then the towns which have the greatest intercourse with London, such as Bath and Chester, then smaller towns, and last of all the villages around each of the more populous centres. Several towns had the brunt of the epidemic in the same weeks (of March) as London; in very few was it later than the first weeks of April. In some towns it attracted little notice. In North Devon, it was said to have been at Hartland and Clovelly a fortnight before it was seen in Bideford; the first of it seen by one of the doctors of that town was in a solitary potter’s house four miles to the eastward, on a peninsula made by the confluence of a small stream with the Torridge, all the inmates of the house being attacked; in the town itself from first to last he saw but few cases, whereas there were many in the adjacent country[699].

The general rule seems to have been that the more sparse populations had it later, the nearer they were to the extremities of the kingdom, as in Cornwall, the north of Scotland, and in Ireland. Opinion was divided as to the part played by persons in carrying contagion from place to place, some holding that the facts of diffusion could be explained on no other hypothesis, while most held that the influenza was in the air. Beddoes got as many answers favouring the doctrine of personal contagion as made a respectable show for it; but when these had all been set forth to the best advantage, a practitioner wrote to say that, after all, nine-tenths of professional opinion was against the contagiousness of influenza. The practical question for Haygarth, Beddoes, and other contagionists was whether influenza was not a disease, like smallpox or scarlet fever, which could be kept from spreading by means of isolation, disinfection (with the fumes of mineral acids) and other precautions.

Some curious facts came out, showing the effect of influenza upon other epidemic diseases, or the effect of other epidemic diseases upon influenza. One writer applied to influenza what used to be said of the plague or pestilential fever, that these Leviathan constitutions swallowed up all other reigning epidemics. Holywell, a town in Flintshire, with a large cotton-weaving industry, had not been free from a bad kind of typhus for two years. “On the appearance of the influenza the typhus entirely ceased, and only one case of fever has occurred since. I have not for many years known this country so healthy as since the influenza disappeared[700].” The influenza was said also to have superseded typhus fever at Navan, in Meath[701]. At St Neots typhus was peculiarly prevalent for three months before the influenza, but ceased thereafter[702]. Another relation to typhus was seen at Clifton: “In the low, confined, and ill-ventilated houses in the Hot Well road, where typhus often abounds, the influenza was very unfrequent; while in the exposed high-lying buildings on Clifton Hill it was almost universal[703].” As to ague, which had often before stood in a remarkable relation to epidemics of catarrhal fever, there is one possibly relevant fact related from the Lincolnshire fens. A Wisbech physician writes:

From 1803 to 1831, nothing is heard in England of a universal influenza, although there was one such in the end of 1805 and beginning of 1806 in Russia, Germany, France and Italy; and there were four great influenzas in the Western Hemisphere (1807, 1815-16, 1824-25, and 1826). Catarrhs were perhaps commoner than usual in England and Scotland in the winter of 1807-8, but they cannot be reckoned an epidemic of influenza[705]. The summer following (1808) was unusually hot and agues became more epidemic in the fens than at any time since the great aguish period of 1780 and following years[706]. Agues were again unusually rife in England in 1826, 1827 and 1828, at the same time as the remarkable epidemics of them, from inundations and subsequent drought, in Holland and along the German coast of the North Sea. Dr John Elliotson, of London, met with cases of agues in his practice in those years in the following scale:

They had increased, he says, throughout the country as well as in London, owing, as he thought, in agreement with Macmichael, to the higher mean temperature of the respective years; and he would apply the same law of increase to the epidemic periods of ague in Britain in former times[707]. Christison saw his first case of ague at Edinburgh in the autumn of 1827, in a labourer who had caught it working at the harvest in the fen-country of Lincolnshire.

The Influenza of 1831.

The next influenza in Britain fell in the early summer of 1831. It was a mild epidemic of the catarrhal type, which attracted hardly any notice in England. In one of the London medical journals there is no other notice of it but this, dated 2 July, 1831[708]: “In consequence of the sudden variations of temperature which have prevailed since the last fortnight of May an epidemic bronchitis has shown itself in Paris.” Another London journal[709], on the very same day, wrote: “Influenza in a severe form is at present prevailing in London and some of the provincial towns. It commences like a common cold, but is soon discovered to be more serious, &c.” The physician to the public dispensary in Chancery Lane found that more than half of the seventy applicants on 23 June came with the symptoms of influenza—severe, harsh, dry cough, in paroxysms, pain behind the sternum, a fixed pain in one side, congested state of the throat, nose and eyes, heaviness of the head, languor, debility, hot skin, foul tongue, impaired sense of taste. The symptoms went off after three or four days with a sweat in the night and a discharge from the nostrils[710].

This epidemic hardly affected the London bills of mortality, according to the following figures:

The rise in the last four weeks was due to summer diarrhoea, or choleraic diarrhoea, which was unusually common in 1831. This slight influenza was also reported from Plymouth by a surgeon who had seen the disease, and suffered from it, at Manilla in September, 1830[711], and by a Plymouth practitioner, who wrote, on 14 July, that it had been extensively prevalent there and in the neighbouring towns and villages[712]. It is recorded also from the Isle of Man, Glasgow[713], and Ayr[714], and it is supposed to have been in Aberdeen[715]. But, while there are many accounts of this epidemic in Germany in May and June, and undoubted evidence of it in France and Italy, as well as in Sweden, and in Poland and Russia earlier in the year, the accounts of it in Britain are so meagre and casual as to make one doubt whether it really was an influenza worth reckoning.

The Influenza of 1833.

The next year, 1832, which was the first great season of Asiatic cholera in Britain, is absolutely free from records of influenza in all Europe. It was in the spring of the year following, 1833, that the really serious influenza came. The continental literature of the epidemic of 1833 is immense, the English literature of it is all but non-existent: and yet it was a very severe influenza with us, just as with other European peoples. There was no collective inquiry in Britain on this occasion, such as had been made first by Fothergill in 1775, by the College of Physicians and another Society in 1782, by Simmons in 1788, and by Beddoes and the Medical Society of London in 1803, or such as was made in the next influenza, that of 1837, by a committee of the Provincial Medical Association. But enough is known of it to place it among the severer influenzas. In London the bills of mortality, which relate only to a part of London, showed the characteristic sudden rise and fall:

For a whole month the burials in London were nearly doubled, and for the two worst weeks they were nearly quadrupled. This mortality, by all accounts, fell most on the richer classes, to whom it was a much more serious calamity than the Asiatic cholera of the year before. The president of the Medical Society said, on the 22nd April, that he had “heard of nine lords or ladies who had been carried off by it or by its indirect agency, in the course of last week[716].” Its type in the month of May was worse than in April[717]. When it was first seen it was a somewhat short catarrhal attack, ending in a sweat after two, three or four days, with the usual head-pains, soreness of the ribs and limbs, languor and prostration. Later, it became a more “adynamic” illness, beginning indeed with slight catarrhal symptoms, but soon passing into subacute nervous fever which might last for three weeks, involving much risk to life[718]. Hence arose the warnings, just as in 1890-92, that the influenza was a much more serious thing than it had been thought when the epidemic began, and hence the delay, as it were, in the bills of mortality to show the effects of the epidemic until it had been two or three weeks prevalent. It is to the month of April, before the highest death-rate was reached in London, that the following, in the Gentleman’s Magazine, applies[719]: