The reader has now the substance of Whitefield's own account of his first tour in Scotland. Many anecdotes in relation to it still exist, and the following may be taken as specimens.
When preaching at Dunfermline, it was known that Whitefield would make a collection for his Orphan House in Georgia. A gentleman, of some importance in the town, determined he would not be persuaded by the great orator to be a contributor, and, before leaving home, emptied his pockets of all his money. Whitefield, in the course of his sermon, mentioned the excuses often made for not practising beneficence, and, among others, dwelt upon the case of those who designedly came to religious services without their cash. The prudent gentleman at once borrowed of a friend half a guinea for the collector.[477]
Whitefield's power of riveting the attention of his auditors was marvellous. It is related, by one of his biographers, that a gentleman, who had been to hear him in the Orphan House Park, Edinburgh, was met, on his way home, by an eminent minister, under whom he usually sat. The minister, indignant at the aberration of this distinguished member of his flock, expressed his surprise that he should have gone to hear such a rambling preacher as Whitefield was. "Sir," replied the admonished gentleman, "when I hear you, I am planting trees all the time; but during the whole of Mr. Whitefield's sermon, I had no time for planting even one."[478]
In one of his journeys, Whitefield was told of a widow with a large family, whose landlord had distrained her furniture, and was about to sell it, unless her rent was paid. Whitefield's purse was never large, but his sympathy was great, and he, immediately, gave the five guineas which the helpless woman needed. The friend, who was travelling with him hinted, that the sum was more than he could reasonably afford; to which the gushing, if not perfectly accurate, reply was, "When God brings a case of distress before us, it is that we may relieve it." The two travellers proceeded on their journey, and, before long, encountered a highwayman, who demanded their money, which they gave. Whitefield now turned the tables on his friend, and reminded him how much better it was for the poor widow to have the five guineas than the thief, who had just robbed them. They had not long resumed their travel, before the man returned, and demanded Whitefield's coat, which was much more respectable than his own. This request was also granted, Whitefield accepting the robber's ragged habiliment till he could procure a better. Presently, they perceived the marauder again galloping towards them most furiously; and now, fearing that their lives were threatened, they also spurred their horses, and, fortunately, arrived at some cottages, before the highwayman could stop them. The thief was baulked, and, no doubt, was immensely mortified; for, when Whitefield took off the man's tattered coat, he found, in one of its pockets, a carefully wrapped parcel containing one hundred guineas.[479]
But enough of floating anecdotes, which may, or may not be true.
It must be owned that Whitefield rendered but little service to "The Associate Presbytery," at whose invitation he went to Scotland; but that was the fault, not of Whitefield, but, of the members of the Presbytery themselves. His labours were almost entirely those of an evangelist preaching in the fields, or of a brother minister, belonging to another church, courteously admitted to the pulpits of the established Kirk of Scotland. His services, however, were none the less successful because not confined to the Seceders. There cannot be a doubt, that, as the labours of the Wesleys and of Whitefield were the means of quickening the religious life of the Church of England, so the labours of Whitefield were, to a great extent, the means of arousing the dormant energies of the sister Church of Scotland. Whitefield, as well as Knox, deserves a monument on the Calton Hill. Some evidence of this has been already furnished, and much more will be found in succeeding pages. Whitefield's own account of his first visit to Scotland may seem extravagant, and scarcely deserving of implicit credence. To silence such suspicion, the following extracts from letters written at the time, will be as useful as they are welcome.
A week after Whitefield's departure, a friend wrote to him as follows:—
"Edinburgh, November 5, 1741.
"In the Tolbooth Church," (where the Rev. Alexander Webster was minister,) "there has been at sacrament a hundred more than usual, whereof about thirty young ones had never been admitted before, and of these, eighteen were converted by your ministry."[480]
A fortnight later, another friend in Edinburgh said:—
"The seed sown by your ministry daily appears, and in new instances. I am told the first night a play was acted here this season there were but about six ladies at it; the second, two; and the third and last, none at all. The little children of this city cannot forget you. Their very hearts leap within them upon hearing your name."[481]
In another letter, from a friend in Scotland, dated, "December 12, 1741," it is stated, that, Whitefield spent five days in Glasgow, and preached ten times in the High Church yard, to vast multitudes reckoned at from ten to fifteen thousand. Above sixty persons were converted by his preaching.[482]
Six months after Whitefield's departure, a minister in Edinburgh wrote:—
"Since you left Scotland, numbers, in different places, have been awakened. Religion, in this sinful city, revives and flourishes. Ordinances are more punctually attended. People hear the word with gladness, and receive it in faith and love. New meetings, for prayer and spiritual conference, are being begun everywhere. Religious conversation has banished slander and calumny from several tea-tables. Praise is perfected out of the mouths of babes and sucklings. Some stout-hearted sinners are captivated to the obedience of Christ."[483]
In reference to the same city, Edinburgh, the Rev. Dr. Muir wrote:—
"More than twenty praying societies have been established in this place. Amongst them are several meetings of boys and girls. There are also several meetings of young women. There are numbers of young men, who meet for the purpose of glorifying God, and promoting Christian knowledge. A good number of old men, substantial, standing Christians, meet for edification and instruction, and are thereby often revived and very much refreshed. Upon the whole, we hope, there is such a flame kindled as shall never be extinguished. This is not all: for several country people are beginning to assemble together in little meetings, to worship God; particularly about two miles from this place, where several ploughmen and other illiterate persons meet for the most noble purposes, and greatly increase in numbers, grace, and knowledge. About Old Cambus, six miles from Dunbar, many are meeting together for social prayer and mutual conversation respecting matters of religion. There are several other societies for prayer prospering very well."[484]
Another minister, the Rev. Mr. McCulloch, informed Whitefield, that fifty persons had been converted by his ten sermons in Glasgow; and that many others had been convinced of sin, and were seeking salvation.[485] The Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, at Aberdeen, stated, that Whitefield had been the means of reviving, in that city, "a just sense and concern for the great things of religion. I often think," says the writer, "that the Lord sent him here, to teach me how to preach, and especially how to suffer. His attachment to no party, but to Christ, appears to me a peculiar excellency in him. While he stayed among us, he answered our expectations so much, that he has scarce more friends anywhere than here, where, at first, almost all were against him. The word came with so much power, that, I hope, several of different denominations will bless the Lord for ever, that they ever heard him."[486]
The Rev. Mr. Willison, of Dundee, wrote:—
"Mr. Whitefield is hated, and spoken against by all the episcopal party and even the most of our clergy labour to diminish and expose him. But I look upon this youth, as raised up by God for special service, for promoting true Christianity in the world, and for reviving it where it is decayed. I see the man to be all of a piece; his life and conversation to be a transcript of his sermons. He is singularly fitted to do the work of an evangelist; and I have been long of opinion, that, it would be for the advantage of the world, were this still to be a standing office in the Church. I have myself been witness to the Holy Ghost falling upon him and his hearers oftener than once; not in a miraculous, though in an observable manner. Many here are blessing God, for sending him to this country, though Satan has raged so much against it. Though he is ordained a minister of the Church of England, he has always conformed to us, both in doctrine and worship, and lies open to conform to us in other points. God, by owning him so wonderfully, is pleased to give a rebuke to our intemperate bigotry and party zeal, and to tell us, that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth anything, but the new creature."[487]
One more contemporaneous testimony must suffice. A gentleman, "eminent for learning and knowledge of the world," remarked:—
"Mr. Whitefield's soundness in the faith, his fervent zeal, and unwearied diligence in promoting the cause of Christ; the plainness and simplicity, the affection and warmth of his sermons, and the amazing power that accompanied them; together with his meekness, humility, and candid and catholic spirit, convinced the people that there was reason to think well of him. Conversions were become rare in Scotland; little liveliness was to be found even in real Christians; and bigotry and blind zeal were producing animosities and divisions, and turning away the attention of good men from matters of infinitely greater importance. The episcopal clergy gave him no countenance, though a few of their people did. In the Established Church of Scotland, some of the more rigid Presbyterians would not hold communion with him, on account of his connection with the Church of England, and because he assumed the office of an evangelist, peculiar, in their apprehension, to the first ages of the Church. Some were mightily dissatisfied with him for preaching the Calvinistic doctrines of election, original sin, efficacious grace, justification through faith, and the perseverance of the saints; and others, because he inveighed against the playhouse, dancing assemblies, games of chance, haunting taverns, vanity and extravagance in dress, and levity in behaviour and conversation. But, upon many in Edinburgh, of all ranks and ages, especially young people, deep impressions were made; and many of them waited on him privately, lamenting their former immoral lives, or stupid thoughtlessness about religion, and expressing their anxious concern about obtaining an interest in Christ, and the sanctifying influences of the Spirit."[488]
Whitefield left Edinburgh on October 29, 1741, and rode on Earl Leven's horse, three hundred miles, to Abergavenny in Wales, for the purpose of marrying Mrs. James, a widow lady, who, up to this period of his history, is never even mentioned in any of Whitefield's letters. The marriage ceremony was performed at St. Martin's Chapel, near Caerphilly, in the parish of Eglws Ilan. The following is a copy of the register, in the handwriting of the Rev. John Smith, the then vicar of Eglws Ilan:—
GEORGE WHITEFIELD
AND
ELIZABETH JAMES,
Married, November 14, 1741.[489]
Of Mrs. James's previous history, nothing has been published.[490] She was a friend of the Methodists, and of Wesley, as well as of Whitefield. Only six weeks before her marriage, Wesley was her guest, at Abergavenny, and writes, "She received us gladly, as she had done aforetime."[491] Exactly a month before she became Mrs. Whitefield, Wesley was again in the same neighbourhood, and was warmly attacked by his quondam friends, but now his Calvinistic foes, Thomas Bissicks and Joseph Humphreys. Mrs. James kindly interfered, and Wesley, not without reason, calls her "a woman of candour and humanity."[492]
Whitefield did everything religiously. On the day before his marriage, writing to Earl Leven, he remarks:—
"I find a restraint upon me now, so that I cannot write. God calls me to retirement, being to enter the marriage state to-morrow. I am persuaded your lordship will not fail to pray, that we may, like Zacharias and Elisabeth, walk in all the ordinances and commandments of the Lord blameless."
Five days subsequent to his marriage, he says, to a friend at Edinburgh, "On Saturday, I was married, in the fear of God, to one who, I hope, will be a helpmeet to me. I expect to be in London in about three weeks. My wife I shall leave in the country for some time."
To another friend in Edinburgh he writes: "Jesus was called to, Jesus was present at, the marriage." In a letter to James Habersham, he says: "The Lord has given me a wife. Her name was James, a widow, between thirty and forty years of age. She has been a housekeeper many years. Once gay; but, for three years last past, a despised follower of the Lamb of God. I left her about three weeks ago, and am going to settle affairs, and bring her up to London." Shortly after, writing to his friend Gilbert Tennent, he remarked: "About eleven weeks ago, I married, in the fear of God, one who was a widow, of about thirty-six years of age, and who has been a housekeeper for many years; neither rich in fortune,[493] nor beautiful as to her person, but, I believe, a true child of God, and one who would not, I think, attempt to hinder me in His work for the world. In that respect, I am just the same as before marriage. I hope God will never suffer me to say, 'I have married a wife, and therefore I cannot come.'"
These are all the references which Whitefield makes to the new relationship into which he had so recently entered. Why did he marry? That is a question which cannot easily be answered, unless it be supposed that he wanted a matron for his Orphan House, in Georgia. Men like Whitefield and Wesley, almost always from home, ought to remain unmarried. Their wives, naturally enough, very often become Xantippes.
The Gentleman's Magazine, when it announced Whitefield's marriage, referred its readers to a prayer, in his last Journal, which was as follows:—
"Northampton, October 19, 1740. Mrs. Edwards" (wife of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards) "is a woman adorned with a meek and quiet spirit. She talked feelingly and solidly of the things of God, and seemed to be such a helpmeet for her husband, that she caused me to renew those prayers, which, for some months, I have put up to God, that He would send me a daughter of Abraham to be my wife. I find, upon many accounts, it is my duty to marry. Lord, I desire to have no choice of my own. Thou knowest my circumstances. Thou knowest I only desire to marry in and for Thee. Thou didst choose a Rebecca for Isaac; choose one for me, to be a helpmeet for me, in carrying on that great work committed to my charge! Lord, hear me! Let my cry come unto Thee!"
Southey flatly asserts that Whitefield's "marriage was not a happy one,"[494] but adduces no evidence in proof of this. Cornelius Winter also says: "Mr. Whitefield was not happy in his wife, but I fear some, who had not all the religion they professed, contributed to his infelicity. He did not intentionally make his wife unhappy. He always preserved great decency and decorum in his conduct towards her. Her death set his mind much at liberty. She certainly did not behave in all respects as she ought. She could be under no temptation from his conduct towards the sex, for he was a very pure man, a strict example of the chastity he inculcated upon others."[495] Great importance has been attached to this account, because Cornelius Winter was an inmate of Whitefield's house; but it is only fair to add, that Winter was not born until a year after Whitefield's marriage, and that his introduction to Whitefield's house was within a year and a half of Mrs. Whitefield's death. On the other hand, as the reader will hereafter find, Whitefield not unfrequently speaks of his wife in endearing terms; and, in 1768, he preached her funeral sermon, and praised her many virtues. She also, on more than one occasion, evinced qualities of mind deserving more than ordinary commendation. Three years after her marriage, whilst she and Whitefield were on their way to Georgia, the ship in which they sailed was threatened by an enemy. Guns were mounted, and chains put about the masts. The wildest confusion reigned, and Whitefield confessed that he was "naturally a coward;" but his wife "set about making cartridges," and did her utmost in having all things ready for the "fire and smoke."[496] At another time, when a mob gathered round her husband, and stones flew in all directions, and the great preacher began to fear, she, who was standing by his side, pulled his gown, and cried, with genuine heroism, "Now, George, play the man for God." Such a woman would almost seem to have deserved more attention than it was possible for her husband to pay her.
Be that as it may, it is a fact, that, within a week after his marriage, Whitefield again started out on his evangelistic ramblings, leaving his newly wedded wife behind him in Wales.[497] A few extracts from his letters, written at this period, will illustrate the principles and actions of the man.
Lady Dirleton was one of the "honourable women" with whom Whitefield became acquainted in Scotland; and to her he addressed the following:—
"Bristol, November 22, 1741.
"Honoured Madam,—Your ladyship enjoys great advantages, and glorious means of making progress in spiritual things. You are rich in this world's goods: may God make you rich in faith and good works! It gives me comfort to think, what sweet freedom I have enjoyed, when opening the Scriptures in your ladyship's house. Surely, God was with us of a truth. In Wales, we had much of the Divine presence. The people there are so hungry after the word, that they are resolved not to leave wrestling with the Most High, till He shall be pleased to send me thither. I think I can say, that God brings me nearer and nearer to Himself daily; and I will not rest, till I am moulded into the image of my bleeding Lord. I pray God, that your ladyship may be content with no degrees of holiness; but may be daily pressing forward, till you arrive at the mark of the prize of the high calling in Christ Jesus."
To a friend in Edinburgh, he wrote:—
"Bristol, November 27, 1741.
"I am resolved not to rest till everything, contrary to true, catholic, Christian love, be rooted out of my soul. Christ's blood and Spirit are able to do this for me. I only need to pray to God to make me willing to have it done. I believe I shall see greater things than ever. We cannot expect too great things from God."
To a friend in London, he remarked:—
"Bristol, November 30, 1741.
"I rejoice that your soul is thirsting for holiness. God grant it may never cease till you experience the full and glorious liberty of His children! I see plainly how Satan loves to drive to extremes. Since there is no such thing as having the in-being of sin destroyed, he would not have people press after a delivery from the power of it. This also is owing to the corruption of our hearts. The old man doth not love to be crucified and slain; but I hope the language of your heart and mine is this—
'Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control,
That would refuse Thy sway;
Diffuse Thy image through my soul,
And bring the perfect day.
Scatter the last remains of sin,
And seal me Thine abode;
O set me purified within,
A temple meet for God.
My root of holiness Thou art,
For faith hath made Thee mine;
With all Thy fulness, fill my heart,
Till I am wholly Thine.'
"No wonder, when we come to be thus minded, if carnal ministers, and carnal professors of all kinds, cry out against us. Nay, even some who have tasted that the Lord is gracious, having slumbered and slept, and mixed too much with the world, even such frequently fight against their privileges, and rest in an infant state of piety. But, I believe, the Lord will rouse them, and let the world know what the blood of Jesus can and will do. Blessed be His name! we have a growing church at Bristol. Yesterday, and several other times, the Lord has filled many, as with new wine. Sometimes, I scarce have known whether I have been in or out of the body; but, I find, the more I receive of grace, the more I desire to lie as a poor, very poor sinner, at the feet of Christ. Several have just now been with me, who have, this last week, drunk deep of Divine love. They are now full of the comforts of the Holy Ghost. Let us, my dear brother, live a life of great nearness to Jesus; and labour day by day to perfect holiness in the fear of God. There is a glorious rest to be entered into even here. May the Lord make us partakers of it!"
These are notable extracts. Their tone and language are remarkably different from the tone and language of Whitefield's previous correspondence. Strangely enough, though fresh from Calvinistic Scotland, he was evidently veering round to something like Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection. In 1740, the two Wesleys had published a volume of "Hymns and Sacred Poems," with a preface, in which Wesley propounded his views of Christian holiness in language the strongest he ever used. Indeed, in after life, he himself modified several of the expressions in this remarkable preface, and honestly admitted that some of them were far too strong. The hymns, and especially the preface, when first published, greatly disturbed Whitefield's serenity, and, no doubt, partly led to the temporary estrangement between him and Wesley, which had then occurred. But, notwithstanding this, in the foregoing letter, Whitefield breathes out the desires of his soul, in three of the most forcibly worded verses in Wesley's book. It is true, he slightly alters the phraseology, and likewise injures it; but there is no material alteration of sentiment. The verses, as the Wesleys published them, were as follows:—
Such was part of Wesley's hymn on "Christ our Sanctification. Stronger language, on the subject, he never used; and, yet, this was now the language of his friend Whitefield. If the views of the two were not perfectly identical, there certainly was a near approach, on the part of Whitefield, to the doctrine Wesley taught. Why was this? There can be little doubt, that, it was greatly owing to the brotherly influence of Howell Harris. To a large extent, Whitefield had been made the tool of excited partisans, both in London and in Bristol. The men were violently opposed to Wesley, but were too small to even think of conquering him, without Whitefield's aid. Whitefield was naturally unsuspicious, and, he was also fond of being regarded and consulted as a leader. Wesley's opponents knew all this, and used their opportunity for annoying him. Bitter complaints were made to Whitefield, respecting the doctrines that he taught. Whitefield, whose heart was always better than his head, became confused, and he was induced to strongly condemn some of Wesley's doctrines, without really understanding what they were. Estrangement followed; and, for the last six months, the two old friends had been divided. During Whitefield's visit to Scotland, Howell Harris seems to have acted as his curate, in London; where he also had an important interview with the Wesley brothers. Hence the following, addressed to Whitefield:—
"October, 1741.
"Dear Brother Whitefield,—I believe that jealousies will not be entirely eradicated until correspondence with those who indulge a party-spirit, and are not like little children, ceases. I have seen, more than ever, since I came home, what carnal professors are.[498] The Lord has helped me to bear my testimony against sin, and to declare that all those who labour for deliverance from the dominion of sin, self, and unbelief, shall be set free; they shall so behold the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, as to be changed into His image, from glory to glory, as by the Spirit of the Lord (2 Cor. iii. 18; Rom. vi. 14, viii. 2; 2 Peter i. 4; and 2 Cor. v. 15). When I mentioned this liberty from the power of sin, I was abused as one holding sinless perfection; and, I find, they have troubled you with this information. I have always stated, that the body of sin remains in believers, but that the power of it is destroyed. By dwelling on sanctification, we shall find self and carnal reason in arms against us; just the same as the pride of the Pharisees is against us, when we preach justification by faith. These opposers would be glad to influence you. They were in hopes to set brother Cennick and myself by the ears, but the Lord disappointed them.
"Now, as to brother Wesley. The Lord gave me, on a certain day, such earnestness to pray for him, and such faith that he would be led into all truth, that all my prejudices were removed, and I felt I could speak to him in love. Still, I had no thoughts of so doing, until he invited me to visit him. Then I opened my heart to him, and told him how the Lord taught me every truth. He allowed everything, and said, that we, through grace, shall not fall away. I saw room to hope, that the Lord would bring us together in truth.[499] As to free-will, he utterly denied it. He does really mean what he says. He did so openly, in Charles Square. 'God,' said he, 'is willing to save you all, if you will. What I mean by saying if you will, is, not if you have a faint wish to go to heaven, but, if you will submit to Christ, in all His offices, for salvation—if you are willing He should save you from sin, as well as hell; else you cannot be saved.'
"Brother Charles Wesley came to town last Saturday night, and we providentially met. He owned he had no free-will until four years ago; that it was God who chose him first; and not he God: and that he is kept faithful by the faithfulness of God. He spoke tenderly of you, and seemed to be quite loving and teachable."[500]
Harris's letter seems to have touched Whitefield, and to have filled his heart with a gush of warm affection, which found utterance in the following letter, which he, immediately, wrote to Wesley:—
"Aberdeen, October, 1741.
"Reverend and dear Brother,—I have for a long time expected that you would have sent me an answer to my last; but, I suppose, you are afraid to correspond with me, because I revealed your secret about the 'lot.'" (See p. 469.) "Though much may be said for my doing it, yet I am sorry now that any such thing dropped from my pen, and I humbly ask pardon. I find I love you as much as ever; and pray God, if it be His blessed will, that we may be all united together.
"For some days, it has been upon my mind to write to you, and this morning I received a letter from brother Harris, telling me how he had conversed with you and your dear brother. May God remove all obstacles that now prevent our union! Though I hold particular election, yet I offer Jesus freely to every individual soul. You may carry sanctification to what degrees you will, only I cannot agree that the in-being of sin is to be destroyed in this life.
"Oh, my dear brother, the Lord has been much with me in Scotland. I every morning feel fellowship with Christ, and He is pleased to give me peace and joy in believing.
"In about three weeks, I hope to be at Bristol. May all disputings cease, and each of us talk of nothing but Jesus, and Him crucified! This is my resolution. The Lord be with your spirit!
"I am, without dissimulation, ever yours,
"George Whitefield."
When Whitefield arrived in Bristol, Wesley was recovering from a severe and dangerous fever; and, though neither of them mentions the fact, there can be little doubt, that the old friends met, and conversed together, as Whitefield proposed they should. As noticed in foregoing pages, Whitefield, to some extent, misunderstood and mis-stated Wesley's doctrine of Christian holiness; and as it is probable that explanations were given during the interview at Bristol, there is now no difficulty in understanding the alteration of tone and language in Whitefield's letters already quoted. Though in a mystic way still clinging to what he calls the "in-being of sin" in all believers, Whitefield was now, in reality, seeking the sanctification which Wesley taught.
On December 4, Whitefield arrived in London, from which he had been absent the last four months. Three days afterwards, he wrote as follows to James Habersham:—
"London, December 7, 1741.
"My dear Friend and Brother,—I came hither last Friday, and received a packet of letters from Bethesda. When I read brother Grant's account of the circumstances of the family, I remembered what the Lord pressed upon my soul on shipboard: 'The bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast in those days.' However, be not discouraged. Professor Francke's students were once obliged to sell their clothes to buy candles.
"The work of God advances here greatly. We have a large Society, consisting of several hundreds; and a noble place to meet in. I have called it a Tabernacle, because, perhaps, we may be called to move our tents.
"In Wiltshire, and at Kingswood, there are many good souls, and two new houses built. In Wales, the door is opened wider than ever. The work is very extraordinary in Scotland. I hear, daily, accounts of its continuance and increase.
"God is pleased to let me feel more of His power than ever. O that His whole mind were in me! I hunger and thirst after righteousness. Blessed be God! there is a promise that such shall be filled.
"The Lords see through Mr. Garden's enmity, and will have nothing to do with my Appeal; so that a hook is put into the leviathan's jaws.
"Ever, ever yours in Christ,
"George Whitefield."
Such was Whitefield's letter to America. From America, he received one equally inspiriting. The Rev. Thomas Prince wrote to him as follows:—
"Boston, December 6, 1741.
"Reverend and dear Sir,—Since my last, our exalted Saviour has been riding forth in His magnificence and glory, through divers parts of our land, in so triumphant a manner as hath never been seen or heard among us, or among any other people, since the days of the apostles. He is daily making His most resolute opposers to fall down under Him. Almost every week, we hear of new and surprising conquests. Some, who were like incarnate devils, are thrown, at once, into such extreme distress as no pen can possibly describe and, in two or three days, are turned into saints, full of divine adoration, and love, and joy unspeakable, and full of glory. Amazing works of this kind are now going on at Taunton, Middleborough, Bridgewater, Abington, York, Ipswich, Rowley, Cape Anne, Rittery, and Berwick. On a day of fasting and prayer at Portsmouth, the Spirit of God came down, and seized the people by scores and hundreds; and, in three days, there were a thousand in that town in deep distress about their souls."[501]
After spending a few days in London, Whitefield started out to join his newly wedded wife at Abergavenny. On his way, he spent about a week at Gloucester, where he wrote the two following letters, the first to Lord Rae in Scotland, and the second to his lay-curate, John Cennick, in London.
"Gloucester, December 19, 1741.
"My Lord,—In England, as well as in Scotland, the Redeemer is riding on from conquering to conquer. I have lately been at Bristol and London, and have had the pleasure of seeing the Church walk in the comforts of the Holy Ghost. I have preached here twice every day, for some days past. I am athirst for holiness. I see such beauty and transcendent excellencies in Christ, that I long to have His whole mind and image stamped upon my soul. Nothing can satisfy me but the highest degrees of sanctification and inward holiness. Here, I believe, I am laudably ambitious. My Saviour wills my sanctification. My Saviour would have me filled with all the fulness of God."
"Gloucester, December 22, 1741.
"My dear Brother,—Last Thursday evening, the Lord brought me hither. I preached immediately to our friends in a large barn, and had my Master's presence. On Friday and Saturday, I preached again twice. On Sunday, God opened a door for my preaching in St. John's, one of the parish churches. The late incumbent had been my grand opposer. He being dead, and the new minister not having taken possession, the power of the pulpit was in the churchwardens' hands. God inclined them to let me preach there on Sunday morning and yesterday afternoon. On Sunday afternoon, after I had preached twice at Gloucester, I preached at Mr. F——'s, six miles off; and again, at night, at Stroud. The people seem to be more hungry than ever, and the Lord to be more amongst them. Yesterday morning, I preached at Painswick, in the parish church; here in the afternoon; and again, at night, in the barn. God gives me unspeakable comfort, and uninterrupted joy. There seems to be a new awakening, and a revival of the work of God. To-morrow morning, I purpose to set out for Abergavenny."
Thus, after a long interval, was Whitefield allowed to occupy two of the pulpits of the Established Church. In four days, he had been to Abergavenny, and had come back to Bristol; where he wrote the following racy letter to a gentleman in London:—
"Bristol, December 28, 1741.
"Dear Mr. M——, Both my wife and I received your letters. I send this to thank you for them. I came from Abergavenny on Saturday night. My dear wife was pretty well; I expect her here on Friday.
"We shall bring no more goods to London than we shall use; but I know not what to say about coming to your house, for, I am told, you and your wife are dilatory, and that you do not rise sometimes till nine or ten in the morning. This will never do for me; and, I am persuaded, such conduct tends much to the dishonour of God, and to the prejudice of your own precious soul. Sometimes I have looked upon you with grief. You have busied yourself about the outward affairs of religion with respect to others, and, all the while, I fear, neglected the improvement of your own heart. I fear your present business will not answer; and, I am sure, you will have no solid comfort, till you look less abroad and more at home. Somebody said, you were like the Athenians, who desired to hear some new thing. I thought the observation was too just. You are jealous about principles, which is right; but, all the while, your own practice is not sufficiently watched over. I have heard you spend much time in coffee houses, and from your own house. I hope these things are not so. You will not be offended with me for this plain dealing. You know I love you; and, I am sure, this letter proceeds from love. The eyes of the world are now in an especial manner upon you. Labour, therefore, my dear brother, to get an abiding presence of God in your heart. Be willing to be searched. Pray that you may feel the full power of the Redeemer's blood. Be not slothful in business. Go to bed seasonably, and rise early. Redeem your precious time. Pick up all the fragments of it, that not one moment may be lost. Be much in secret prayer. Converse less with man, and more with God. Accept this advice, given in great love."
Another letter, of the same date, must have insertion. It is a striking fact, that, though all of them distinct, there were, at the same time, remarkable religious movements in America, England, Scotland, and Wales. The labours and successes of Howell Harris, in the last-mentioned country, have been already noticed. About half a score clergymen of the Established Church had practically identified themselves with him, and had become itinerant preachers. Among these, were the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, the Rev. William Williams, the Rev. Peter Williams, and the Rev. Howell Davies. A considerable body of lay-preachers, also, had sprung into existence; and the Methodist congregations and Societies of the principality were daily increasing in number and importance.[502] To these Welsh evangelists, in one of their assemblies, Whitefield addressed the following:—
"Bristol, December 28, 1741.
"My dear Brethren in Christ,—Though obliged to be absent in body, I write this to assure you of my being present in spirit. I wish you much of the presence of our glorious Head. I doubt not but you will find Him faithful to His promise, and, as you meet together in His name, He certainly will be in the midst of you. The affairs you meet about are affairs of the utmost importance. You ought to watch close, and to be instant in prayer; for you need much of the wisdom which cometh from above.
"One great matter is rightly to know to what particular office, and to what particular part, Jesus Christ has called each of you. For, I take it for granted, none of you will presume to run before you are called, or have evidences of your own conversion. Different persons have different gifts and graces. Some are called to awaken; others to establish and build up. Some have popular gifts fit for large auditories; others move best in a more contracted sphere, and may be exceeding useful in the private Societies. Those who are called to act in a public manner, I think, ought to give themselves wholly to the work, and go out without purse or scrip. Their Master will bear their charges. Others, who can only visit privately, may mind their secular employ, and give their leisure time to the service of the Church. Some of you are ministers of the Church of England; but, if you are faithful, I cannot think you will continue in it long. However, do not go out till you are cast out; and, when cast out for Jesus Christ's sake, be not afraid to preach in the fields. And whilst you remain in, O let not the children of God starve for want of the sacrament, though they may belong to another parish. The canon which forbids giving it to strangers was only to prevent persons coming unprepared, without the minister's knowledge. It is regarded by none of the clergy; and nothing but the enmity of the old serpent excites them to mention it to any of you. For my own part, I should think it an honour to be put into the spiritual court, and to be excommunicated, for giving the children of God the sacrament at my church, when they cannot have it elsewhere. The Spirit of Christ and of glory, I am sure, would rest upon my soul.
"As for those who are not ordained, I cannot say much, only pray that each may take his proper place. If Brother Lewis could come over and help us, it would be well. The Church here wants more labourers. It is proper, somebody should be always in Wiltshire and Kingswood. I wish also you could meet monthly; if not all together, yet in little bodies, as you lie nearest to each other. I am about to settle a monthly meeting in Bristol and London, where correspondents' letters are to be read, and prayer made accordingly. If you had monthly meetings, each exhorter or labourer might communicate his success; an abstract might be sent to England; and we, in return, would send you an abstract of our affairs. Unity would thereby be promoted, love increased, and our hands strengthened.
"All this may be done without a formal separation from the Established Church, which I cannot think God calls for as yet; only, I think, if a brother or sister has a mind to communicate among the Dissenters, and has freedom to receive in the Church too, they ought to be left at their liberty.
"Thus, my dear brethren, I have given you what occurred to my mind. I am ashamed whilst I am writing, knowing my insufficiency to advise. But you will accept in love, from one who desires to be the servant of all. It may be, hereafter, God may bring me to you, and we may enjoy sweet fellowship together. In the meanwhile, I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace. I entreat your most earnest prayer in behalf of, dear brethren, your most affectionate, though most unworthy, brother and servant,
"George Whitefield."[503]
There is much in this important letter which deserves attention; but the intelligent reader can easily form his own opinions on the topics it embraces.
As usual, Whitefield was greatly occupied with his Orphan-house affairs. His scheme, as he himself originally propounded it, was benevolently comprehensive.
"An orphan house," he wrote in 1739, "is much wanted at Savannah; for there are many orphans, who, now being obliged to live in the families about town, lose all the advantages they receive at school.
"Besides, it will be a great encouragement to people to go to the colony, when they are assured their children will be provided for after their decease; and it will be an unspeakable comfort to parents already there, who fear nothing so much as having their children left destitute when they are dead.
"Further, if the Indians, who live near the town, can be persuaded to send their children, it seems to be the only probable means to bring about their conversion.
"It may be further considered, that the children, to be maintained in the Orphan House, are to be bred up to manual labour from their very infancy; and that the persons to be employed in their education, it is to be hoped, have the glory of God at heart, and desire no other gratuity than food and raiment.
"Part also of the Orphan House is to be set apart for an infirmary, where sick servants and poor people, who now are in great danger of perishing for want of necessaries, are to be taken in and provided for; which must be a great ease and assistance, not only to the servants, but to masters and mistresses of families, who cannot afford to have physicians, or to furnish sick servants with things convenient."[504]
All must admit the benevolent character of Whitefield's project. The difficulties he had to encounter were enormous. Again and again, he was in danger of being arrested for the debts that he had incurred in the erection of his large building. Providence, however, provided for his necessities; and now his Orphanage was opened, and his plans were being carried out. He had many friends; but he also had some enemies. Among the latter was a Mr. Nesbit, who had recently returned to England from Carolina, where he had lived thirty years. In three letters, published in the Scots' Magazine for 1741, Mr. Nesbit alleged, that "the extraordinary expense, in building the Orphan House, might have been saved, by appropriating one or more of the empty houses in Savannah," where Whitefield "might have had his choice of hundreds." Mr. Nesbit continues: "The colony of Georgia has been dwindling away for two or three years past, by reason of the oppressions the people have suffered. Of the thousands sent over by the Trustees, only a few families remain, and they are waiting an opportunity to get out of the arbitrary government of the place. Savannah is now two-thirds desolate; and, except the few people in that town, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or seventy miles of the Orphan House. Of what use can an hospital be in a desert and abandoned country? or how can such a house be maintained in that situation, exposed to Spaniards, Indians, and runaway negroes?" Another of Mr. Nesbit's complaints was that Whitefield had "paid £3 for each cow and calf, whereas the price in Carolina was only thirty shillings;" and that the keeping of his live stock was costing twice as much as it ought to cost. "Thousands of pounds," says the censor, "have been expended on the Orphan House, and it is not above half finished. Mr. Whitefield has paid twice as much for his boards, planks, and scantlings, as he should have done."
It is not unlikely that simple-minded Whitefield was cheated by the worldly-wise colonists with whom he had business transactions; but that he did his best cannot reasonably be doubted. Nesbit's letters were published while Whitefield was in Scotland, and was making collections for the Orphanage. Whitefield wrote two replies, one dated September 26, and the other October 3, 1741; and both were published in the Scots' Magazine. A brief extract from the second must suffice. In answer to the allegation that the expense of building might have been saved by using empty houses in Savannah, Whitefield writes:—
"I tried this experiment while the Orphan House was building. I gave Mr. Douglas £35 a year for his house, the largest in Savannah. I had the use of the parsonage, the Germans' house, and another house besides; all of which, put together, were scarcely sufficient; and, if I had had to pay rent for them all, they would have cost upwards of £50, if not £60, per annum. Judge you, then, whether it was not better to build one large, convenient house, than to be at such an annual expenditure for rent, and to undergo the inconvenience of living in separate houses.
"I fear you have been misinformed that, excepting a few people in Savannah, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or seventy miles of the Orphan House; for, within four or five miles, there are Mr. Fallowfield's plantation, Mr. Parker's plantation (both magistrates of Savannah), Colonel Stevens's plantation, Mr. Mercer's plantation, with some others a little farther distant; besides three hundred Saltzburghers not above forty miles distant from us."
Whitefield adds:—
"The Orphan House has been the support of the northern parts of the colony. It has been the means of bringing several children out of a state little better than slavery. It has enabled many a man to pay his debts. Above all, it has been the means, under God, of bringing many a poor soul to the knowledge of the Lord Jesus, which was my chief end in building it. Whilst I have this single end in view, I fear neither Spaniards' swords, nor the scourges of men's tongues. My motto is 'the Burning Bush.' You know, that burnt, but was not consumed."
Such was a part of Whitefield's answer to Mr. Nesbit. At the end of the year, he published "An Account of Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia" (8vo. 45 pp.), with a preface, dated December 23, 1741. Extracts from this have been already given; but, as a further refutation of Mr. Nesbit's allegations, the following extract from a letter, written by a gentleman from Boston, who had visited the Orphan House, will, it is hoped, interest the reader. The letter is dated "Bethesda, January 1, 1742."
"The Orphan House is pleasantly situated, and, with the buildings belonging to it, presents a much handsomer prospect than is given by the draught annexed to the public accounts. The great house is now almost finished; and nothing has hindered but the want of glass, which they daily expect from Bristol, and some bricks to carry up another stack of chimneys, which would have been done before, if a vessel that was bringing bricks and other stores had not been taken by the Spaniards. They have cut a fine road to Savannah, through a thicket of woods; and, that it might be passable, were obliged to make ten bridges and crossways. They have also cleared forty acres of land, twenty of which were planted the last year; the other twenty were for the benefit of the air. They have also a large garden at the front of the house, brought into pretty good order. If the colony be allowed negroes, as it is thought it must and will be, they can, with about twenty negroes to manure the plantation, which contains five hundred acres, raise much more provision than a larger family than this can expend. They have already a fine live stock; and, in a few years, it is to be hoped, they will be able to support themselves.
"The economy observed here is as follows: The bell rings in the morning at sunrise, to wake the family. When the children arise, they sing a short hymn, and pray by themselves. Then they go down to wash, and, by the time they have done that, the bell calls to public worship, when a portion of Scripture is read and expounded, a psalm sung, and the exercise begun and ended with prayer. Then they breakfast, and afterwards go, some to their trades, and the rest to their prayers and schools. At noon, they all dine in the same room, and have comfortable and wholesome diet provided. A hymn is sung before and after dinner; then, in about half an hour, to school again; an interval which affords time enough for recreation. A little after sunset, the bell calls to public duty again, which is performed in the same manner as in the morning. After that they sup, and are attended to bed by one of their masters, who then prays with them. On the Sabbath day, they all dine on cold meat provided the day before, that none may be kept from public worship, which is attended four times a day in summer, and three in the winter. The children are kept to reading between whiles. Many have reported that the place is very unhealthy; but I believe it is quite otherwise; a remarkable proof of which is, that not one of the family has died, and but three or four in the hospital. Many, who now think the erecting of the Orphan House a mad scheme, would alter their sentiments were they here. Innumerable difficulties have been overcome, and affairs now wear a pleasant aspect. Upon the whole, I think the institution to be of God; therefore, it doth and will prosper."
The reader has here as full a description of the Orphan House in 1741, as can well be given.
Nearly all the printed attacks on Whitefield, during the year 1741, have been already noticed; but it may be added, that, in this year, the following tracts were published by his friend Wesley, not exactly against Whitefield, but against the doctrines he held:—1. "Serious Considerations on Absolute Predestination. Extracted from a late Author."[505] (12mo. 24 pp.) 2. "The Scripture Doctrine concerning Predestination, Election, and Reprobation. Extracted from a late Author." (12mo. 16 pp.) 3. "A Dialogue between a Predestinarian and his Friend." (12mo. 7 pp.) 4. "Christian Perfection: a Sermon preached by John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford." (12mo. 12 pp.)
The Bishop of London, also, in his Charge to the Clergy of his Diocese, had a fling at the erratic evangelist, telling his reverend brethren, that, Whitefield had slandered the Church and clergy; for he had "publicly spread and avowed, in a very unworthy and licentious manner, that the generality of the clergy of the Church of England were shamefully remiss and negligent in the pastoral office."
And once more: An anonymous author published an 8vo. pamphlet of thirty-six pages, with the title, "The Controversy concerning Free-will and Predestination, set in a true light, and brought to a short issue. Recommended to Mr. Whitefield and his followers." In his preface, the writer taunts Whitefield "as an oracle, most implicitly believing that he is inspired by the Holy Ghost." He continues: "With undaunted assurance, Mr. Whitefield takes upon him to instil this abominable doctrine of Predestination into his hearers and admirers—a doctrine which runs counter to revelation, and to the blessed nature of God; which depreciates the merits and satisfaction of Jesus Christ in the grand atonement; which sets the Divine attributes out of harmony; which makes prayer useless, and the command to pray an imposition; which makes God partial, arbitrary, despotic, unjust, and cruel; and which makes the Christian priesthood and sacraments, at least, insignificant. Who can reasonably doubt, that there is a plot of Satan and his emissaries, to promote infidelity by this; and, perhaps, to make way for popery, on the principle, Divide et impera—divide and govern"?
The author dates his pamphlet, "November 24, 1741," and concludes it with the following lines:—