The King had heard that the King of Prussia had set the Archbishop of Cologne at liberty and authorised him to return to Rome, but that the Archbishop would not take advantage of this permission until he had received fresh instructions from Rome.

The Duchesse de Nemours has a most inexpressive countenance and a monotonous tone of voice, which somewhat counteracts the effect of her brilliant youth. The Duc de Nemours remains as stupid as ever. The Duc d'Aumale is now regarded as a man. He seems lively and inclined to talk. Princesse Clémentine is growing faded, and takes less trouble to please. The Queen and the Duchesse d'Orléans are the two bright stars. M. Dupin, who was also dining at Saint-Cloud, was loudly groaning and haranguing about the weakness of the Government in their treatment of the rioters, saying that as long as they were addressed with the words "gentlemen and fellow toilers" incendiarism and plunder might be expected. The day before yesterday these workmen during the night disarmed two outposts in the Rue Mauconseil, though it must be said that the soldiers made no attempt to defend themselves. The result was a fresh panic at the Stock Exchange yesterday. The fear, the grief, and the ruin which have overtaken a number of people cannot be imagined.

The other day M. de Montrond was saying that M. de Flahaut was anxious to go to London as ambassador, but they are too glad to be rid of Guizot to recall him here, notwithstanding the dissatisfaction which he causes on the other side of the Channel.

Paris, September 11, 1840.—I have decided to start at the end of the morning for Jeurs to visit the Comtesse Mollien, where I shall sleep.

Yesterday evening on returning home I continued reading the accounts of the trial of Madame Lafarge, as I had fallen behind. [124] If she is innocent of the crime, so much the better for her relations, but the evidence of the two expert bodies, her enormous purchases of arsenic, and the sudden transition from complete repugnance to excessive tenderness for her husband would always make me suspect her so far as to desire another nurse if she had to mix my potions.

I am especially shocked by Madame Lafarge's behaviour at one point, and by the uproarious laughter with which she greeted the emphatic and really ridiculous evidence of one of the witnesses; such frivolity seems to me to be rather a proof of impudence than of innocence. The more innocent a person might be, the more she would suffer under such an accusation, and while preserving a clear conscience her mind would be filled with other ideas than any which could produce such bursts of laughter. Her behaviour there shows a terrible lack of refinement and a complete failure to realise her position, for when the accusation concerns husband-poisoning, whether one is accuser or accused, I can hardly conceive of any inclination to hilarity. On the whole, whether she is a poisoner or not, she is obviously an unpleasant adventuress.

Courtalin, September 14, 1840.—I left Jeurs very early yesterday, after being, as usual, kindly and hospitably entertained. The day before yesterday I took a stroll with Madame Mollien in the valley of the Juine, which extends from Etampes to Corbeil; it is well watered, well wooded, and populous; great rocks peep out among the trees, as in certain parts of the forest of Fontainebleau. The three chief residences in this valley are Gravelles, belonging to M. de Perregeaux, Chamarande, belonging to M. de Talaru, and Ménilvoisin, belonging to M. de Choiseul-Praslin. The first two of these I already knew, and Madame Mollien took me to see the third. It is a stately and spacious residence; the approaches and the park are handsome, but the general appearance is depressing. This is characteristic of all the residences in this district. They have no outlook, shut in as they are in this narrow valley. They lack space and air, but not water, of which there is such an abundance that dampness is unavoidable. The waters of the Juine turn a number of mills, some of which are so large as to look like castles.

I arrived here yesterday evening, and found all the Montmorency family assembled with a M. de Roothe, an old man of seventy-eight, son of the last wife of Marshal Richelieu.

The only subject of discussion yesterday evening in the drawing-room was the case of Madame Lafarge. Here, as everywhere, very opposite opinions prevail concerning her. Those who think her innocent say that her husband did not die of poisoning, but from taking cantharides as a tonic for nervous debility, and that the rapid change in his wife's behaviour is to be attributed to his recovery from this failing, and also the pleasure with which she saw him enter her room by the window when he did not come in by the door. Those who persist in thinking Madame Lafarge guilty say that the first experts should be believed, who performed their analysis after the first post-mortem, rather than the second, who went to work when putrefaction had set in. They also emphasise the evil tendencies, established by yesterday's evidence, of the accused: her habits of lying and playing a part; her evil reputation from her youth; the haste with which her family attempted to get rid of her by marriage, even going so far as to apply to a matrimonial agency. She is the granddaughter of a certain Madame Collard, who before her marriage bore the sole name of Hermine; she was brought up by Madame de Genlis, and was generally supposed to be her daughter and the daughter of the Duc d'Orléans, father of the present King of France. This ancestry of hers is supposed to account for the keen interest taken in her case at the Tuileries. The accusation concerning the diamonds is differently regarded in different circles. Mdmes. de Léautaud, de Montbreton, and the Nicolai, belonging to the Faubourg Saint-Germain and that clique, think her capable of theft and poisoning; the democracy, who are delighted to find a society lady guilty, regard the fable which Madame Lafarge invented about Madame Léautaud as true. Party spirit appears in everything and destroys all feelings of equity and justice.

I have just received a letter from the Duchesse d'Albuféra, of which the following is an extract: "I was at Auteuil with Madame Thiers the evening of the day before yesterday. Considerable uneasiness prevailed about current events; these are moving rapidly and becoming very complicated. The decision to fortify Paris had thrown the Stock Exchange into excitement; it is a measure which will be enormously expensive to carry out, and will rouse much apprehension. M. Thiers said that all his efforts were intended to gain time to finish his preparations; he added that if we could prolong the matter until April next we should be in a state of defence, and he said that no one could be more keenly interested in the question than the King and Queen. As regards Spain, he seems very uneasy and doubtful of the result; he receives telegrams every day. On the 7th the Queen-Regent was still at Valencia, but he thinks that she will perhaps have to fight a battle to return to her capital. The Town Council of Madrid appoint fresh Ministers every day, and anarchy there seems complete."

Courtalin, September 15, 1840.—At dinner-time two new arrivals appeared, the Duc de Rohan and his son the Prince of Léon. They brought certain information that M. Anatole Demidoff had married Princesse Mathilde de Montfort in return for the payment of the father's debts by M. Demidoff. He is moved only by considerations of vanity, and has so acted in order to become connected with the King of Würtemberg and the King of Russia, but the connection is said to be unfavourably regarded by the two Sovereigns, and not likely to bring him much satisfaction.

Bonnétable, September 17, 1840.—The day before yesterday, in the evening, after all the usual gossip of the Courtalin drawing-room, we had some amusing anecdotes very well told by M. de Roothe concerning his father-in-law, Marshal Richelieu. [125] He was married during three different reigns, and the first marriage was ordered by Louis XIV., who had found a perfumed cap of the young fool too near the bed of the Duchesse de Bourgogne.

I am astonished by the thought that I have dined with a man whose father-in-law had been at the feet of that charming Princess and had been scolded by Madame de Maintenon. M. de Roothe said that Marshal Richelieu was always a lady's man, and that an hour before his death, when his daughter-in-law came to his bedside, and said that she thought he was better and looked stronger, he answered: "Ah, the fact is that you see me through your fair eyes." M. de Roothe gave the following account of his mother's marriage with Marshal Richelieu: A few years previously, when her first husband was still alive, as she was driving with him, they passed a carriage overturned and broken upon the Pont Neuf; they stopped to learn to whom the accident had happened, and whether they could help the sufferers. It was the Marshal Richelieu whom they picked up and took home to his house in their carriage. The next day the Marshal called to thank M. and Madame de Roothe; he was struck with the beauty of the latter, and renewed his visits so constantly that people remarked upon it to Madame de Roothe, telling her that the Marshal's reputation was such that it might be dangerous to receive him too often, in spite of his eighty years. Madame de Roothe therefore kept out of his way. Some time afterwards she became a widow, and was left with four children in such straitened circumstances that she was obliged to sell her horses. Marshal Richelieu, disguised as a horse-dealer, appeared as purchaser, said that he could not come to an agreement with Madame de Roothe's servants, and asked to see her herself. He was taken in, and a recognition followed. To cut explanations short, she told him that she had changed her mind and would not sell her horses. M. de Richelieu withdrew, but in order to help the poor widow he induced the King, without her knowledge, to find rooms for her in the Tuileries, the very rooms where we have seen the Vicomtesse d'Agoult and Madame Adélaïde. Madame de Roothe accepted the King's kindness. Some months afterwards she learnt that she owed it to the Marshal, and she thought it her duty to write and thank him. He came to call upon her, fell at her feet, and said: "If you are comfortable in these rooms, allow me at least to say that they are unworthy of you, and that the Richelieu residence would suit you much better." The proposal was accepted, and the marriage took place. Madame de Roothe became with child, but the Duc de Fronsac was furious at the thought that a birth might prejudice his rights, and induced a chambermaid to give his mother-in-law a draught which brought on a miscarriage.

Yesterday I travelled rapidly, thanks to good roads, good horses and postillions, and in particular to a hurricane which blew on our backs and swept the carriage, servants, and horses along in its blast. I found the Duchesse Mathieu de Montmorency in good health, but slightly deaf. Her chaplain is ill, and the customs of the house are consequently altered.

I have a letter from M. Bresson. His account of the political situation is as follows: "Things here have become somewhat calmer; the matter will blow over, but resentment and distrust will remain. People will no longer meet with the same cordiality, and will be continually on their guard; in short, the ground is by no means as clear as it was, a thing which M. de Talleyrand never liked, but I think that the main storm has turned aside, and if you have made plans for a journey to Prussia next year you need not abandon them for any possible war. Herr von Werther has been rather seriously ill. The Prince of Wittgenstein comes back to-morrow from Kissingen. Frau von Reede, seventy-four years of age as she is, is the leader of society at Königsberg. We shall have some splendid festivities for the Huldigung. [126] The nobles of the Mark of Brandenburg have alone subscribed twenty thousand crowns. All this brilliant prospect does not restore my good-humour; my health is certainly changed by the climate, and my character by isolation and exile. I have reached one of those periods in life, one of those frames of mind, when change is required at any cost, and it is for change that I hope. My best days are past; my few remaining ties in this world will soon be broken, and I ought to try to strengthen my connection with my country. You would do me a very great service if you could induce my patroness, Madame Adélaïde, to smooth the path for my retirement."

I have an idea that M. Thiers will soon have no trouble in finding high diplomatic posts for his friends, owing to a large number of voluntary resignations.

Valençay, September 19, 1840.—I am now at Valençay, a spot so full of memories that it seems to me like a native land. M. and Madame de Valençay are alone here with their children. They both seem very glad to see me again, and I am always happy to be back at Valençay. Here I am less cut off than elsewhere from an eventful past, and the dead are less far away than anywhere else.

Valençay, September 22, 1840.—M. and Madame de Castellane arrived here yesterday from their native Auvergne, which seems by no means a pleasant district in which to live. There are no high-roads to their residence, but only badly made paths, which must be traversed in a litter or on horseback. The snow is already upon their mountains, where there are no trees and no cultivation, nothing but grass for the cattle; there is no fruit and no vegetables, no game, and no doctor within easy reach. Pauline has grown thin and sunburnt; her husband is very thin, and I hope they will pick up at Rochecotte, where we are all going. Their little daughter, Marie, is most satisfactory, fair, fat, and fresh, always in a good temper, laughing and restless, a little angel whom I was very glad to see again, and her mother with her.

To-day is St. Maurice's Day, formerly the most festive and animated of days at Valençay. This year it will be celebrated only by a mass for the repose of the soul of our dear M. de Talleyrand. It will be celebrated in the chapel where he rests.

Valençay, September 24, 1840.—The great Lafarge drama is now concluded; she has been condemned. The reflection which came to me upon reading the verdict is that the appearance of this woman, her speeches, her gesture, and her bearing, produced a very striking effect and secured her conviction. It is a verdict which could by no means be inferred from the facts, for she has shown for a long time great presence of mind, while her counsel were extremely talented, and the Public Prosecutor displayed a tactlessness akin to rudeness. Public sympathies were widely divided, and Madame Lafarge was supported by a powerful family. The extraordinary and unusual element in this case is that I can see no one, not even the condemned person, who is in any way attractive. Apart from the prisoner herself, there is Denis, who seems to be a bad man; her mother Lafarge, who is too anxious about the will; the deceased man, whose business transactions were a trifle shady; Madame de Léautaud, very frivolous; Madame de Montbreton, who was too fond of hypnotism; Madame de Nicolaï, who did not look after her daughters properly. As the accusers of Madame Lafarge numbered so few estimable persons, she must have strongly impressed the jury with her guilt for them to bring in a verdict against her.

Valençay, September 25, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles has been to Paris to call upon Madame de Lieven on her return from London, and writes to me as follows: "I found the Princesse much changed. There are still hopes of peace, and the Government is moving in that direction. The King retains his confidence. The proposals of Mehemet Ali have opened a new stage in the business, which may prevent war, but nothing is settled; if the matter drags on until the spring Thiers will then be more warlike than he now is, as we shall then have an army which we do not now possess. There is a kindlier feeling towards Prussia than towards the other three Powers. It seems that Berlin has already had more than enough of the convention, and that Herr von Bülow is loudly abused for his presumption and his blindness."

From another source I hear as follows: "Uneasiness at London is spreading through every class. The English Ministry declares its astonishment at the measures taken in France and at the energy displayed by the King. I believe that Lord Palmerston is very anxious. The Princesse de Lieven read a letter to M. de Montrond from Lady Cowper which does not conceal the uneasiness and uncertainty of those about her. They say Lord Holland stands entirely aloof from events. I have certain information to the contrary; he writes letters of six pages to Mr. Bulwer on current business, and shows as much keenness as any young man. He is said to be a very strong opponent of France. In both England and Scotland the harvest is a bad one, which adds to the embarrassments of the English Cabinet. Meanwhile, though spirits are rising at Saint-Cloud, the breach seems to be widened by the exchange of notes in very bitter language. The whole matter is very confused, and it is impossible to forecast the result with any certainty."

Yesterday M. de Maussion came here from Paris, or rather from M. Thiers, at whose house he has been living. He says that Madame de Lieven is regarded as a spy in the house of M. Thiers, where she is accused of all kinds of treachery. He also says that M. de Flahaut comes to M. Thiers every morning with a bundle of letters from England, that he poses as a man of importance, and that he and his wife are intriguing more vigorously than ever. He adds that M. de Flahaut is starting for England in order to be absent during the trial of Louis Bonaparte, but his wife is giving out that he has a secret and important mission to the English Cabinet, to repair the tactlessness of M. Guizot. There is a wish to remove M. Guizot, but M. Thiers does not want him in Paris for the meeting of the Chambers, so M. de Flahaut is thrown back upon the embassy at Vienna, and it is thought that he will obtain it.

Valençay, September 25, 1840.—Frau von Wolff writes to me from Berlin under date the 19th of this month: "Our town is astir with preparations for the ceremonies to take place the day after to-morrow at the entry of the King and Queen, and is also busy with the entertainments which will be given when the oath of fidelity is taken. An enormous number of strangers are coming in from every quarter. You will have seen in the German newspapers how enthusiastically the King was welcomed at Königsberg and with what royal dignity he ascended the throne of his ancestors. All who were present agreed in saying that the King's impromptu speech after the oath was more moving than anything they have known. The speech was so unprepared that the Queen halted as though with astonishment when she saw the King suddenly rise and approach the railing; there he stopped, and, raising one hand to heaven, he uttered in a strong, sonorous voice which went to every heart and was heard at the end of the enclosure, the simple words of hope for the future. He moved many to tears, and shed tears himself. We need only pray to heaven to preserve us the blessings of peace; hitherto the prospects of war have not shaken the general confidence. The King's energy and activity in the work of government is incomparable. To judge from the beginning he has made, Prussia will make giant strides under his rule; but I repeat, to enjoy the golden age which seems to smile upon us peace must be preserved."

Valençay, September 28, 1840.—Yesterday we were amused by a small dramatic performance during the evening, which began by the dialogue between Agrippine and Néron, [127] played in costume by M. de Montenon, who took the part of Néron, and my son-in-law as Agrippine, a truly feminine monstrosity. Then Le Mari de la Veuve was acted with much vigour, balance, and spirit by my son Louis, my daughter Pauline, Mlle. Clément de Ris, and Mlle. de Weizel. Then we had two scenes from the Dépit amoureux by Mlle. Clément de Ris, M. de Montenon, M. and Madame d'Entraigues, and finally Passé Minuit by MM. de Maussion and de Biron, which greatly amused the pit. After the performance there was supper and a dance, and all passed off very cheerfully.

Valençay, September 29, 1840.—I have a number of letters, one of which says: "The meeting of the Cabinet has been called at London for Monday the 7th. It is thought unlikely that Lord Palmerston will be able to carry his own views, and the Ministers are said to be by no means unanimous; for this reason some hope survives that peace may be maintained; on the other hand, nothing is known of the nature of the instructions sent to the Mediterranean, and the whole situation is very uncertain."

Now for Madame de Lieven. She begins with many moans over her health, and ends: "My health, however, is not so bad as that of Europe. What a disturbance everywhere! War is the most likely consequence. To think that people could allow things to reach this point and that not a man in Europe can conduct a piece of business properly! Prince Metternich must be dead. Every one desires peace passionately, and see to what the wild love of peace has brought Europe! Indeed, the whole world must be mad! The crisis must be settled in a few weeks. I am told that Vienna is making great efforts, but Palmerston is very obstinate. In France there has been an outcry, and much more also than mere outcry. What self-respecting persons would think of retreating? I should like a talk with you; we have seen better times, and I have many things to tell you of London which would astonish you. My dear Duchesse, if war breaks out I am bound to be the first to leave Paris and France, and where shall I go? It is abominable!"

Valençay, September 30, 1840.—M. Molé writes as follows: "The Comte de Paris has been very ill—in fact, in the greatest danger; he is better, but not cured. No doubt you know that Madame de Lieven has returned; her friend M. Guizot—and I am certain of my facts—will soon break with his master and superior, M. Thiers. The discussion upon the Address will be the latest date for the accomplishment of this great event."

The Duchesse d'Albuféra says: "Anxiety continues to prevail here; people are asking what answer is to be sent to the proposals of Mehemet Ali, but many people think that thunderbolts will be the answer. In France armaments are being organised upon a very large scale. The Duchesse de Massa has arrived in time to close the eyes of Marshal Macdonald, her father. It is thought that his marshal's baton will go to General Sébastiani. The Princesse de Lieven receives a written despatch from our London Ambassador every day."

Tours, October 2, 1840.—Here I find a letter from M. de Sainte-Aulaire, who writes from Vienna on September 23: "The matter would proceed excellently, if it were conducted here; but discussion takes place at Vienna and Berlin, and negotiations at London, where, I believe, a very different temper unfortunately prevails."

Rochecotte, October 4, 1840.—Yesterday's newspapers contain a long explanatory note from Lord Palmerston, addressed to the English Minister in Paris, Mr. Bulwer, which puts the Eastern question in a very different light from that given by the French narratives. [128] We have also news of the capture of Beyrout, [129] which is a strong beginning to the course of coercive measures. What will be the result?

Rochecotte, October 5, 1840.—My son-in-law has a letter from Paris telling him that the salon of M. Thiers on the day when the news arrived of the capture of Beyrout was so bellicose that it threatened to throw the whole world into a conflagration. However, in the Journal des Débats of the 3rd instant I saw a small article on this question urging calm and moderation, and when I consider the inspired nature of this paper I have become a little calmer.

I had expected that the pleadings of M. Berryer on behalf of Prince Louis Bonaparte would display a seditious tendency, would be blustering, rash, and outrageous. I was greatly surprised to find that I could read them without the slightest emotion. But I have often noticed that when one reads Berryer's speeches they do not produce an effect in harmony with his reputation, and that one must hear him to be dazzled and attracted, to such an extent does he possess the outer and attractive qualities of an orator.

Rochecotte, October 6, 1840.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes from Paris: "Events in the East are of a very alarming nature, and so also is the language of the Ministerial newspapers, for which the moderation of the Saint-Cloud organ [130] is but a small compensation. The former journalists threaten M. Thiers that they will break with him if he does not begin war. Prussia and Austria seem decidedly anxious not to make war upon us or upon anybody; it is difficult to understand the situation. M. de Flahaut is at London staying with Lord Holland, who sees the Ministers every day and tells his wife that he is trying to convince them of our real position, but this officious service will probably have no great result, as people at London seem to have made up their minds. I have seen Lady Granville; both she and her husband are greatly depressed. They still hope that war will not break out, and I know that Lord Granville is doing all he can to produce a calmer frame of mind. Everybody one meets is uneasy and anxious, nor will they talk of anything but of the memorandum, of Beyrout, of Espartero and the fortifications; they go to bed in excitement and awake painfully anxious. You are lucky to be far away from such a turmoil. Nobody pays attention to the trial of Louis Bonaparte; M. d'Alton-Shée alone voted for death, after a violent speech. The proposal was badly received by the rest of the Chamber."

Rochecotte, October 7, 1840.—Yesterday I heard a sad piece of news—the death of my poor friend the Countess Batthyàny at Richmond on the 2nd. She had recently felt an improvement in her health, which had induced her to consider the possibility of coming to live at Paris.

I hear from Paris: "M. Molé is at Paris for the trial of Louis Bonaparte, in which M. Berryer was a complete failure. All minds are absorbed by the bombardment of Beyrout and the possible consequences. There is a universal outcry against M. Thiers. Madame de Lieven is rather ill; she is feverish, and sees visitors in her long chair. She professes a close attachment for M. Guizot, but is said to show a tendency to coldness."

Rochecotte, October 8, 1840.—Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven, begun on the 5th and finished on the 6th. The following is an extract from the part dated the 5th: "In England nothing has been decided; the Ministers are not agreed; however, the peace party is predominant, to which Palmerston himself pretends to belong, though he does not offer any means of finding a solution satisfactory to France; moreover, his hands are not free, as he must ask for Russia's consent at every moment. Since the bombardment of Beyrout Thiers seems to think his position no longer tenable unless he makes some bold stroke; his colleagues are not all of his opinion, and the King is not in favour of extreme measures. However, some decision must be made. Lord Granville is very anxious. Things have gone so far that change is inevitable. It was even said yesterday that Thiers wished to send two hundred thousand men to the Rhine and a French fleet to Alexandria to oppose the English. This would be an act of madness. The situation is very dangerous, and assuming that Thiers breaks with the Government, where are people to be found sufficiently resolute to undertake the heavy burden now before them?"

On the 6th she writes: "The three or four councils held within the last two days have ended in the resolution to send a protest to the English Government in which a casus belli will be laid down, and I think that Alexandria and Saint-Jean d'Acre will be the points at issue; but if one of these towns were to be attacked at this moment what would become of the protest? The English Government has on its side addressed notes to its allies to modify the treaty; negotiations are going on with tolerable frankness, but meanwhile military operations are also proceeding. They say that the King is not in entire agreement with M. Thiers concerning the casus belli; he is also said to be especially satisfied with M. Cousin, who is on good terms with Admiral Roussin and M. Gouin. I am told on good authority that the meeting of the Chambers is arranged for the early days of November, and that the protest of which I told you will be decided this morning. Saint-Jean d'Acre will not be mentioned in it."

This interesting letter gave much food for our conversation. The Duc de Noailles, who is here, and who has brought his manuscript, read us a passage on quietism. [131] It is clearly written, and in a good and brisk style, with well-chosen quotations which enliven the subject.

Rochecotte, October 11, 1840.—Yesterday we heard of the sudden death of Arthur de Mortemart, [132] a fine young fellow, who was to inherit a magnificent fortune, and also, though I did not know the fact, to marry the daughter of the Duc de Noailles, who set off immediately upon hearing the sad news. Arthur de Mortemart was twenty-seven years of age, and an only son. It is a dreadful blow to his family.

M. Molé writes: "The Chambers are being convoked for the 28th, and my friends insist that I should return to Paris between the 15th and 20th. I agree, but we shall have nothing but the remarkable and barren pleasure of exchanging our condolences. We are advancing with fatal rapidity towards a revolutionary Government, which may lead to even more bloodshed than before. God alone knows how long it will last and what will take its place. However, if the newspapers do not mislead and divide the right-minded party we should emerge successfully, with courage, but our domestic difficulties make the situation irremediable; foreign affairs would easily be settled if our home policy inspired any confidence. In any case, the Chamber will have to decide the whole matter, but there is little hope that it will rise to the greatness of its task. I do not know what will happen to my reception at the Academy in the midst of all this. I am ready, and notwithstanding the arguments of M. Villemain, who seems to be intimidated, I shall omit nothing from my eulogy of Mgr. de Quélen, and I invoke the great day."

Rochecotte, October 12, 1840.—A letter from M. de Barante at St. Petersburg tells me: "I am waiting for news from elsewhere, for at St. Petersburg nothing is decided, nor in reality do people greatly care. Peace would be perhaps the wiser course, but war is more in conformity with the sentiments which people have been professing for ten years; so they will only do what England wishes. You can make your conjectures in accordance with this view; you know Lord Palmerston and all his political environment, of which I have no idea."

Rochecotte, October 14, 1840.—Madame de Montmorency writes to say that M. Demidoff has written to M. Thiers for authorisation to announce his wife at Paris as Her Royal Highness Madame the Princesse de Montfort. Madame Demidoff has written personally to Madame Thiers, whom she knew in Italy, on this subject, and the King has given his consent.

Rochecotte, October 17, 1840.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes: "Peace now seems to be a trifle nearer. Negotiations have been resumed, and people are agreed in saying that if war is to break out it will not be for a considerable time, and that many diplomatic notes will be exchanged before we reach that extremity. General de Cubières, Minister of War, had resigned because he thought the majority in the Council too warlike, and his opinion was that we should be unable to wage a successful war with the Powers and must avoid the possibility. His resignation, however, has not been accepted, as the negotiations and prospects of peace have been resumed, at any rate for the moment. The French memorandum has brought many over to the side of M. Thiers. The vacant Presidency of the Chamber is a post which occupies many minds; opinions are divided between M. Odilon Barrot and M. Sauzet. The Comte de Paris has fallen ill again, and his parents are very uneasy."

Rochecotte, October 19, 1840.—Madame de Lieven writes: "The English Cabinet has welcomed the French note. The peace party is gaining strength, but the issue does not lie in that direction. St. Petersburg, which is a long way off, must be consulted, and during these delays the newspapers are able to interfere. The memorandum of Thiers has caused much satisfaction at Paris, and some embarrassment to Lord Palmerston; at St. Petersburg it will be thought that he says aloud what has hitherto been whispered. As for Austria, Apponyi claims that the narrative is inaccurate where Austria is concerned. In any case, the decision is imminent, and will be known on November 15. The four Powers care nothing about the war or about France; so we may ask in what direction or for what reason France will take action. Unfortunately there is a general idea that peace and M. Thiers are incompatible. This would be quite dangerous, for excitement is high, and Thiers in the scales can outweigh war."

Rochecotte, October 20, 1840.—The newspapers contain an account of a fresh attempt to assassinate the King, made by a certain Darmès. [133] The constant repetition of these attempts makes one tremble, and it is impossible to avoid uneasiness.

Yesterday my son-in-law received letters from Paris which say that the wind seems to blow in the direction of war. Lord Palmerston is stated to be anxious to insist upon the full enforcement of the treaty. Our Minister thinks himself certain of a majority, rather because of the apprehension with which his opponents would view their own accession to power in the present situation, than of any confidence inspired by the Cabinet. After the attempted assassination by Darmès the Duc d'Orléans is said to have declared that he was strongly in favour of war, and would rather be killed on the banks of the Rhine than murdered in a Paris slum. All our letters agree that excitement is running high and that conditions are both complicated and serious.

Rochecotte, October 21, 1840.—Yesterday the papers announced the abdication of Queen Christina. This event will not form an agreeable page in the annals of M. de La Redorte's Spanish embassy.

The Duc de Noailles writes as follows: "Many people are saying that Thiers will resign, and many say that he is in a difficulty upon the subject. He does not see how he can appear before the Chambers. He would like to arrange a retreat which would leave him at the head of a party, by making people believe that he was unable to persuade the King to take the energetic resolutions which the national honour requires. On the other hand, thus to be eclipsed, to leave every one in difficulty, after raising and provoking all these questions, to evade discussion and responsibility before the Chambers, would certainly be disgraceful. However, people who are best informed think that he will resign. The speech from the throne is now the only point upon which he can disagree and request permission to retire.

"Prussia definitely refuses to let any horses go out of its territory. It is hoped that some will be found in Normandy and Holland. The situation is extremely embarrassing, for we are certainly not ready for war, and cannot be before spring, and yet loans have already been effected to the amount of four hundred and fifty millions. The deficit will be a bottomless pit. If stocks fall to ninety-nine, when by law sixteen millions a month must be redeemed, and if money is taken from the savings banks, the Treasury will be in a hopeless difficulty. The Syrian expedition seems to have no immediate result; Ibrahim allows the allies to seize the seaboard, which is separated from the rest of the country by a chain of mountains which runs along the sea, and which the disembarked troops cannot cross. He holds all this country, which is overawed by his army and dare not revolt, and is waiting for the storms to drive away the fleet, which cannot then return before spring. I have seen a letter from Lady Palmerston, strongly inclined to peace. Guizot also writes that Downing Street is now calmer.

"The King is very depressed by this further attempt to assassinate him, and Thiers feels that the credit of the Ministry is not improved by the event. The Deputies who are already here and those who are arriving are said to be inclined for peace. I hear that the Chamber of Peers is tempted, if it has the courage—which I doubt—to adopt a patronising and embarrassing attitude towards the Ministry."

Rochecotte, October 23, 1840.—Madame Adélaïde, in a very kind answer to a letter from myself, writes as follows about the attempted assassination "The King's first word after the explosion to the Queen and to myself was, 'Well, it seems that you must always be in this fatal carriage,' a truly touching remark."

I have the following from Madame de Lieven: "Granville yesterday handed in Lord Palmerston's answer to the note of the 8th. I believe that this answer undertakes to revoke the proposal for the Pasha's deposition, if he submits; you will see that this does not help matters. All that can now be said is that the general attitude and language upon either side is gentler, and may possibly lead to an understanding. Lord Palmerston will not explain himself more clearly, as he is waiting for news of some brilliant successes in Syria; so far he has waited in vain. The tone of the French Ministry is less warlike; they say that war may arrive in spring, if winter does not settle everything. Here you see a change, and diplomacy at Paris is inclined to believe in peace. We shall see what the Chambers will do; their action will be important both upon events and individuals.

"The King has not appeared in the town since the shot was fired at him. On this subject the foreign newspapers comment far more suitably than the French.

"The dissensions in the English Cabinet are said to be more obvious, and Palmerston is thought to be in the minority. M. de Flahaut, who arrives to-morrow, will enlighten us upon this subject. Madame de Flahaut is now very anti-Palmerston, because she naturally fears the possibility of war between her two native lands. [134] Lord John Russell has gone over to the majority against Palmerston, and, feeble though he is, his influence is important. Things in general are in incredible confusion, but I am really beginning to hope that there is a little more prospect of peace than there has been for the last few days."

Rochecotte, October 24, 1840.—Yesterday my son-in-law heard that the French Ministry had resigned upon the occasion of the speech from the Crown, which it wished to devote to the subject of the casus belli, against the King's desires. [135]

My son, M. de Dino, tells me that the Grand Duke of Tuscany has made M. Demidoff Prince of San Donato, a name derived from his silk manufacture, and has given him the title of Excellency. The Pope [136] has sent the dispensations for the marriage. The dowry of the young Princess is settled at two hundred and fifty thousand francs, with twenty-five thousand francs pin-money.

Rochecotte, October 25, 1840.—Queen Christina is apparently intending to settle at Florence, where her sentimental interests are centred. She has two children by Muñoz, whom she adores, and has managed to save an income of fifteen hundred thousand francs.

The little Comte de Paris is very ill, in continuous fever, which wastes him away. The Duc d'Orléans is greatly distressed, and the Duchesse is in bed very weak and unhappy. She is not allowed to move for fear of a miscarriage, as she is now in her eighth month. The poor royal family is receiving some heavy blows.

Rochecotte, November 2, 1840.—Queen Christina is not going to Italy; Nice, Paris, and then Bordeaux, such are said to be her movements. She wishes to remain near Spain, in order to keep an eye upon the progress of events.

Madame de Lieven writes as follows, the day before yesterday: "You see what has happened here; things are becoming very stormy; M. Guizot must be very courageous to embark in such a vessel. At London the general tone is becoming much milder, and will continue to improve in favour of the new Ministry, but a great deal will have to be done to satisfy the madmen here, and an ill interpretation will be placed upon English self-satisfaction. Thus there are many difficulties which are far from a solution. The Chamber will be in a state of continual storm, an interesting spectacle, but likely to become frightful. The King is said to be delighted that he has got rid of Thiers, and to be charmed with his new Ministers; [137] I wish I could believe that his satisfaction was likely to last. Thiers says that he will not oppose Guizot; this is nonsense. The Comte de Paris is better. The Duc d'Orléans is not satisfied with the change of Ministers, but King Leopold is very pleased."

Rochecotte, November 4, 1840.—A letter which I have just received from M. Molé contains the following: "The outgoing Ministry was ruining everything, and in three months would have involved us in war with the whole of Europe, and given us a revolutionary Government into the bargain. I do not know what the new Ministry will do, but it cannot do worse, or even as badly. The method of its formation has obliged me to stand aloof—an easy part to play, and one which I usually prefer, the more so as when I do take part I never do so by halves."

Rochecotte, November 5, 1840.—My son, M. de Dino, writes from Paris that great preparations are being made to decorate the route by which the procession will pass bringing back the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena, and that a strange idea has been proposed, to have a row of the effigies of all the Kings of France. I suppose they will be placed there to present arms to the usurper. Really, people are absurd nowadays; in any case, this fine idea emanates from the Cabinet of M. Thiers, and not from the present Ministry.

A letter from Madame Mollien says: "Yesterday evening, in the middle of the theatre, Bergeron, the foremost of all the King's assassins, entered a box, where was seated M. Emile de Girardin, the editor of La Presse, to whom, without saying a word, he gave a box on the ears. M. Girardin bounded up like a madman; his wife, who is twice as big and strong as he is, caught him by his collar, shouting, 'Don't go out! You shall not go out! He is an assassin!' The result is said to have been an incredible scene; everybody intervened, all were in a quarrelsome state of mind, and in the corridors and vestibule nothing could be heard except challenges and appointments."

Here is an extract from another letter in a different strain: "M. Guizot and Madame de Lieven are the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and I have a fear that M. de Broglie must be content with the fate of the Sultan's wife, Validé. M. Molé has not been offered a position; the King continually repeats that M. Molé declined to lend a hand; this is not the case. At so serious a crisis no thinking man would use such language, but the matter is most easily explained in this way. The Journal des Débats has since been carefully working upon the scruples of M. Molé, and said to him: 'If you refuse to support the Cabinet, which is Conservative, the Left will come into power, and it will be your fault. It is a crime against the country,' &c. This attitude seems to resemble the case of parents who, when they have a son dangerously ill, say to a girl, 'If you do not grant him an interview he will die, and it will be your fault.' If I were a girl I assure you that in this case I should look after myself. My opinion is that M. Molé should remain a member of the Academy and nothing more. Moreover, he will be none the worse off for that. Do you know that Maurice de Noailles is to become a priest? It is said that Barante will be Ambassador at London. I hope so."

My son-in-law hears that Maurice de Noailles is entering the Church in despair, because he could not marry the daughter of the Duc de Noailles. I admit that I do not believe this story as yet, and await some confirmation of it.

Rochecotte, November 6, 1840.—Yesterday's post brought me a long letter from M. de Salvandy: "We are emerging from a Ministerial crisis, which has passed off with little incident, except that M. Molé has remained outside the new combination. He feels, with much exasperation, that some supreme influence has secured his exclusion. At the outset of the crisis M. de Montalivet worked very hard to find a post for M. Molé in the new Cabinet: he went about everywhere, and declared on all sides that his co-operation was indispensable, to M. Molé more emphatically than to any one. I could not help saying to M. Molé that so much zeal seemed suspicious, and that I could not but infer some bad result. However, M. Molé's chances of office never amounted to anything, nor has he been treated with any of that ceremony, which might outwardly have soothed his feelings; in fact, practically no notice has been taken of any member of the Ministry of April 15. Only upon the last day were they considered in the least. The new body was brought together with such little thought that no effort was made to secure M. Passy, who was ready to come in unconditionally, but was united with M. Dufaure; the latter based his refusal upon a personal dislike for M. Martin du Nord rather than upon political motives. M. Passy and M. Dufaure had no objection to myself or to M. Laplagne. Thus it would have been possible with no great difficulty to gather round Marshal Soult and M. Guizot some members of the Ministries of April 15 and May 12. These would have formed a good nucleus for a majority, at once compact and permanent. Instead of this, a Ministry has been lumped together, and it is expected that the dangers evoked by M. Thiers will provide votes at first, while the future can take care of itself. When the Cabinet, however, was formed, it was remembered that no measures had been taken to secure the adherence of the Left Centre, or even of the Conservative party. Then they took steps to repair this mistake, and the Ministers all came to me. M. Guizot, whom I had not seen since the Coalition, came wearing his order, to ask me solemnly for my co-operation. I did not hide the fact that it was rather late, and that this fashion of forming a Ministry without paying attention to any one, or respecting M. Molé and his party by the observance of outward formality, increased the difficulty of a situation, which was already complicated enough. When I heard M. Guizot I remembered what I was saying to the Duc d'Orléans a few days ago, that of the two rivals it was difficult to say which is the more futile; that if Thiers is futile without, Guizot is so within; in fact, Guizot has not a notion of the domestic dangers, the Parliamentary difficulties, and the general peril caused by the abstention of M. Passy and M. Dufaure; for they, added to Lamartine and myself, would form a possible Cabinet intermediate between that of to-day and that of M. Odilon Barrot, whether we took M. Molé, M. de Broglie, or even M. Thiers for our leader. In short, their confidence and presumption have been inexplicable, while they have completely forgotten the apostasy of 1839, which is aggravated by this fresh change of creed and colour. They are convinced that their theories can be resumed at the point where they had dropped them, and talk of safeguards, order, and resistance with the same authority. They have no notion of the fury which this language is likely to arouse among their adversaries, and regard us as cold and disagreeable. However, we shall support them, for we are men of honour before all things, and I am equally certain that there will be a majority on the general question. Thiers has brought things to such a point that his restoration would mean both revolution and war; but the humiliation abroad which Guizot's Cabinet will have to confront is likely to be a crushing burden. Honourable men do not pardon Thiers for making this humiliation inevitable, and in three months no one will pardon Guizot for yielding to it. In my opinion he will have to give way in a short time, but if he performs the double service of bringing us through a great difficulty without increasing it and of paving the way for a new Conservative majority he will have done a good deal. I do not despair, and for my part will certainly help him. He left me and went on to open conciliatory measures with M. Molé.

"The immediate cause of Thiers' rupture with the King is as follows: In the speech Thiers demanded further measures, that is, an additional hundred and fifty thousand men—making six hundred and fifty thousand in all, the mobilisation of the National Guards, camps upon the Rhine and the Alps, in short, war. The King tried to compromise by saying that his Ministers would explain what they had done and what they intended to do. Thiers refused; it seems as though there was no sincerity on either side. Thiers felt that his position was untenable: the Left was trembling, the Conservatives would venture anything in their fright, and his own foolishness will not bear discussion. The King on his side was bold enough to regard his attempted assassination by Darmès as a possible starting-point from which to turn the struggle against himself and overthrow his Cardinal de Retz, while he ran no risk for his power, but a very great deal of risk for his life.

"The Conservative party thus seems to be reorganised by the return of the large majority of the Doctrinaires and the probable support of the Left Centres, who are in terror, but the Doctrinaire party is divided; M. Duvergier de Hauranne and M. Piscatory follow M. de Rémusat and M. Jaubert from the Left; M. Broglie is divided between the two camps; M. Thiers continues to rely upon him, and flatters himself that he has been strongly defended by him in the Chamber of Peers; M. Guizot, on the other hand, calculates that he will accept the London Embassy; to this he attaches great importance, although M. de Broglie will not be able to lend him all the strength of which he will deprive M. Thiers by a long way; however, he will not weaken him, and that is something. Failing M. Thiers, Madames de Barante and de Sainte-Aulaire will fight for London. There is no doubt that M. de la Redorte will be retired, as he has cut a poor figure in the Peninsula. There will be many changes in the Diplomatic Body. I know that I have been thought of for an embassy, but I have not yet considered my reply. M. Guizot has gained nothing from London; something may be obtained from Lord Melbourne, but nothing from Lord Palmerston, and it is not certain that Europe is less inclined to the latter than to the former. The condition of the Comte de Paris still causes alarm. Chomel, to whom I have spoken, but he is rather a pessimist, has no hope except that the poor young Prince may live long enough to spare the Duchesse d'Orléans a great grief during her confinement."

Rochecotte, November 8, 1840.—M. d'Entraigues, our Prefect, who has been here since the evening of the day before yesterday, received yesterday by a courier a telegram sent to him at Tours with news of the nomination of the President, the Vice-President and the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies. The nominations in general are, thank heaven, favourable to the Cabinet and supported by a good majority. This beginning is a trifle consoling. If fear inspires wisdom, so much the better.

I have a letter from the Duc de Noailles, who tells me that there is no truth in the rumour that his cousin M. Maurice is to enter the Church. People are indeed wonderfully clever in inventing and spreading stories and providing them with so many details as to make one believe what is utterly unfounded. The Duc de Noailles also says: "The royal session is said to have been a most mournful ceremony; [138] on the one side was much outcry of obvious meaning, while on the Left there was menacing silence; in the middle was the King shedding tears at a certain passage in his speech. The speech was wanting in dignity, and a pacific attitude should be more dignified; it was drawn up by Guizot. The desire for peace was too obvious, and it was not a success. The Ministry are sure of a majority for some time, but as the fear of war dies away they will lose it. Syria has been given up as a bad job by the Government. If the Pasha submits, all will be over; if he resists and is attacked in Egypt it is difficult to say how an explosion will be avoided here. Thiers said to Guizot on his arrival: 'Now it is your turn. There are only two men in France, yourself and I; I am the Minister of the revolution, you of the Conservative movement; if one is not in power the other must be. We cannot act in concert, but we can live upon good terms. I shall put no obstacle in your way, and make no attempt to inconvenience you.' None the less he is already intriguing in the Chamber, and an agitation will be raised to support him."

Rochecotte, November 12, 1840.—The Abbé Dupanloup arrived here yesterday to consecrate my chapel. The ceremony is to take place immediately. Yesterday's post brought news of the confinement of the Duchesse d'Orléans. I am delighted to hear of the birth of a second son. [139] Madame de Lieven writes that she is somewhat dissatisfied with the beginning which the new Ministry has made.

Rochecotte, November 14, 1840.—I had wished the first mass said in my chapel to be for the repose of the soul of M. de Talleyrand, but an inaugural mass cannot be one of mourning. At the ceremony of the day before yesterday, therefore, colours were worn in honour of St. Martin; yesterday's mass was for the dear departed. The altar is exactly where his bed used to stand in the room which has been replaced by the chapel; the coincidence affected me deeply.

Rochecotte, November 17, 1840.—M. de Salvandy, who has most obligingly undertaken to send me a little weekly bulletin, tells me that the Diplomatic Body at Paris was almost as keenly excited by the last note from Lord Palmerston as the Chamber itself. [140]

It seems that Count Apponyi has written everywhere pointing out the danger of urging France to revolution and to war when she is attempting to throw off the yoke of anarchy. Lord Granville and Herr von Bülow disavow the acts of Lord Palmerston. If he really wished to drive France to extremities, it may be believed that neither Austria nor Prussia would support him. Even Russia seems to have moderated her language.

My son-in-law writes me from Paris on the 15th: "The state of affairs here seems to me very confused. The transition from revolutionary provocation to a demeanour of humility can only be effected amid uproar in order to put shame out of countenance. To this end everybody is working. There is a general cry for peace and for the support of the former Ministry, and a general outcry against the cowardice and degradation of the supreme power, though no one can say exactly what should have been done. These indeterminate attacks never produce a really embarrassing situation, and as they make an uproar without doing any harm, the men against whom they are ineffectually directed obtain the credit of success. It thus seems generally admitted that the Ministry will gain a majority. M. Guizot, for instance, was saying the day before yesterday in his salon, with the heroic air characteristic of General Guizot: 'Gentlemen, we have just begun the campaign; the war will be long and severe, but I hope that we shall gain the victory.' Though the Chamber desires peace at any price, it is not compliant. The greater its anxiety, the louder its outcries, which will only end with its unregretted fall. The Address, which is to be drawn up, people say, by M. Passy or M. de Salvandy, will be very bellicose, so much so as to embarrass the Government, although it had been decided to create as little trouble as possible on this point.

"You will have read the answer of Lord Palmerston to the memorandum of October 8. It is an important matter. His disdain for us is obvious, and is not even disguised by forms or ceremonies. It seems, moreover, that this feeling towards us has grown remarkably of late. None the less the note has caused much embarrassment to M. Guizot, who had told everybody that since his entry upon office the situation in England had entirely changed and that Lord Palmerston was an altered character. He summed up his views in these words: 'I have peace in my pocket.' This is how he explained Lord Palmerston's note when he was talking at the house of the President of the Chamber [141] two days ago: 'Lord Palmerston has a theological mind; he will let no objection pass without an answer, so that this note means nothing; it is merely a question of principle.' M. Dubois, of the Loire-Inférieure, who is a clever man, and a strong supporter of the new Ministry, then took M. Guizot aside and told him that he would be making a great mistake if he repeated that observation in the Chamber. M. Guizot merely answered by repeating his statement, with which he was so delighted that he caused it to be inserted that evening in his own newspaper, Le Messager, in the form of a note at the foot of the memorandum, merely suppressing the term 'theological.' At the same time the incident has caused some stir, which has not yet died away, and would make M. Guizot cut a ridiculous figure if things seemed what they are in this country. The Ministry proposes to make peace, and everybody thinks that it will be successful. After that it will perish, for no obvious reason, in a hurricane; this also seems to be generally believed. Then M. Molé, who now remains in isolation, will come to power. He will probably be welcomed by every one, not because he is any more popular in the Chamber than he used to be, but because every one's energy is exhausted, while the King remains master. The matter will depend upon the King, who is ill-disposed to M. Molé at this moment, and uttered a remark concerning him which others attribute to M. Guizot, but which is too good to come from more than one source: 'M. Molé is an excellent looker-on, but is a bad actor.' I have an idea that the remark is mine, and that some one stole it from me five years ago.

"The Syrian campaign is decidedly favourable to the allies. The English have displayed much energy. They are inducing the Turks to strike hard, and everything is yielding before them; the force of Ibrahim was a myth. At every moment we are expecting the news of the capture of Saint-Jean d'Acre, which will be an important success both here and there. The saddest part of it is that there is no certainty concerning the possible safety of Egypt. Already rumours are present of a probable revolt at Alexandria, of the assassination of the Pasha by knife or poison; while you have seen that Lord Palmerston, with his theological mind, no longer speaks of the deposition of the Pasha as he did three weeks ago. There is no certainty that we shall not yield upon that point here, and it would be a tremendous concession.

"So much for the present. I now turn to the past. Thiers has shrunk in everybody's eyes: his timidity has been invariably as great as his imprudence and his superficiality. He dismissed the French Consul at Beyrout because he wished to serve the Pasha in Syria by calming the revolt, and it has never been possible to induce him to send reliable agents to Syria for the purpose of finding out the exact extent of Ibrahim's power. Hence we have been deceived, and the attitude of France has been guided by unrealised expectations. M. de Broglie thinks that the King was greatly mistaken in dismissing the Ministry of M. Thiers, because he would in any case have fallen a victim to public ridicule at this moment. This opinion is based upon the fact that if one stakes a large sum upon one card and it does not appear the ridicule is universal. The person to whom he was speaking on the matter yesterday evening thought, on the other hand, that while the Chamber might fear war, it would never have been strong enough to overthrow the Cabinet.

"The speech drawn up by Thiers did not propose a new levy of a hundred and fifty thousand men, but merely wished to anticipate the new levy by three months, whether for peace or for war, this being the levy ordinarily made in the spring. Moreover, the tone of the speech was quite moderate; but the fact is that neither he nor the King was sincere and it was a mere pretext on either side.

"There was a Ministerial crisis, of which we had no suspicion, after the capture of Beyrout. The Ministry wished to make a demonstration by sending the fleet to Alexandria, but the King was opposed to this idea. M. de Broglie was asked to mediate between the two parties, and patched the matter up, on the theory that it was impossible at that moment to appoint a permanent Ministry if those in power resigned upon such a question. He was also opposed to the idea of sending a fleet to Alexandria, believing that the measure was good in itself, as likely to cause the allies anxiety while giving them no reason for complaint, and thinking it a measure which an absolute Government would have every right to carry out; but in French practice, on the other hand, as soon as this measure had been executed, the Press would have driven the fleet into action, whether they wished or not, and war would have been the result. All this argument, in any case, is based upon the fact that this measure or anything like it could only be carried out by violent means of which the public must hear, such as a resignation, a crisis, and so forth. If the matter had been quietly arranged with the private knowledge of the King, the case would have been very different. Moreover, M. de Broglie is by no means well disposed towards the King. He says, however, that it is all a matter of indifference to him apart from the outward disturbance; that he will support any possible Ministry, that not only will he make no attempt to overthrow them, but will not even try to shake their stability, seeing that any of the said Ministries are always more reasonable than the Chamber. In short, he says that he is part of the Ministerial suite, an avowal which no one had yet ventured to make, and that he greatly envies you the prospect of spending his winter in the country. His calmness is quite Olympian, though tempered with bitter and piercing irony.

"M. Guizot tells his friends in confidence that he has induced M. de Broglie to accept the London Embassy. I believe nothing of the kind, but I forgot to ask him yesterday evening. M. Molé seemed to me to be utterly cast down; he is a kind of Jeremiah singing madrigals, and is greatly changed."

Rochecotte, November 22, 1840.—Yesterday my son-in-law wrote to his wife saying that the diplomatic correspondence was read privately before the Commission of the Address in the Chamber of Deputies. It represents M. Thiers as an incompetent and impossible Minister, M. Guizot as a wise ambassador and a dangerous auxiliary, Lord Palmerston as a resolute and strong character; it shows that Thiers had attempted to deceive and blind the eyes of every one and to take them in, and was simply laughed at, as also was France. He also writes that the Duc d'Orléans made his little impromptu speech before the Chamber of Peers with admirable tact, grace, and nobility.

Another note has been received from Lord Palmerston, milder in tone than the former, but still raising anxiety upon the Egyptian question. M. Mounier has been officially sent to London to try and secure some concession.

My son Valençay writes to me to say that Madame de Nesselrode is at Paris for six weeks; that she will not appear at Court, and therefore will not go into society, but will live quietly by herself, and is delighted with her idea. I do not know whether Count Nesselrode will be equally delighted.

Rochecotte, November 23, 1840.—My son-in-law writes that M. Walewski, who had been sent to Egypt as an envoy to Ibrahim, thought that he was still writing despatches for the Ministry of March 1, and had announced that in spite of all his efforts he could not induce Ibrahim to pass the Taurus. This despatch seems to be causing a great sensation.

Rochecotte, November 24, 1840.—My son-in-law writes: "There is a vague rumour that some arrangement will be made in Syria and Egypt which will not be the ruin of the Pasha. This is in consequence of his complete submission to the Powers, but we shall boast of it here, and the majority will appear to believe it. For some time past there have been terrible arguments between Thiers and Guizot, face to face, and the worst of it is for them both that the bystanders support one of them against the other; consequently they will dig the pit in which they will both fall. Thiers is almost entirely ruined, and Guizot will be in the spring after he has refused, as he will, to pave the way for M. Molé, who will certainly enter upon office if the King wishes."

Rochecotte, November 25, 1840.—I have been reading with admiration the noble farewell of Queen Christina to the Spanish nation. [142] It seems to belong to another time and to an age when there was still something divine in the language of kings. This touching manifesto is said to have been drawn up by Señor de Offalia, who has also left Spain.

Rochecotte, November 26, 1840.—What a dreadful speech M. Dupin has made! I am certainly the most peaceful creature in France, but I cannot understand how any one can descend to such depths. A descent so useless, so tactless, and so clumsy that it really seems as if he were trying to win a wager.

The wife of the Marshal d'Albuféra tells me that the Comtesse de Nesselrode met M. Thiers at her house, and that he put out all his efforts to charm the Comtesse. Madame de Nesselrode takes such sudden fancies that she might get excited even over M. Thiers.

The English have captured Saint-Jean d'Acre. Their little Queen has been confined of a daughter. [143]

Rochecotte, November 28, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles writes: "You will see by reading the reports of yesterday's session in the Chamber of Deputies the excitement which pervaded the assembly. This establishes and confirms peace with disgrace. These events will be a heavy burden upon the future of the present dynasty. I think that the consequence at home will be a kind of reform in the Chamber, which will produce a dissolution, and also another Chamber, in which we shall be forced to endure a Left Ministry led by Thiers."

Madame Mollien writes to me: "Queen Christina is pretty; her complexion is superb, her skin fine and white; she has a gentle look and a clever and gracious smile, but those who wish to think her charming must look no lower than her head; in full detail she is almost a monstrosity, quite as much as her sister the Infanta. She came to France unattended by any of her ladies, though the newspapers are pleased to speak of some Doña, who, if she does exist, is probably nothing but a chambermaid. At Paris there are some Spanish ladies who will perform some kind of attendance upon her; at the present moment the Duchess of Berwick is so acting. Her suite is composed of only two men, who are both young; one especially, the Count of Raquena, does not seem to be more than twenty. He is a little man with fair moustaches, and looks like a comedy lieutenant. I do not know when the Queen will start. She says she is very happy here. I am afraid she will be too happy and stay too long. These royal visits always cause a certain amount of disturbance, which soon wearies the inhabitants of the Tuileries. She dines there every day, though she is staying in the royal palace. Her interview with her sister was very cold, but it passed off without any scene, and nothing more was expected."

The Duchesse de Bauffremont sent me news of the marriage of her grandson with the second Mlle. d'Aubusson; the eldest daughter is marrying Prince Marc de Beauvau. Gontran's marriage will not take place for a year, as the young lady is only fifteen; she will be enormously rich. Her mother is Mlle. de Boissy. Her father has been ill for ten years, and his property is in the hands of executors. Gontran is not yet nineteen, and a very handsome young fellow.

Rochecotte, November 29, 1840.—The day before yesterday the Journal des Débats was very curiously filled with the speeches of M. Passy and M. Guizot, throughout which M. Thiers must have felt himself somewhat uneasy. On the whole these explanations are not very creditable to the cleverness of any one except to the skill and the dignified tenacity of Lord Palmerston. It appears to me that all the French actors have emerged from the business somewhat bespattered, including even the little Bourqueney.

Rochecotte, November 30, 1840.—The discussions in the Chamber have induced me to read the newspaper through, and I am not sorry, for it is a curious drama, though one in which the situation is more interesting than the people, whose appearance becomes ever more threadbare as they adopt the most certain means of degradation, want of straightforwardness, simplicity, and truth in their dealings. Moreover, this discussion is like the Day of Judgment; whether they like it or not, every one is stripped of his fine feathers, and truth is forced to the forefront. Hitherto M. Villemain seems to me to speak the truth in the most suitable and striking language, but he is only in a position to speak for one side of the matter, though this, in my opinion, is the side to which blame chiefly attaches.