Furthermore making mention of hir and hir issue, he addeth these words:

Li. 11. Epig. 54.

The names of hir thrée children were Prudentiana, Praxedes, both virgins, and Nouatus, who after the death of Pudens their father (which befell him in Cappadocia) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria, where they ceased not from time to time to minister vnto the saints. But to leaue this impertinent discourse, and proceed with my purpose.

I find in the Chronicles of Burton (vnder the yeare of Grace 141. and time of Hadrian the emperour) that nine scholers or clerkes of Grantha or Granta (now Cambridge) were baptised in Britaine, and became preachers of the gospell there, but whether Taurinus bishop or elder ouer the congregation at Yorke (who as Vincentius saith, was executed Lib. 10. cap. 17.
Taurinus. about this time for his faith) were one of them or not, as yet I do not certeinlie find; but rather the contrarie, which is that he was no Britaine at all, but Episcopus Ebroicensis, for which such as perceiue not the easie corruption of the word, may soone write Eboracensis as certeinlie mine author out of whom I alledge this authoritie hath done before me. For Vincentius saith flat otherwise, and therefore the Chronologie if it speake of anie Taurinus bishop of Yorke is to be reformed in that behalfe. Diuers other also imbraced the religion of Christ verie zealouslie before these men. Howbeit, all this notwithstanding, the glad tidings of the gospell had neuer free and open passage here, vntill the time of Lucius, in which the verie enimies of the word became the apparent meanes (contrarie to their owne minds) to haue it set foorth amongst vs. For when Antoninus the emperour had giuen out a decrée, that the Druiysh religion should euerie where be abolished, Lucius the king (whose surname is now perished) tooke aduise of his councell what was best to be doone, & wrote in this behalfe. And this did Lucius, bicause he knew it *impossible for man to liue long * This is contrarie to the common talke of our Atheists who say, Let vs liue here in wealth, credit and authoritie vpon earth, and let God take heauen and his religion to himselfe to doo withall what he listeth. without any religion at all: finallie finding his Nobilitie & subiects vtter enemies to the Romane deuotiō (for that they made so many gods as they listed, & some to haue the regiment euen of their dirt & dung) and thervnto being pricked forwards by such christians as were conuersant about him, to choose the seruice of the true God that liueth for euer, rather than the slauish seruitude of any pagan idoll: he fullie resolued with himselfe in the end, to receiue and imbrace the gospell of Christ. He sent also two of his best learned and greatest Lucius openeth his ears to good counsell, as one desirous to serue God & not prefer the world. philosophers to Rome, vnto Eleutherus then bishop there in the 177. of Christ, not to promise any subiection to his sea, which then was not required, but to say with such as were pricked in mind, Acts. 2. verse. 37. "Quid faciemus viri fratres?" I meane that they were sent to be perfectlie instructed, and with farther commission, to make earnest request vnto him and the congregation there, that a competent number of preachers might be sent ouer from thence, by whose diligent aduise and trauell, the foundation of the gospell might surelie be laid ouer all the portion of the Ile, which conteined his kingdome, according to his mind.

The purpose of Lucius opened vnto the congregation at Rome by Eleutherus. When Eleutherus vnderstood these things, he reioiced not a little for the great goodnesse, which the Lord had shewed vpon this our Ile and countrie. Afterwards calling the brethren togither, they agréed to ordeine, euen those two for bishops, whom Lucius as you haue heard, had directed ouer vnto them. Finallie after they had thoroughlie catechized them, making generall praier vnto God and earnest supplication for the good successe of these men, they sent them home againe with no small charge, that they should be diligent in their function, and carefull ouer the flocke committed to their custodie.

The first of these was called Eluanus Aualonius, a man borne in the Ile of Aualon, and brought up there vnder those godlie pastours and their disciples, whom Philip sent ouer at the first for the conuersion of the Britons. The other hight Medguinus, and was thereto surnamed Belga, bicause he was of the towne of Welles, which then was called Belga. This man was trained vp also in one schoole with Eluanus, both of them being ornaments to their horie ages, and men of such grauitie and godlinesse, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthie to support this charge, than they: after whose comming home also, it was not long yer Lucius and all A zealous prince maketh feruent subiects. his houshold with diuers of the Nobilitie were baptised, beside infinit numbers of the common people, which dailie resorted vnto them, and voluntarilie renounced all their idolatrie and paganisme.

In the meane time, Eleutherus vnderstanding the successe of these learned doctours, and supposing with himselfe, that they two onlie could not suffice to support so great a charge as should concerne the conuersion of the whole Iland; he directed ouer vnto them in the yeare Faganus.
Dinauus.
Aaron. insuing Faganus, Dinaw (or Dinauus) Aaron, and diuerse other godlie preachers, as fellow-labourers to trauell with them in the vineyard of Radulphus de la noir aliàs Niger. the Lord. These men therefore after their comming hither, consulted with the other, and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of this
3. Cheefe Bishops in Britaine. Iland amongst themselues, appointing what parcell each preacher should take, that with the more profit and ease of the people, and somewhat lesse trauell also for themselues, the doctrine of the Gospell might be preached and receiued. In this distribution, they ordeined that there Theonus.
Theodosius.
London.
Yorke.
Caerlheon. should be one congregation at London, where they placed Theonus as chéefe elder and bishop, for that present time, worthilie called Theonus. 1. for there was another of that name who fled into Wales with Thadiocus of Yorke, at the first comming of the Saxons; and also Guthelmus, who went (as I read) into Armorica, there to craue aid against the Scots and Vandals that plagued this Ile, from the Twede vnto the Humber. After this Theonus also Eluanus succéeded, who conuerted manie of the Druiydes, and builded the first librarie neere vnto the bishops palace. The said Lucius also placed another at Yorke, whither they appointed Theodosius: and the third at Caerlheon vpon the riuer Vske, builded sometimes by Belinus, and called Glamorgantia, but now Chester (in which three cities there had before time beene thrée Archflamines erected vnto Apollo, Mars, and Minerua, but now raced to the ground, and three other churches builded in their steeds by Lucius) to the end that the countries round about might haue indifferent accesse vnto those places, and therewithall vnderstand for certeintie, whither to resort for resolution, if after their conuersion they should happen to doubt of any thing. In like sort also the rest of the idoll-temples standing in other places were either ouerthrowne, or conuerted into churches for christian congregations to assemble in, as our writers doo remember. In the report whereof giue me leaue gentle reader, of London my natiue citie to speake a little: for although it may and dooth seeme impertinent to my purpose, yet it shall not be much, and therefore I will soone make an end. There is a controuersie moued among our historiographers, whether the church that Lucius builded at London stood at Westminster, or in Cornehill. For there is some cause, why the metropolitane church should be thought to stand where S. Peters now doth, by the space of 400. & od yéeres before it was remoued to Canturburie by Austine the monke, if a man should leane to one side without anie conference of the asseuerations of the other. But herin (as I take it) there lurketh some scruple, for beside that S. Peters church stood in the east end of the citie, and that of Apollo in the west, the word Cornehill (a denomination giuen of late to speake of to one street) may easilie be mistaken for Thorney. For as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons, who called the west end of the citie by that name, where Westminster now standeth, bicause of the wildnesse and bushinesse of the soile; so I doo not read of anie stréete in London called Cornehill before the conquest of the Normans. Wherfore I hold with them, which make Westminster to be the place where Lucius builded his church vpon the ruines of that Flamine 264. yeeres, as Malmesburie saith, before the comming of the Saxons, and 411. before the arriuall of Augustine. Read also his appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the Saxons, in the 449. of Grace, and of Augustine in the 596. of Christ; which is a manifest accompt, though some copies haue 499. for the one, but not without manifest corruption and error.

Britaine the first prouince that receiued the Gospell generallie. Thus became Britaine the first prouince that generallie receiued the faith, and where the gospell was freelie preached without inhibition of hir prince. Howbeit, although that Lucius and his princes and great numbers of his people imbraced the word with gréedinesse, yet was not the successe thereof either so vniuersall, that all men beleeued at the first; the securitie so great, as that no persecution was to be feared from the Romane empire after his decease; or the procéeding of the king so seuere, as that he inforced any man by publike authoritie to forsake and relinquish his paganisme: but onelie this fréedome was enioied, that who so would become a christian in his time, might without feare of his lawes professe the Gospell, in whose testimonie, if néed had béene, I doubt not to affirme, but that he would haue shed also his bloud, as did Emerita neece vnto Lucius. his neece Emerita, who being constant aboue the common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yeeld hir selfe to death, as a swéet smelling sacrifice in the nostrels of the Lord, beyond the sea in France.

Lucius sendeth againe to Rome. The faith of Christ being thus planted in this Iland in the 177. after Christ, and Faganus and Dinaw with the rest sent ouer from Rome, in the 178. as you haue heard: it came to passe in the third yeare of the Gospell receiued, that Lucius did send againe to Eleutherus the bishop, requiring that he might haue some breefe epitome of the order of discipline then vsed in the church. For he well considered, that as it auaileth litle to plant a costlie vineyard, except it afterward be cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoie, dailie remooued from the same: so after baptisme and entrance into religion, it profiteth little to beare the name of christians, except we doo walke in Ro. 3. ver. 1. the spirit, and haue such things as offend apparentlie, corrected by seuere discipline. For otherwise it will come to passe, that the wéedes of vice, and vicious liuing, will so quicklie abound in vs, that they will in the end choke vp the good séed sowne in our minds, and either inforce vs to returne vnto our former wickednesse with déeper securitie than before, or else to become meere Atheists, which is a great deale woorse.

For this cause therefore did Lucius send to Rome, the second time, for a copie of such politike orders as were then vsed there, in their regiment The wisedome of Eleutherus. of the church. But Eleutherus considering with himselfe, how that all nations are not of like condition, and therefore those constitutions that are beneficiall to one, may now and then be preiudiciall to another: and séeing also that beside the word no rites and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that as time serueth, they will require alteration: he thought it best not to laie any more vpon the necks of the new conuerts of Britaine as yet, than Christ and his apostles had alreadie set downe vnto all men. In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them vnto Lucius and his Nobilitie, dated in the consulships of Commodus and Vespronius, wherein he told them that Christ had left sufficient order in the Scriptures for the gouernment of his church alreadie in his word, and not for that onlie, but also for the regiment of his whole *kingdome, if he would submit himselfe, to yéeld and follow that rule. The epistle it selfe is partlie * Though most princes canot heare on that side. extant, and partlie perished, yet such as it is, and as I haue faithfullie translated it out of sundrie verie ancient copies, I doo deliuer it here, to the end I will not defraud the reader of anie thing that may turne to the glorie of God, and his commoditie, in the historie of our nation.

Epistle of Eleutherus vnto Lucius. "You require of vs the Romane ordinances, and thereto the statutes of the emperours to be sent ouer vnto you, and which you desire to practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome. The Romane lawes and those of emperours we may eftsoones reprooue, but those of God can neuer be found fault withall. You haue receiued of late through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine the law and faith of Christ, you haue with you both volumes of the scriptures: out of them therefore by Gods grace, and the councell of your realme take you a law, and by that law through Gods sufferance rule your kingdome, for you are Gods vicar in your owne Psal. 24. realme, as the roiall prophet saith; The earth is the Lords and all that is therein, the compasse of the world, and they that dwell therein. Psal. 45. Againe, Thou hast loued truth and hated iniquitie, wherefore God, euen thy God hath annointed thee with oile of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. Psal. 71. And againe, according to the saieng of the same prophet; Oh God giue thy iudgement vnto the king, & thy iustice vnto the kings sonne. The kings sons are the christian people & flocke of the realme, which are vnder your gouernance, and liue & continue in peace within your kingdome. * * Here wanteth. The gospell saith; As the hen gathereth hir chickens vnder hir wings, so dooth the king his people. Such as dwell in the kingdome of Britaine are yours, whom if they be diuided, you ought to gather into concord and vnitie, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to his sacred church: to chearish and mainteine, to rule also and gouerne them, defending each of them from such as would doo them wrong, and keeping them from the malice of such as be their enimies. *Wo vnto the nation whose king is a child, and whose princes rise vp earlie to banket and féed, which is spoken not of a prince that is within age, but of a prince that is become a child, through follie, sinne & vnstedfastnesse, of whom the prophet saith; The bloudthirstie and deceitfull men shall not liue foorth halfe their daies. *By féeding I vnderstand gluttonie; Psal. 55. by gluttonie, lust; & by lust all wickednesse & sinne, according to the saieng of Salomon the king; Wisedome entreth not into a wicked mind, nor dwelleth with a man that is subiect vnto sinne. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of the possession of his realme. You shalbe a king whilest you rule well, but if you doo otherwise, the name of a king shall not remaine with you, but you shall vtterlie forgo it, which God forbid. The almightie God grant you so to rule the kingdome of Britaine, that you may reigne with him for euer, whose vicar (or vicegerent) you are within your aforesaid kingdome. Who with the Sonne and the Holie-ghost, &c."

Hitherto out of the epistle that Eleutherus sent vnto Lucius, wherein manie pretie obseruations are to be collected, if time and place would serue to stand vpon them. After these daies also the number of such as were ordeined to saluation, increased dailie more and more, whereby (as in other places of the world) the word of God had good successe in Britaine, in time of peace; and in heat of persecution, there were no Albane.
Amphibalus.
Iulius.
Aaron. small number of martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Albane, Amphibalus, Iulius, and Aaron, are reputed to be the chiefe, bicause of their noble parentage, which is a great matter in the sight of worldlie men.

There are which affirme our Lucius to renounce his kingdome, and afterward to become first a bishop, then a preacher of the gospell, and afterward a pope: but to the end such as hold this opinion may once vnderstand the botome of their errors, I will set downe the matter at large, whereby they shall sée (if they list to looke) how far they haue béene deceiued.

Chlorus had three sons, & a daughter by Helena. I find that Chlorus had issue by his second wife, two sonnes, Dalmatius (who had a sonne called also Dalmatius and slaine by the souldiors.) Constantius father to Gallus, and Iulian the apostata; besides foure other whose names as yet I find not. But being at the first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the roiall power of Dioclesian, he had by hir three sonnes (beside one daughter named Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished, the second was called Lucius, & the third Constantine, that afterward was emperour of Rome, by election of the armies in Britaine. Now it happened that Lucius, whome the French call Lucion, by means of a quarell growne betwéene him and his elder brother, did kill his said brother, either by a fraie or by some other meanes, wherevpon his father exiled him out of Britaine, and appointed him from thenceforth to remaine in Aquitane in France. This Lucion brought thus into worldlie sorow, had now good leasure to meditate vpon heauen, who before in his prosperitie had peraduenture neuer regard of hell. Finallie he fell so far into the consideration of his estate, that at the last he renounced his paganisme, Lucion becommeth a christian.
Lucion a bishop. and first became a christian, then an elder, and last of all a bishop in the church of Christ. He erected also a place of praier wherein to serue the liuing God, which after sundrie alterations came in processe of time to be an Abbaie, and is still called euen to our time after Lucion or Lucius: the first founder therof, and the originall beginner of anie such house in those parts.

In this also he and diuers other of his freends continued their times, in great contemplation and praier, and from hence were translated as occasion serued, vnto sundrie ecclesiasticall promotions in the time of Constant. his brother. So that euen by this short narration it is now easie to sée, that Lucius the king, and Lucius or Lucion the sonne of Hermannus Schedelius.
Bruschius cap. 3. Chlorus, were distinct persons. Herevnto Hermannus Schedelius addeth also how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his sister, and néere vnto the citie Augusta conuerted the Curienses vnto the faith of Christ, and there likewise (being put to death in Castro Martis) lieth buried in the same towne, where his feast is holden vpon the third daie of December, as may readilie be confirmed, whereas the bones of our Lucius were to be séene at Glocester. That Schedelius erreth not herein also, the ancient monuments of the said Abbaie, whereof he was the originall beginner, as I said, doo yeeld sufficient testimonie, beside an hymne made in his commendation, intituled Gaude Lucionum, &c. But for more of this you may Festum Lucionis.
Iohn Bouchet. resort vnto Bouchet in his first booke, and fift chapter of the Annales of Aquitane, who neuertheles maketh the king of Britaine grandfather to this Lucion. The said Schedelius furthermore setteth downe, that his Emerita martyred in Rhetia. sister was martyred in Trinecastell, néere vnto the place where the said Lucion dwelled, whereby it appéereth in like sort, that she was not sister to Lucius king of Britaine, of which prince Alexander Neccham in his most excellent treatise De sapientia diuina, setteth downe this Distichon:

Neither could Lucion or Lucius be fellow and of kinred vnto Paule the apostle, as Auentine inferreth, except he meane it of some other Lucius, as of one whome he nameth Cyrinensis. But then will not the historie agree with the conuersion of the Rhetians and Vindelicians, whereof Schedelius and other doo make mention. But as each riuer the farder it runneth from the head, the more it is increased by small riuelets, and corrupted with filthie puddels, and stinking gutters, that descend into Heresie and monastical life brought into Britaine at one time by Pelagius. the same: so the puritie of the gospell, preached here in Britaine, in processe of time became first of all to be corrupted with a new order of religion, and most execrable heresie, both of them being brought in at once by Pelagius, of Wales, who hauing trauelled through France, Italie, Aegypt, Syria, & the easterlie regions of the world, was there at the last made an elder or bishop, by some of the monkes, vnto whose profession he had not long before wholie addicted himselfe. Finallie returning home againe with an augmentation of fame and countenance of greater holinesse than he bare out of the land with him, he did not onelie erect an house of his owne order at Bangor in Wales, vpon the Bangor. riuer Dee, but also sowed the pestiferous séed of his hereticall prauities ouer all this Iland, whereby he seduced great numbers of Britons, teaching them to preferre their owne merits, before the free mercie of God, in Jesus Christ his sonne. By this means therefore he brought assurance of saluation into question, and taught all such as had a diligent respect vnto their workes to be doubtfull of the same, whereas to such as regard this latter, there can be no quietnesse of mind, but alwaies an vnstedfast opinion of themselues, whereby they cannot discerne, neither by prosperitie nor aduersitie of this life, whether they be worthie loue or hatred. Neuertheles it behooueth the godlie to repose their hope in that grace which is freelie granted through Jesu Christ, and to flee vnto the mercies of God which are offered vnto vs in with and by his son, to the end that we may at the last find the testimonie of his spirit working with ours, that we are his chosen children, whereby commeth peace of conscience to such as doo beléeue.

Thus we sée how new deuises or orders of religion and heresie came in together. I could shew also what Comets, and strange signes appeared in Britaine, much about the same time, the like of which with diuers other haue beene perceiued also from time to time, sithence the death of Pelagius, at the entrance of anie new kind of religion into this Ile of Britaine. But I passe them ouer, onelie for that I would not seeme in my tractation of antiquities, to trouble my reader with the rehersall of anie new inconueniences.

Anachorites.
Heremites.
Cyrillines.
Benedictines. To procéed therefore with my purpose, after these, there followed in like sort sundrie other kinds of monasticall life, as Anachorites, Heremits, Cyrilline and Benedictine monkes, albeit that the heremeticall profession was onelie allowed of in Britaine, vntill the comming of Augustine the monke, who brought in the Benedictine sect, framed after the order of the house which Benedict surnamed Nursinus did first erect in Monte Cassino, about the 524. of Christ, & was finallie so well liked of all men, that we had few or (as I suppose) no blacke monkes in England that were not of his order. In processe of time how Benedict Biscop also our countrieman restored the said Benedictine profession greatlie decaied in England, our histories are verie plentifull, which Biscop went off into Italie, and at one time for a speciall confirmation of his two monasteries which he had builded at other mens costs vnto Monkes and Heremites onelie allowed of in Britaine. Paule and Peter vpon the bankes of the Were, as Beda dooth remember. So fast also did these and other like humane deuises prosper after his time, that at their suppression in England and Wales onelie, there were found 440. religious houses at the least, of which 373. might dispend 200. li. by the yéere at the least, as appeareth by the record of their suppression, which also noteth the totall summe of their reuenues to amount vnto 32000. pounds, their moueables 100000. li. and the number of The number of religious houses in England at their dissolution. religious men conteined in the same, to be 10000. which would make a pretie armie, wherevnto if you adde those 45. of late standing in Scotland, you shall soone see what numbers of these dens of spirituall robbers were mainteined here in Britaine. What number of saincts also haue béene hatched in them I could easilie remember, and beside those 160. which Capgraue setteth downe, & other likewise remembred in the golden Legend, and Legendarie of Excester, I might bring a rable out of Scotland able to furnish vp a calendar, though the yere were twise as long.

As touching Pelagius the first heretike that euer was bred in this realme (notablie knowne) and parent of Monachisme, it is certeine, that before his corruption and fall, he was taken for a man of singular learning, deepe iudgement, and such a one, as vpon whome for his great gifts in teaching and strictnesse of life, no small péece of the hope and expectation of the people did depend. But what is wisedome of the flesh, without the feare and true knowledge of God? and what is learning except it be handmaid to veritie and sound iudgement? Wherefore euen of Roger Bakon his saieng of the preachers of his time who were the best lawyers and the worst Diuines. this man, we may see it verified, that one Roger Bakon pronounced long after of the corruption of his time, when all things were measured by wit and worldlie policie, rather than by the scriptures or guidance of the spirit; Better it is saith he, to heare a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without apparance of skill and learned eloquence, than a profound clearke to set foorth error, with great shew of learning, and boast of filed vtterance. Gerson in like sort hath said fullie asmuch. These follies of Pelagius were blased abroad about the 400. of Christ, and from thencefoorth how his number of monkes increased on the one side, and his doctrine on the other, there is almost no reader that is vnskilfull and ignorant.

This also is certeine, that within the space of 200. yeares and odde, More than 2100 monkes in the College or Abbaie of Bangor in whose territories the parish of Ouerton standeth. there were manie more than 2100. monkes gathered togither in his house, whose trades notwithstanding the errors or their founder, (who taught such an estimation of merits and bodilie exercise (as Paule calleth it) that therby he sought not onlie to impugne, but also preuent grace, which was in deed the originall occasion of the erection of his house) were yet farre better and more godlie than all those religious orders, that were inuented of later time, wherein the professours liued to themselues, their wombs and the licentious fruition of those parts, that are beneath the bellie. For these laboured continuallie for their owne liuings, at vacant times from praier (as did Serapions monkes, which Niceph. lib. II. cap. 34. were 10000. ouer whome he himselfe was Abbat) and likewise for the better maintenance of such learned men as were their appointed preachers. Their liues also were correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein onelie they seemed intollerable, in that they had confidence in their déeds, and no warrant out of the word for their succor & defense, but were such a plant as the heauenlie father had not planted, and therefore no maruell, though afterward they were raised by the roots.

But as Pelagius and his adherents had a time to infect the church of Christ in Britaine, so the liuing God hath had a season also to purge and cleanse the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine, Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius. sith Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius, and such like leaning for the most part vnto the monasticall trades, did not so much condemne the generall errors of Pelagius one waie, as mainteine the same, or as euill opinions another. For as Patricke séemed to like well of the honoring of the dead, so Germanus being in Britaine repaired an old chapell to Seuerus Sulpitius in vita Patricij. S. Albane, wherein Lupus also praied, as Palladius vpheld the strictnesse of life, in monasticall profession to the vttermost of his power. Wherefore God wrought this purgation of his house at the first, rather by taking awaie the wicked and pompous schoolemaisters of errour out of this life: hoping that by such meanes, his people would haue giuen eare to the godlie that remained. But in processe of time, when this his mercifull dealing was forgotten and our countriemen returned to their former disorders, he brought in the Saxons, who left no idoll vnhonored, no not their filthie Priapus, vnto whom the women builded temples, and made a beastlie image (Cum pene intenso, and as if he had beene circumcised) whome they called Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius Atvatic. pag. 26. addeth, Ters: calling vpon him in maner at euerie word, yea at the verie fall of a knife out of their hands, and not counted anie shame vnto the most ancient and sober matrone of them all. Howbeit when this procéeding of the Lord could also take no place, and the shéepe of his pasture would receiue no wholesome fodder, it pleased his maiestie, to let them run on headlong from one iniquitie to another, in somuch that after the doctrine of Pelagius, it receiued that of Rome Augustine the monke.] also, brought in by Augustine and his monkes, whereby it was to be seene, how they fell from the truth into heresie, and from one heresie still into another, till at the last they were drowned altogither in the pits of error digged vp by Antichrist, wels in deed that hold no water, which notwithstanding to their followers séemed to be most sound doctrine, and cisterns of liuing water to such as imbraced the same.

Augustine. This Augustine, after his arriuall, conuerted the Saxons in déed from paganisme, but as the prouerbe saith, bringing them out of Gods blessing into the warme sunne, he also imbued them with no lesse hurtfull superstition, than they did know before: for beside the onelie name of Christ, and externall contempt of their pristinate idolatrie, he taught them nothing at all, but rather (I saie) made an exchange from grosse to subtill treacherie, from open to secret idolatrie, & from the name of pagans, to the bare title of christians, thinking this sufficient for their soules health, and the stablishment of his monachisme, of which kind of profession, the holie scriptures of God can in no wise like or allow. But what cared he? sith he got the great fish for which he did cast his hooke, and so great was the fish that he caught in déed, that within the space of 1000. yeares, and lesse, it deuoured the fourth part & more of the best soile of the Iland, which was wholie bestowed vpon his monkes, & other religious broodes that were hatched since his time, as may hereafter appéere in the booke following, where I intreate of cities, townes, &c. In the meane season what successe his monkes had Monks of Canturburie plagued. at Canturburie, how oft they were spoiled by enimies, their houses burned by casualtie, and brethren consumed with pestilence, I refer me to Gotcellius, Houeden, Geruase, and the rest of their owne historiographers. And so sore did the pestilence rage among them in the time of Celnothus (in whose daies the preests, clerks and monkes sang their seruice togither in the quire, that (of I wote not how manie) there remained onelie fiue aliue, which was a notable token of the furie and wrath of God conceiued and executed against that malignant generation. It came also to passe at the last that men vsed to praie for helpe at the said Augustines tumbe (although afterward Thomas Becket a newer saint did not a little deface his glorie) among which king Athelstane was one,whome Elnothus the abbat staied so long in the place, when he came thither to praie, that his soldiours waiting for his comming, and supposing the monkes to haue murdered him, began to giue an assault and set fire vpon the house.

Meates.
Pictes.
Caledoniens. Whilest these things were thus in hand, in the south part of Albion, the Meates, Picts, and Caledoniens, which lie beyond the Scotish sea, receiued also the faith, by preaching of such christian elders as aduentured thither dailie, who trauelled not without great successe and increase of perfect godlines in that part of the Ile. Certes this prosperous attempt passed all mens expectation, for that these nations were in those daies reputed wild, sauage, and more vnfaithfull and craftie than well-minded people (as the wild Irish are in my time) and such were they (to saie the truth) in déed, as neither the sugred courtesie, nor sharpe swords of the Romans could mollifie or restraine from their naturall furie, or bring to anie good order. For this cause also in the end, the Romane emperours did vtterlie cast them off as an vnprofitable, brutish, & vntameable nation, and by an huge wall herafter to be described, separated that rude companie from the more mild and ciuill portion.

Scotland conuerted to the faith of Christ. This conuersion of the north parts fell out in the sixt yeare before the warres that Seuerus had in those quarters, and 170. after the death of our sauiour Jesus Christ. From thenceforth also the christian religion continued still among them, by the diligent care of their pastors and bishops (after the vse of the churches of the south part of this Iland) till the Romane shéepheard sought them out, and found the meanes to pull them vnto him in like sort with his long staffe as he had done our countriemen, whereby in the end he abolished the rites of the churches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done alreadie in England: and in stéed of the same did furnish it vp with those of his pontificall see, although there was great contention, and no lesse bloodshed made amongst them, before it could be brought to passe, as by the histories of both nations yet extant may be séene.

Paladius. In the time of Cœlestine bishop of Rome, who sate in the 423. of Christ, one Paladius a Grecian borne (to whome Cyrill wrote his dialog De adoratione in spiritu) and sometime disciple to Iohn 24. bishop of The first attempt of the bishop of Rome to bring Scotland vnder his obedience. Ierusalem, came ouer from Rome into Britaine, there to suppresse the Pelagian heresie, which not a little molested the orthodoxes of that Iland. And hauing doone much good in the extinguishing of the aforesaid opinion there, he went at the last also into Scotland, supposing no lesse, but after he had trauelled somwhat in confutation of the Pelagians in those parts, he should easilie persuade that crooked nation to admit and receiue the rites of the church of Rome, as he would faine haue doone beforehand in the south. Fastidius bishop of London. But as Fastidius Priscus archbishop of London, and his Suffragans resisted him here; so did the Scotish prelates withstand him there also in this behalfe: howbeit, bicause of the authoritie of his commission, grauitie of personage, and the great gift which he had in the veine of pleasant persuasion (whereby he drew the people after him, as Orpheus did the stones with his harpe, and Hercules such as heard him by his toong) they had him not onelie then in great admiration, but their successors also from time to time, and euen now are contented Paladius accompted for the apostle of the Scots. (and the rather also for that he came from Rome) to take him for their chéefe apostle, reckoning from his comming as from the faith receiued, which was in the 431. yeare of Christ, as the truth of their historie dooth verie well confirme.

Thus we see what religion hath from time to time beene receiued in this Iland, & how and when the faith of Christ came first into our countrie. Howbeit as in processe of time it was ouershadowed, and corrupted with the dreames and fantasticall imaginations of man, so it dailie waxed woorse & woorse, till that it pleased God to restore the preaching of his gospell in our daies, whereby the man of sinne is now openlie reuealed, and the puritie of the word once againe brought to light, to the finall ouerthrow of the Romish sathan, and his popish adherents that honour him daie and night to the vttermost of their power, yeelding vp their harts as temples for him to dwell in, which rather ought to be the temples of God and habitations of the Holy-ghost. But such is their peruerse ignorance (notwithstanding that Paule hath giuen warning of him alreadie 2. Thes. 2. calling him (as I said) the man of sinne, and saieng that he sitteth as God in the temple of God, shewing himselfe in his chalenge of power,as if he were God, vnder pretense of zeale vnto true religion) that they will not giue eare vnto the truth, but rather shut their eares and their eies from hearing and reading of the scriptures, bicause they will not be drawne out of his snares and bondage.

OF THE MANIFOLD CONUERSIONS AND ALTERATIONS OF THE ESTATE OF THE COMMON-WEALTH
OF BRITAINE, SITHENS THE TIME OF SAMOTHES.

There is a certeine period of kingdomes, of 430. yeares, in which commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the aforesaid season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that before the execution of Gods purpose dooth come to passe, in changing the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses. This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first booke De ostentis intreating of the same argument, telleth of a strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the face of the Pedacien prophetesse, so often as the citie was to be touched with any alteration and change. "Nam (saith he) descriptas esse diuinitùs ætates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret, quibus finitis, prædici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius euenturam rerum, quæque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent. Emittuntur igitur cometæ diuinitus, & reuocantur dum supra nos conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c." Plato referreth such changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight & measure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile & humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to the force of number with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and appointment of God, which onelie may be called destinie as S. Augustine saith, for of other destinie it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sundrie causes of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion, contempt of religion and lawes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But whatsoeuer Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuolution of things in their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose, and correction of our errors. The causes therefore that Aristotle dooth deliuer, are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes, in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But in truth other than secondarie or third causes no man can iustlie call them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6. making a large discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse of the excellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other. Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so that he Fatal numbers. setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; to wit, sixe vnto women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue "Magnam in tota rerum natura potestatem," meaning as well in common-wealths and kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies, for sickenesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c: and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie examples of apparent likelihood, either by multiplication of one by the other, or diuision of greater numbers by either of them, or their concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather restoreth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythagoras, yet neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things depend vpon his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him. Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas mutationum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present the example of Bodinus, first in the alterations of our ciuill estate passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, therby to be farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuolution of the same number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide therefore the said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine, or rather his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vnto the Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact supputation 126. yeares, which being parted by nine or seauen sheweth such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Albion, are 335. yeares complet, so that he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth with the 590 after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our estate openlie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time after his departure out of Grecia, before he came into Albion) so that if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86. septenaries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his posteritie in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchie of Britaine, are 630. yeares, or 70. nouenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise period after this method or prescription, for manie and diuers considerations. The time of the pentarchie indured likewise 49. yeares, or seauen septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought all the princes vnder his subiection, and ruled ouer them as monarch of this Ile. After the pentarchie ended, we find againe, that in the 98. yeare, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, wherevpon insued cruell bloodshed betwéene them. So that here you haue 14. septenaries, as you haue from those warres ended, which indured a full yeare & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the comming of Cæsar into this Iland (whereat our seruitude and miserable thraldome to the Romans may worthilie take his entrance) 48. or 336. yeares, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should imagine a more exact.

After the comming of Cæsar we haue 54. or sixe nouenaries to Christ, whose death and passion redoundeth generallie to all that by firme and sure faith take hold of the same, and applie it vnto their comfort. From the birth of Christ to our countrie deliuered from the Romane yoke, are 446. yeares, at which time the Britains chose them a king, and betooke themselues to his obedience. But neither they nor their king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which dailie made hauocke of their countrie; the said Vortiger in the third yeare of his reigne (which was the 63. septenarie after Christ) did send for the Saxons, who arriued here in the 449. and 450. yeares of Grace, in great companies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end their entrances turned to our vtter decaie and ruine, in that they made a conquest of the whole Ile, and draue vs out of our liuings. Hereby we sée therefore how the preparatiue began in the 449. but how it was finished in the tenth nouenarie, the sequele is too too plaine. In like sort in the 43. nouenarie or 387. after the comming of the Saxons, the Danes entred, who miserablie afflicted this Ile by the space of 182. yeares or 46. septenaries, which being expired, they established themselues in the kingdome by Canutus. But their time lasting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. yeare, and thus you sée how these numbers do hold exactlie vnto the conquest. The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession of the Conquerour, which indured but 89. yeares, being extinguished in Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henrie the second, although it lacke one whole yeare of ten nouenaries, which is a small thing, sith vpon diuers occasions the time of the execution of any accident may be preuented or proroged, as in direction and progression astronomicall is oftentimes perceiued. From hence to the infamous excommunication of England in king Iohns daies, wherevpon insued the resignation of his crownes and dominions to the pope, are eight septenaries or 56. yeares. Thence againe to the deposition of Richard. 2. and vsurpation of Henrie 4. are 77. yeares or 11. septenaries. From hence to the conspiracie made against Edward. 2. after which he was deposed & murdered are 117. yeares, or 13. nouenaries. From hence to the beginning of the quarell betwéene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster (wherein foure score and od persons of the blood roiall were slaine and made awaie first and last, and which warres begunne in the 1448. and the yeare after the death of the Duke of Glocester, whose murther séemed to make frée passage to the said broile) are 72. yeares or eight nouenaries. From hence to the translation of the crowne from the house of Lancaster to that of Yorke, in Edward the 4. are 14. yeares or two septenaries, and last of all to the vnion of the said houses in Henrie the eight, is an exact quadrat of seuen multiplied in it selfe, or 49. yeares, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.

Now as concerning religion, we haue from Christ to the faith first preached in Britaine (by Iosephus ab Aramathia, and Simon Zelotes) as some write 70. yeares or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptisme of Lucius, and his nobilitie in the yeare after their conuersion, 12. nouenaries or 108. yeares. After these the Saxons entred and changed the state of religion for the most part into paganisme, in the yeare 449. 39. nouenarie, and 273. yeare after Lucius had beene baptised, which is 39. septenaries, if I be not deceiued. In the 147. or 21. septenarie, Augustine came, who brought in poperie, which increased and continued till Wicklif with more boldnesse than anie other began to preach the gospell, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. yeares after the comming of Augustine, and yeeld 85. nouenaries exactlie. From hence againe to the Henrie 8. expulsion of the pope 175. yeares, or 25. septenaries, thence to the
Marie. receiuing of the pope and popish doctrine 21. yeares or 3. septenaries, wherevnto I would ad the time of restoring the gospell by Quéene Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full yeare of 7. Whereby we may well gather, that if there be anie hidden mysterie or thing conteined in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not vnto the diuine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and frée mercie vnto the penitent, vnto which neither number weight nor measure shall be able to aspire.

OF SUCH ILANDS AS ARE TO BE SEENE VPON THE COASTS OF BRITAINE.
CAP. 10.

There haue beene diuers that haue written of purpose, De insulis Britanniæ, as Cæsar doth confesse. The like also may be seene by Plutarch, who nameth one Demetrius a Britaine, that should set foorth an exact treatise of each of them in order, and among other tell of certeine desert Iles beyond Scotland dedicated to sundrie gods and goddesses, but of one especiallie, where Briareus should hold Saturne and manie other spirits fast bound with the chaines of an heauie sléepe, as he heard, of which some die now and then, by meane wherof the aire becommeth maruellouslie troubled, &c: as you may sée in Plutarch De cessatione oraculorum, &c. But sith those bookes are now perished, and the most of the said Ilands remaine vtterlie vnknowen, euen to our owne selues (for who is able in our time to say where is Glota, Hiucrion, Etta, Iduna, Armia, Æsarea, Barsa, Isiandium, Icdelis, Xantisma, Indelis, Siata, Ga. Andros or Edros, Siambis, Xanthos, Ricnea, Menapia, &c? whose names onelie are left in memorie by ancient writers, but I saie their places not so much as heard of in our daies) I meane (God willing) to set downe so manie of them with their commodities, as I doo either know by Leland, or am otherwise instructed of by such as are of credit. Herein also I will touch at large those that are most famous, and breeflie passe ouer such as are obscure and vnknowen, making mine entrance at the Thames mouth, and directing this imagined course (for I neuer sailed it) by the south part of the Iland into the west. From thence in like sort I will proceed into the north, & come about againe by the east side into the fall of the aforesaid streame, where I will strike saile, and safelie be set ashore, that haue often in this voiage wanted water, but oftener béene set a ground, especiallie on the Scotish side.

In beginning therefore, with such as lie in the mouth of the aforesaid Hoo. riuer, I must néeds passe by the How, which is not an Iland, and therefore not within the compasse of my description at this time, but almost an Iland, which parcels the Latins call Peninsulas, and I doo english a Byland, vsing the word for such as a man may go into drie-footed at the full sea, or on horssebacke at the low water without anie boat or vessell: and such a one almost is Rochford hundred in Essex also, yet not at this time to be spoken of, bicause not the sea onelie but the fresh water also doth in maner enuiron it, and is the cheefe occasion wherfore it is called an Iland. This How lieth between Cliffe (in old time called Clouesho, to wit, Cliffe in How or in the hundred of How) & the midwaie that goeth along by Rochester, of which hundred there goeth an old prouerbe in rime after this maner: