At length, on the 7th of December, 1831, the Asiatic cholera was declared to be in the town. The earliest cases of it were found in low-lying poor houses along the river[1492]. Gateshead, on the south bank of the Tyne, had only two cases until a day or two before Christmas; at length, on Christmas-day, there was a sudden explosion of the infection simultaneously at many points.

Greenhow’s summary of this remarkable explosion on the afternoon and night of Christmas-day is that “at nearly fifty different points cases occurred almost at the same instant.” The attack at Gateshead was short and severe; at Newcastle it was less concentrated and of longer duration, affecting the population in the low and dissolute localities along the river, such as Sandgate and the Close, while there were two or three fatalities about the 6th January among the wealthier residents. The hospital cases in Newcastle and Gateshead to the 9th of February were:

As at Sunderland, the bulk of the cases were treated at their homes—1330 cases, with 437 deaths, to the 9th of February. As the whole number of deaths at Newcastle and Gateshead, while the cholera of 1832 lasted, was 801 in the returns to the Board of Health, it would appear that the epidemic had dragged on through the spring and perhaps the summer, which were its seasons elsewhere.

The colliers’ villages on both sides of the Tyne for two or three miles above and below Newcastle and Gateshead were sharply visited at the same time. Below Newcastle, on the north bank, it invaded Dent’s Hole, a dirty narrow lane along the margin of the river, overhung by its banks, filled with mud and filth rising in heaps above the thresholds of the houses; also on the same side, Walker, Howden-Pans, and so on to North Shields; on the south side below Gateshead it visited Felling and other villages. South Shields and Westoe escaped for several weeks, but at length about the 20th of February the epidemic began there and caused 147 deaths before it ceased.

Some of the worst village outbreaks occurred above Newcastle on both sides of the river. Swalwel, a low dirty village of iron-workers, near the confluence of the Derwent with the Tyne had a very virulent attack. Dunston, another low-lying village on the south bank, two miles above Gateshead, subject to inundation from the small tributary stream running through it, had twenty-three deaths among the 400 inhabitants in about a fortnight, most of the victims being old, dissipated and debilitated. On the other hand, Whickam Fell, standing on the hill between Dunston and Swalwel, escaped with only one case, while Bensham, another elevated village between Gateshead and Dunston, escaped altogether; just as Byker, a high-lying village on the north bank, only half a mile from Dent’s Hole, had but a single mild case.

On the north bank above Newcastle the disease was most severe in the villages of Bell’s Close, Lemington and Newburn. The epidemic in the last of these was indeed unparalleled. As in all the other villages attacked, the epidemic was soon over, but not before two-thirds of the inhabitants had suffered either from choleraic diarrhoea or cholera proper. Newburn was a village of some 131 houses, built in the face of the high north bank of the river five miles above Newcastle, its population being 550. The houses stood in two rows, one above the other, the church and churchyard standing in open ground midway between the lower and upper streets of the village; a small stream ran through it to the Tyne. The inhabitants were mostly wherrymen, coal labourers, or glassworkers; they were a healthy community, above indigence, housed in clean, neat, comfortably furnished clay-floored cottages. The first case of cholera, in a man who lived close to the brook, proved fatal on the 4th of January, 1832. There was no new case until the 10th, after which there were several deaths every day. From the night of the 15th until noon of the 16th fifty were attacked, twelve or thirteen of them with the worst kind of spasmodic cholera, the rest with diarrhoea. By the 2nd of February the epidemic was over. Three hundred and twenty had either cholera or cholerine, of whom fifty-seven died (the Board of Health return gives 274 cases and 65 deaths to 25 January), the daily deaths having been as follows[1494]:

Cholera in Newburn, near Newcastle, 1832.

The other chief centres of cholera in the northern coal district, besides those mentioned, were Houghton-le-Spring and Hetton (which had together 311 cases and 66 deaths to the 28 of January), the colliery village of Earsden, and the port of Tynemouth.

The Cholera of 1832 in Scotland.

It was not until April that the infection began to show itself on the same scale in other parts of England. The next parts of the kingdom to be invaded after the Wear and the Tyne were the coal and iron districts of East Lothian and Lanarkshire, the cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow becoming infected soon after. A fatal case, in a destitute tramping sailor occurred at Doncaster, in the beginning of January, but led to no outbreak; two fatal cases occurred at Morpeth about the same time, the second of the two in a bagman who had just spent three days making his rounds in Newcastle and the infected villages near it. It was on the high road to Edinburgh, at Haddington, Tranent and Musselburgh, that the next focus of cholera was established. Previous to the 14th of January there had been 47 cases, with 18 deaths, in and near Haddington, among the miners and others of the labouring class. At Tranent, seven miles nearer Edinburgh on the main road, with a population of 1700 miners and labourers, a boy died of cholera on the 18th January, the infection spreading so rapidly that before the 25th there had been 61 attacks with 26 deaths, which rose to 205 attacks and 60 deaths by the 8th of February. A few cases occurred also at North Berwick and a good many at Preston Pans; while Musselburgh became the scene of one of the most deadly outbreaks in the whole history.

Musselburgh, with Fisherrow, was not then the place of villas which it afterwards became, but was occupied by a working class, who combined the three industries of coal-mining, weaving or other factory work, and fishing. To add to the ordinary insanitary risks of such a combination, some fifteen hundred hands had been out of work for two months, and were in “a state of great misery.” The first case of cholera appeared there on Wednesday, the 18th January, three days after the first death at Tranent. The virulence and certainty of the infection will appear from the following by D. M. Moir, the distinguished author of Mansie Waugh and other writings in prose or verse, who practised his profession at Musselburgh:

In three weeks there were more deaths from cholera than from all causes in the whole of an ordinary year. To the 22nd of February, just over a month from its outbreak, the disease had attacked 435, of whom 193 died. The medical profession (the senior of whom was a man of original talent, Thomas Brown, author of an essay on smallpox, in 1808, and one on the Indian cholera in 1824), were greatly taxed by the numerous calls upon them: Moir met one night a young colleague who complained of feeling ill, and was advised by the former to go home at once; he continued his rounds for an hour longer, and died of cholera next morning. Edinburgh, only five miles distant, was in constant communication with Musselburgh; and at length three or four cases appeared in the city in persons who had been at the infected place. The Edinburgh cases, however, did not multiply rapidly; to the 8th of February, there had been 8 cases with four deaths; to the 28th of February, 35 cases, with 18 deaths; to the 20th of March, 39 cases, with 20 deaths. On the other hand, the suburb of Water of Leith, had 48 cases, with 23 deaths at the same date. On the 6th April, 1832, the figures for Edinburgh and certain of its suburbs respectively were:

Of the border towns, Hawick was infected on the 14th January, probably from Morpeth, and had a not very extensive epidemic, of somewhat mild type[1495]. Coldstream, on the Tweed, a few miles above Berwick, had 109 cases and 37 deaths to the 20th of March.

Meanwhile the infection had sought out the weak spots in the west of Scotland—the mining and weaving villages in Lanarkshire, the city of Glasgow and the manufacturing town of Paisley. On Sunday, the 22nd January, a boy was taken ill in church at Kirkintilloch (a village on the Forth and Clyde canal, seven miles north-east of Glasgow), and died next morning: that was the first case in the west of Scotland. Cases multiplied in Kirkintilloch, so that by the 6th of March there had been thirty-two deaths, but no more for the rest of the season. A few days after the boy was seized in church there, a first case occurred in the mining village of Coatbridge, six or seven miles to the south-east, in an old man living in a “back land” in very poor circumstances, who had not been in Kirkintilloch nor had communication with such as had been there; other cases followed slowly, and at length there was a more severe outbreak.

Glasgow at once took precautions. A Board of Health had been formed there early in the summer of 1831. In February, it had command of £8000 raised by voluntary subscriptions, and it made provision of 236 cholera beds in five hospitals. The theatres were closed, and “evening sermons” discouraged; while all the passenger boats (for a time also the goods barges) on the Forth and Clyde canal, and on the Monkland canal (near to which was Coatbridge) were stopped. District committees were formed in all parts of the city.

No better instance could be given of the inscrutable ways in which the infection of cholera found out the weak places and the likely subjects than the explosion in the Glasgow Town’s Hospital or pauper infirmary on the 22nd of February, some twelve days after the first cases in various parts of the city and suburbs.

Until July the infection had been limited in Glasgow to certain of the lowest localities, and even in these it had declined almost to extinction in the last week of May. As the summer advanced it increased somewhat again, and in the first days of August it took a sudden start, reaching a maximum of 181 attacks in one day, and 817 in a week. It was no longer confined to the poorest districts, but became diffused all over Glasgow, so that “there was scarcely a street where one or more cases did not occur.” From this enormous prevalence in August, it declined again in September, but once more took a start in the last few days of that month and in the first week or two of October. The last outburst was ascribed to the effects of the Glasgow public holiday on 28 September, to celebrate the passing of the Reform Bill for Scotland, but the course of the epidemic clearly followed the season, being precisely parallel in Edinburgh, in Dumfries and in the coast towns of Fife. From the middle of October, the disease declined rapidly and was extinct before the middle of November. The following table shows week by week the number of new cases reported daily to the Board of Health, and the deaths in each week[1498].

Cholera in Glasgow, 1832 (population 202,426).

The effect of the epidemic upon the general mortality of Glasgow is shown in the table of deaths from all causes and from cholera month by month, compiled from the burial registers, which make the cholera deaths 161 more than the returns to the Board of Health.

Glasgow Mortality in 1832.

While the cholera lasted (12 Feb.-11 Nov.) the burials from all other or ordinary causes were 4958; in the corresponding nine months of 1831 they were 4862, having been excessive in that year owing to fever. The baptisms from 15 December, 1831, to 14 December, 1832, were 3388; so that the cholera alone destroyed nearly as many lives, chiefly adult, as there were children born in the year.

Upwards of a thousand of the cases were treated at the Albion Street Hospital, under the direction of Dr Lawrie, who had had a large experience of cholera in India. His statistics are as follows[1499]:

Albion Street Cholera Hospital, Glasgow, Feb.-Sept. 1832.

Monthly Cases and Deaths.

The noteworthy points are: first, the great excess of women admitted, which was observed also at Edinburgh; secondly, the higher rate of fatality at the two extremes of life, which is the rule in some other infections; and thirdly, the lower ratio of deaths to cases during the height of the epidemic in the end of summer, which is explained, as Craigie remarked for Edinburgh, simply by the fact that the infection was no longer in the worst localities, but was attacking “a greater number of persons, and consequently much better constitutions.”

The Glasgow cholera of 1832 was far more destructive than that of Edinburgh per head of the population, according to the following:

The fluctuations of the epidemic in the two cities were closely parallel. In Edinburgh from the middle of February to the middle of June the new cases usually ranged from five to ten or fifteen a day, with an occasional excess, as on the 29th of April when there were twenty-six persons seized. As in Glasgow, there was a marked lull in the end of May and beginning of June, after which the seizures became more common and remained somewhat steady to the end of July, some days having as many as twenty attacks. The largest number in one day in August was nineteen, the September maximum sixteen (on the 28th). Edinburgh thus missed the enormous outburst that Glasgow had in August, while the September experiences were much the same in the two cities. The first week of October, which was the time of a second maximum in Glasgow (far below that of August), was the worst time of the whole epidemic in Edinburgh, the cases coming from all parts of the city, as in Glasgow they had done in August.

Successive days of most extensive Cholera in Edinburgh, 1832.

This gives 214 cases in the week ending 7th October, as compared with Glasgow’s 310 in the same week.

At the Castle Hill Cholera Hospital, 318 were admitted and 187 died. The ages, with the rates of fatality at each age-period, agree closely with those already given for the chief hospital in Glasgow. The smaller ratio of hospital fatality in the second half of the epidemic was perhaps more marked in Edinburgh: 119 cases, with 85 deaths, from the opening of the hospital to 5 July; 199 cases, with 97 deaths, from 5 July to the closing of the hospital. That larger proportion of recoveries may have been due in part, Craigie thinks, to better methods of treatment; but, in his opinion, it was mainly owing to the greater number of strong constitutions among those attacked over a wider area of the city.

Beyond the statistics and other particulars for Glasgow and Edinburgh, and the minute accounts of the first outbreaks in the beginning of the year, there is little exactly recorded of the cholera of 1832 in the rest of Scotland; but the following table, compiled according to counties from the alphabetical list of the London Board of Health, will serve to show the epidemic in outline.

Deaths by Asiatic Cholera in Scotland, 1832.

Near Glasgow numerous centres of cholera were established, among which Paisley, Greenock and Dumbarton suffered heavily during the same space as Glasgow, from February to November. Rothesay, Campbelltown and Inverary had epidemics in spring or early summer. In June and July the infection was carried effectually into Ayrshire (an earlier importation to Doura, near Kilwinning, in March, having proved abortive) and caused great mortalities at Kilmarnock[1500] and Ayr[1501], as well as much alarm and a good many deaths at Dalry, Irvine and Loudoun. In the latter half of September a most disastrous outbreak began in Dumfries and in the neighbouring Maxwelltown[1502].

The epidemic in Leith and Newhaven proceeded at the same time as in Edinburgh. Another important centre was the midland coal-field of Stirlingshire and Lanarkshire, where the mortality was mostly autumnal. Perth had been reached early in March, Dundee at the end of April, the latter having a visitation on the same scale as Glasgow, Edinburgh, Paisley and Greenock. From Dundee, Cupar Fife was infected about the middle of August, and had a severe epidemic almost confined to paupers[1503]. In the autumn there was much cholera among the fishing population from Thurso to Dunbar and Berwick. Inverness had been infected early in May, and was probably the centre from which the disease spread in the end of summer, during the herring fishery, to the coast towns and fishing villages, as well as to Tain and Dingwall. Only a few of these places made returns to the Board of Health; but it is probable from what Hugh Miller relates of the villages near Cromarty that the disease had been more widely spread. That author has described the condition of things in his native town. Its landlocked bay had been made a quarantine station, and was full of shipping flying the yellow flag. Cholera had “more than decimated” the villages of Portmahomak and Inver, and was prevalent in the parishes of Nigg and Urquhart, with the towns of Inverness, Nairn, Avoch, Dingwall and Rosemarkie. The numerous dead at Inver were buried in the sand, infected cottages had been burned down, the infected hamlets of Hilton and Balintore had been shut off from the neighbouring country by a cordon[1504]. The citizens of Cromarty, hitherto untouched, followed the advice of Miller at a public meeting and took the law into their own hands, guarding all the approaches to their peninsula and subjecting all arrivals to fumigation with sulphur and to some undescribed application of chloride of lime. The infection, however, got in by an unguarded channel. A Cromarty fisherman had died of cholera at Wick; his clothes had been ordered to be burned, but a brother of the dead man, who was in Wick at the time, secured some of them and brought them home. He kept them in his chest for a month before he ventured to open it. Next day he was seized with cholera and died in two days. Thereafter the disease crept about the streets and lanes for weeks, striking down both the hale and the worn-out. Pitch and tar were kept burning during the night at the openings of the infected lanes; the clothes of the dead were burned; many of the fishers left their cottages and lived in the caves on the hill until the danger was past[1505].

Among the numerous fishing villages of the Moray Firth, Buckie is the only one given as severely touched by the infection (fifteen deaths). Only one small village of the Aberdeenshire coast, Collieston, is known to have had cholera (nine deaths)[1506]. The Aberdeen epidemic was not severe, and appears to have been mostly in the fishers’ quarter. The Montrose district escaped altogether in 1832; but in June, 1833, the true Asiatic cholera broke out in the fishing villages of Ferryden and Boddin, on the opposite shore of the South Esk from Montrose. Arbroath had a few deaths in August, 1832, while several of the small towns on the coast of Fife had from that time to the end of the year visitations which were only less alarming than those on the south side of the Firth of Forth at the beginning of the year. To sum up the epidemic in Scotland, it caused nearly ten thousand deaths, of which Glasgow and its suburbs had about one-third, Edinburgh, Leith, Dundee, Greenock, Paisley and Dumfries, another third, while a large part of the remainder occurred among the mining and fishing populations[1507].

The Cholera of 1832 in Ireland.

The forecast of Orton in the summer of 1831, that Ireland would be the chosen soil of the Asiatic pestilence owing to the state of misery, at that time, of the mass of its people, was realized in a measure. But the cholera in Ireland, as elsewhere in Europe, showed itself chiefly as an urban disease, falling disastrously upon the poorest quarters of Dublin, Limerick, Cork, Galway, Sligo, Drogheda and other towns, but by no means seriously upon the immense population who occupied the country cabins. Scotland, indeed, had a higher ratio of cholera deaths than Ireland per head of the population; whereas Dublin had nearly twice as many deaths as Glasgow, their populations being almost exactly equal (about 200,000), and Cork had nearly the same number as Liverpool. The following table gives the comparison of the three divisions of the United Kingdom, including the cholera deaths of 1831 in England, but not those of 1833, which were more numerous in Ireland than elsewhere.

The first undoubted case of Asiatic cholera was found in Dublin on 22 March, 1832. On the 25th of that month, Harty, who was physician to all the Dublin prisons, notified to the Board of Health cases in the Richmond Bridewell which he believed to be true spasmodic or malignant cholera[1508]. It was reported from Cork on the 12th of April, from Belfast on the 14th, Tralee on the 28th, Galway on the 12th of May, Limerick on the 14th, Tuam the 4th of June, Waterford the 1st of July, but not until 21 August from Wexford and about the same time from Londonderry. Doubtless remoteness from the ordinary routes of vagrants was the reason why the infection was later in some places, such as Wexford. The old Liberties of Dublin, which harboured crowds of beggars in dilapidated tenement-houses, became a focus of virulent infection. As the summer advanced whole families in some of the most wretched lanes were cut off; news from Dublin on 29 June says that the pestilence was worst in Sycamore Alley, in a single house of which twenty persons had died in the course of four or five days[1509]. Certain streets sent fifty patients to the Cholera Hospital for one sent by other streets that were seemingly no better off[1510]. The great hospital in Grange Gorman Lane, capable of holding 700 and sometimes occupied by 500, would on some nights or early mornings (from midnight to 7 a.m.) receive forty or fifty new cases, and within a week would be having at the same hours only two applications. During four successive days it admitted a total of 285 cases, during the next four days 497 cases, and during four days a fortnight later only 134 cases. The worst time was from the 10th to the 14th of July, when 615 were admitted. A day or two of rain seemed always to send up the number of cases carried to the hospital[1511]. Until the beginning of June hardly anyone under fifteen was attacked; but in July the attacks of children were about one in thirteen or fourteen of adults, a case of pure cholera having been observed in an infant three weeks old. As at Glasgow and Edinburgh, more women than men were taken to the hospital (138·17 females to 100 males)[1512].

As the infection spread in Dublin during the early summer a panic arose in the city, and alarm over the whole province of Leinster. Runners, as in the old times of the torch of war, were to be seen hurrying everywhere through the neighbouring counties carrying a smouldering peat, of which they left a small portion at every cabin in their direct line, with a sacred obligation upon the inmates to carry the charm to seven other houses, and the following exhortation: “The plague has broken out; take this, and while it burns offer up seven paters, three aves, and a credo in the name of God and the holy St John that the plague may be stopped”! Men, women and children scoured the country with the charmed turf in every direction, “each endeavouring to be foremost in finding unserved houses.” One man in the Bog of Allen had to run thirty miles before he had discharged the obligation laid upon him[1513]. It does not appear, however, that the infection was at all general among the scattered cabins, hamlets or even considerable villages. In the rural parts of Wicklow there were only eight deaths from it, in Fermanagh four, in county Derry three, in Armagh thirteen, in Carlow none until the next year. In Clare the deaths in country districts were more than twice as many as in Ennis and other towns of the county. In Sligo county, again, there were only 62 deaths among the peasantry to 698 in the towns, nearly the whole of the latter total belonging to the county town and seaport. The epidemic in Sligo town was one of the worst in Ireland. It was reported that forty or fifty were buried in one day in a trench, one-half of them without coffins but wrapped in tarred sailcloth. It is said, also, that seven of the medical men died of cholera in the course of three months[1514]. Thousands of the population, which numbered about 14,000, fled from the town, the wealthier paying large sums for a room or two in a country cottage, the poorer living in tents or sleeping under the hedges. In August the guard of the mail coach which ran from Sligo by way of Strabane to Londonderry was taken with cholera on the road and died at the latter town, no case having occurred in Londonderry up to that time[1515].

The outbreak at Drogheda was as sudden and disastrous as at Sligo. At Belfast also the disease began with enormous fatality, but, according to the table, the deaths eventually were few in proportion to the attacks. The other towns which had highest mortalities were Cork, Limerick, Galway and Kilkenny—all seaports except the last. In Waterford the great outbreak was delayed until 1833.

Many of the counties had more deaths among the peasantry in 1833 than in 1832, Limerick county in particular. The following instance is related of a small hamlet about a mile to the south-east of Armagh: