[3.1] Luke xxiv. 47.

[3.2] Respecting the name of “Galileans” given to the Christians, see below.

[3.3] Matthew is exclusively Galilean; Luke and the second Mark, xvi. 9–22, are exclusively Jerusalemitish. John unites the two traditions. Paul (I. Cor. xv. 5–8) also admits the occurrence of visions at widely separated places. It is possible that the vision of “the five hundred brethren” of Paul, which we have conjecturally identified with that “of the mountain of Galilee” of Matthew, was a Jerusalemite vision.

[3.4] I. Cor. xv. 7. One cannot explain the silence of the four canonical Evangelists respecting this vision in any other way than by referring it to an epoch placed on this side of the scheme of their recital. The chronological order of the visions, on which St. Paul insists with so much precision, leads to the same result.

[3.5] Gospel of the Hebrews, cited by St. Jerome De Viris Illustribus, 2. Compare Luke xxiv. 41–43.

[3.6] Gospel of the Hebrews, cited above.

[3.7] John vii. 5.

[3.8] Could there be an allusion to this abrupt change in Gal. ii. 6?

[3.9] Acts i. 14, weak authority indeed. One already perceives in Luke a tendency to magnify the part of Mary. Luke, chap. i. and ii.

[3.10] John xix. 25, 27.

[3.11] The tradition respecting his sojourn at Ephesus is modern and valueless. See Epiphanius. Adv. heret. lxxviii. 11.

[3.12] See Life of Jesus.

[3.13] Gospel of the Hebrews, passage cited above.

[3.14] Acts viii. 1; Galat. i. 17–19; ii. 1, et seq.

[3.15] Luke xxiv. 49; Acts i. 4.

[3.16] This idea indeed is not developed until we come to the fourth Gospel (chap. xiv., xv., xvi.). But it is indicated in Matt. iii. 11; Mark i. 8; Luke iii. 16; xii. 11, 12, xxiv. 49.

[3.17] John xx. 22–23.

[3.18] Ibid. xvi. 7.

[3.19] Luke xxiv. 49; Acts i. 4, et seq.

[3.20] Acts i. 5–8.

[3.21] I. Cor. xv. 7; Luke xxiv. 50, et seq.; Acts i. 2, et seq. Certainly it might with propriety be admitted that the vision of Bethany related by Luke was parallel to the vision of the mountain in Matthew xxviii. 16, et seq. transposing the place where it occurred. And yet this vision of Matthew is not followed by the Ascension. In the second conclusion of Mark, the vision with the final instructions, followed by the Ascension, takes place at Jerusalem. Lastly Paul relates the vision “to all the Apostles,” as distinct from that seen by “the five hundred brethren.”

[3.22] Other traditions referred the conferring of this power to anterior visions. (John xx. 23.)

[3.23] Luke xxiv. 23; Acts xxv. 19.

[3.24] Acts i. 11.

[3.25] I. Cor. xv. 8.

[3.26] Matt. xxviii. 20.

[3.27] John iii. 13; vi. 62; xvi. 7; xx. 77; Ephes. iv. 10; I. Peter iii. 22. Neither Matthew nor John gives the recital of the Ascension. Paul (I. Cor. xv. 7–8) excludes even the very idea.

[3.28] Mark xvi. 19; Luke xxiv. 50–52. Acts 2–12. Apol. i. 50. Ascension of Isaiah, Ethiopic version, xi. 22; Latin version (Venice, 1522), sub fin.

[3.29] Compare the account of the Transfiguration.

[3.30] Jos. Antiq. iv., viii. 58.

[3.31] II. Kings, ii. 11, et seq.

[3.32] Luke, last chapter of the Gospel, and the first chapter of the Acts.

[3.33] Luke xxiii. 52.

[4.1] Matt, xviii. 20.

[4.2] Acts i. 15. The greater part of these “five hundred brethren” doubtless remained in Galilee. That which is told in Acts ii. 41, is surely an exaggeration, or at least an anticipation.

[4.3] Luke xxiv. 53; Acts ii. 46; compare Luke ii. 37; Hegesippus in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. ii. 23.

[4.4] Deuteron. x. 18; I. Tim. vi. 8.

[4.5] Read the Wars of the Jews of Josephus.

[4.6] John xx. 22.

[4.7] I. Kings xix. 11–12.

[4.8] This work appears to have been written at the commencement of the second century of our era.

[4.9] The Ascension of Isaiah, vi. 6, et seq. (Ethiopic version.)

[4.10] Matt. iii. 11; Mark i. 8; Luke iii. 16; Acts i. 5; xi. 16; xix. 14; I. John 6, et seq.

[4.11] Compare Misson, The Sacred Theatre of Cevennes (London, 1707), p. 103.

[4.12] Revue des Deux Mondes, Sept. 1853, p. 96, et seq.

[4.13] Jules Remy, Journey to the Mormon Territory (Paris, 1860), Books II. and III.; for example, Vol. I., p. 259–260; Vol. II. 470, et seq.

[4.14] Astié, The Religious Revival of the United States (Lausanne, 1859).

[4.15] Acts ii. 1–3; Justin Apol. i. 50.

[4.16] The expression “tongue of fire” means in Hebrew, simply, a flame (Isaiah v. 24). Compare Virgil’s Æneid II. 682, 84.

[4.17] Jamblicus (De Myst., sec. iii. cap. 6) exposes all this theory of the luminous descents of the Spirit.

[4.18] Compare Talmud of Babylon, Chagiga, 14 b.; Midraschim, Schir hasschirin Rabba, fol. 40 b.; Ruth Rabba, fol. 42 a.; Koheleth Rabba, 87 a.

[4.19] Matt. iii. 11; Luke iii. 16.

[4.20] Exodus iv. 10; compare Jeremiah i. 6.

[4.21] Isaiah vi. 5, et seq. Compare Jeremiah i. 9.

[4.22] Luke xi. 12; John xiv. 26.

[4.23] Acts ii. 5, et seq. This is the most probable sense of the narrative, although it may mean that each of the dialects was spoken separately by each of the preachers.

[4.24] Acts ii. 4. Compare I. Cor. xii. 10, 28; xiv. 21, 22. For analogous imaginations, see Calmeil, De la Folie, i. p. 9, 262; ii. p. 357, et seq.

[4.25] Talmud of Jerusalem, Sota, 21 b.

[4.26] Testimony of the Twelve Patriarchs, Judah, 25.

[4.27] Acts ii. 4; x. 34, et seq.; vi. 15; xix. 6; I. Cor. xii, xiv.

[4.28] Mark xvi. 17. It must be remembered that in the ancient Hebrew, as in all the other ancient languages (see my Origin of Language, p. 177, et seq.), the words meaning “stranger,” “strange language,” were derived from the words which signified “to stammer,” “to sob,” an unknown dialect always appearing to a simple people, as it were, an indistinct stammering. See Isaiah xxviii. 11; xxxiii. 19; I. Cor. xiv. 21.

[4.29] I. Cor. viii. 1, remembering what precedes.

[4.30] I. Cor. xii. 28, 30; xiv. 2, et seq.

[4.31] I. Sam. xix. 23, et seq.

[4.32] Plutarch, Of the Pythian Oracles, 24. Compare the prediction of Cassandra in the Agamemnon of Æschylus.

[4.33] I. Cor. xii. 3; xvi. 22; Rom. viii. 15.

[4.34] Rom. viii. 23, 26, 27.

[4.35] I. Cor. vii. 1; xiv. 7, et seq.

[4.36] Rom. viii. 26, 27.

[4.37] I. Cor. xiv. 13, 14, 27, et seq.

[4.38] Jurieu, Pastoral Letters, 3d year, 3d letter; Misson, The Sacred Theatre of Cevennes, p. 10, 14, 15, 18, 19, 22, 31, 32, 36, 37, 65, 66, 68, 70, 94, 104, 109, 126, 140; Bruey’s History of Fanaticism (Montpelier, 1709). I., pages 145, et seq.; Fléchier, Select Letters (Lyon, 1734), I., p. 353, et seq.

[4.39] Karl Hase, History of the Church, §§ 439 and 458, 5; the Protestant Journal, Hope, 1st April, 1847.

[4.40] M. Hohl, Bruchstücke aus dem Leben und den Schriften Edward Irving’s (Saint-Gall, 2839), p. 145, 149, et seq.; Karl Hase, History of the Church, §§ 458, 4. For the Mormons, see Remy, Voyage I., p. 176–177, note; 259, 260; II., p. 55, et seq. For the Convulsionaries of St. Medard, see, above all, Carré de Montgeron, The Truth about Miracles, &c. (Paris, 1737, 1744), II., p. 18, 19, 49, 54, 55, 63, 64, 80, &c.

[4.41] Acts ii. 13, 15.

[4.42] Mark iii 21, et seq.; John x. 20, et seq.; xii. 27, et seq.

[4.43] Acts xix. 6; I. Cor. xiv. 3, et seq.

[4.44] Acts x. 46; I. Cor. xiv. 15, 16, 26.

[4.45] Col. iii. 16; Eph. v. 49 (ψαλμόι ὔμνοι ῳ δαὶ πνευματικαι). See the former chapters of the Gospel of Luke. Compare in particular, Luke i. 46, with Acts x. 46.

[4.46] I. Cor. xiv. 15; Col. iii. 16; Eph. v. 19.

[4.47] Jeremiah i. 6.

[4.48] Mark xvi. 17.

[4.49] I. Cor. xiv. 22. Πνεῦμα in the Epistles of S. Paul, often approaches the sense of δυνάμις. The spiritual phenomena are regarded as δυνάμεις, that is to say, miracles.

[4.50] Irenæus, Adv. hæret. V., vi. 1; Tertullian, Adv. Marciom, v. 8. Constit. Apost. viii. 1.

[4.51] Luke ii. 37; II. Cor. vi. 5; xi. 27.

[4.52] II. Cor. vii. 10.

[4.53] Acts viii. 26, et seq.; x. entire; xvi. 6, 7, 9, et seq. Compare Luke ii. 27, &c.

[4.54] Acts xx. 19, 31. Rom. viii. 23, 26.

[5.1] Acts ii. 42–47; iv. 32, 37; v. 1, 11; vi. 1, et seq.

[5.2] Ibid. ii. 44, 46, 47.

[5.3] Ibid. ii. 46.

[5.4] No literary production has ever so often repeated the word “joy” as the New Testament. See I. Thess. i. 6; v. 16; Rom. xiv. 17; xv. 13; Galat. v. 22; Philip i. 25; iii. 1; iv. 4; I. John i. 4, &c.

[5.5] Acts xii. 12.

[5.6] See Life of Jesus, p. xxxix., et seq.

[5.7] Ebionim means “poor folk.” See Life of Jesus, p. 182, 183.

[5.8] To recall the year 1000. All instruments in writing commencing with: The evening of the world being at hand or similar expressions, are in donations to the monasteries.

[5.9] Hodgson, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. V., p. 33, et seq.; Eugéne Burnouf, Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism, i. p. 278, et seq.

[5.10] Lucian, Death of Peregrinus, 13.

[5.11] Papyrus at Turin, London, and Paris, collected by Brunet de Presle, Mem. respecting the Serapeum of Memphis (Paris, 1852); Eggee, Mem. of Ancient History and Philology, p. 151, et seq., and in the Notices and Extracts, vol. xviii., 2d part, p. 264–359. Observe that the Christian-hermit life was first commenced in Egypt.

[5.12] Acts xi. 29, 30; xxiv. 17; Galat. ii. 10; Rom. xv. 26, et seq.; I. Cor. xvi. 1–4; II. Cor. viii. and ix.

[5.13] Acts v. 1–11.

[5.14] Ibid. ii. 46; v. 12.

[5.15] Ibid. iii. 1.

[5.16] James, for instance, was all his life a pure Jew.

[5.17] Acts ii. 47; iv. 33; v. 13, 26.

[5.18] Acts ii. 46.

[5.19] I. Cor. x. 16; Justin, Apol. i. 65–67.

[5.20] Συνδεῖπνα, Joseph, Antiq. XIV. x. 8, 12.

[5.21] Luke xxii. 19; I. Cor. xi. 24, et seq.; Justin, passage already cited.

[5.22] In the year 57, the institution called the Eucharist already abounded with abuses (I. Cor. xi. 17, et seq.), and was, in consequence, ancient.

[5.23] Acts xx. 7; Pliny, Epist. x. 97. Justin, Apol. i. 67.

[5.24] Acts xx. 7, 11.

[5.25] Pliny, Epist. x. 97.

[5.26] John xx. 26, does not satisfactorily prove the contrary. The Ebionites always observed the Sabbath. St. Jerome, in Matt. xii., commencement.

[5.27] Acts i. 15–26.

[5.28] See Life of Jesus, p. 437, et seq.

[5.29] Compare Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 39 (according to Papias).

[5.30] Justin, Apol. i. 39, 50.

[5.31] Pseudo-Abdias, etc.

[5.32] Compare I. Cor. xv. 10, with Romans xv. 19.

[5.33] Gal. i. 17, 19.

[5.34] Acts vi. 4.

[5.35] Compare Matt. x. 2–4; Mark iii. 16–19; Luke vi. 14–16; Acts i. 13.

[5.36] Acts i. 14; Gal. i. 19; I. Cor. ix. 5.

[5.37] Gal. ii. 9.

[5.38] See Life of Jesus, p. 307.

[5.39] See Life of Jesus, p. 150. Compare Papias in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iii. 39; Polycrates, Ibid. v. 24; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. iii. 6; vii. 11.

[5.40] For instance ἐπίσκοπος, perhaps κλῆρος. See Wescher, in the Archæological Review, April, 1866.

[5.41] Acts i. 26. See below, p.

[5.42] Acts xiii. 1, et seq.; Clement of Alexandria, in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., iii. 23.

[5.43] Acts v. 1–11.

[5.44] I. Cor. v. 1, et seq.

[5.45] I. Tim. i. 20.

[5.46] Genesis xvii. 14, and numerous other passages in the Mosaic code; Mischna, Kerithouth, i. 1; Talmud of Babylon, Möed Katou, 28, a. Compare Tertullian, De Animâ, 57.

[5.47] Consult the Hebrew and Rabbinical dictionaries, at the word כרת. Compare the word to exterminate.

[5.48] Mischna, Sanhedrim ix. 6; John xvi. 2; Joseph. B. J., vii., viii., 1; III. Maccab. (apocr.), vii. 8, 12–13.

[5.49] Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13. Compare Matt. x. 4; Mark iii. 18.

[5.50] Acts v. 1–11. Compare Acts xiii. 9–11.

[5.51] Acts i. 15; ii. 14, 37; v. 3, 29; Gal. i. 18; ii. 8.

[5.52] Acts iii. 1, et seq.; viii. 14; Gal. ii. 9. Compare John xx. 2, et seq.; xxi. 20, et seq.

[5.53] According to Matthew xxviii. 1, et seq., the keepers would have been witnesses to the descent of the angel who removed the stone. This very embarrassed account would also lead us to conclude that the women were witnesses of the same act, but it does not expressly say so. Anyhow, whatever the keepers and the women should have seen, according to the same narrative, would not be Jesus resuscitated, but the angel. Such a story, isolated and inconsistent as it is, is evidently the most modern of all.

[5.54] Luke xxiv. 48; Acts i. 22; ii. 32; iii. 15; iv. 33; v. 32; x. 41; xiii. 30, 31.

[5.55] See above p. 1, note 1.

[5.56] See “Life of Jesus,” p. 275, et seq.

[5.57] I. Cor. xvi. 22. These two words are Syro-Chaldaic.

[5.58] Matt. x, 23.

[5.59] Acts ii. 33, et seq.; x. 42.

[5.60] Luke xxiv. 19.

[5.61] Acts ii. 22.

[5.62] The diseases were generally considered to be the work of the devil.

[5.63] Acts x. 38.

[5.64] Acts ii. 36; viii. 37; ix. 22; xvii. 31, &c.

[5.65] Acts ii. 44, et seq.; iv. 8, et seq.; 25, et seq.; vii. 14, et seq.; v. 43 and the Epistle attributed to St. Barnabas, entire.

[5.66] James i. 26–27.

[5.67] Later it was called λειτουργεῖν. Acts xiii. 2.

[5.68] Heb. v. 6; vi. 20; viii. 4; x. 11.

[5.69] Revel, i. 6; v. 10; xx. 6.

[5.70] Acts xiii. 2; Luke ii. 37.

[5.71] Rom. vi. 4, et seq.

[5.72] Acts viii. 12, 16; x. 48.

[5.73] Acts viii. 16; x. 47.

[5.74] Matt. ix. 18; xix. 13, 15; Mark v. 23; vi. 5; vii. 32; viii. 23–25; x. 16; Luke iv. 40; viii. 13.

[5.75] Acts vi. 6; viii. 17, 19; ix. 12, 17; xiii. 3; xiv. 6; xxviii. 8; 1 Tim. iv. 14; v. 22; ii. Tim. i. 6; Heb. vi. 2; James v. 13.

[5.76] Matt. iii. 11; Mark i. 8; Luke iii. 16; John i. 26; Acts i. 5; xi. 16; xix. 4.

[5.77] Matt, xxviii. 19.

[5.78] See the Cholasté, Sabeau manuscripts of the Imperial Bible, Nos. 8, 10, 11, 13.

[5.79] Vendidad-Sadé viii. 296, et seq.; ix. 1–145; xvi. 18, 19. Spiegel, Avesta, ii. p. 83, et seq.

[5.80] I. Cor. xii. 9, 28, 30.

[5.81] Matt. ix. 2; Mark ii. 5; John v. 14; ix. 2; James v. 15; Mischna. Schabbath, ii. 6; Talm. of Bab. Nedarim, fol. 41 a.

[5.82] Matt. ix. 33; xii. 22; Mark ix. 16, 24; Luke xi. 14; Acts xix. 12; Tertullian Apol. xxii.; adv. Mark iv. 8.

[5.83] Acts v. 16; xix. 12–16.

[5.84] James v. 14–15; Mark vi. 13.

[5.85] Luke x. 34.

[5.86] Mark xvi. 18; Acts xxviii. 8.

[5.87] I. Thess. iv. 13, et seq.; I. Cor. xv. 12, et seq.

[5.88] Phil. i. 33, seems to be a shade different. But compare I. Thess. iv. 14–17. See, above all, Revel, xx. 4–6.

[5.89] Paul, in previously cited passages, and Phil. iii. 11; Revel. xx. entire; Papias, in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 39. Sometimes one sees a different belief springing up, above all in Luke (Gospel xvi. 22, et seq.; xxiii. 43, 46). But this is a weak authority on a point of Jewish theology. The Essenians had already adopted the Greek dogma of the immortality of the soul.

[5.90] Compare Acts xxiv. 15 with I. Thess. iv. 13, et seq.; Phil. iii. 11. Compare Revel. xx. 5. See Leblant, Christian Inscriptions in Gaul ii. p. 81, et seq.

[5.91] Acts xi. 27, et seq.; xiii. 1; xv. 32; xxi. 9, 10, et seq.; I. Cor. xii. 28, et seq.; xiv. 29–37; Eph. iii. 5; iv. 11; Revel. i. 3; xvi. 6; xviii. 20, 24; xxii. 9.

[5.92] Luke i. 46, et seq.; 68, et seq.; ii. 29, et seq.

[5.93] Acts xvi. 25; I. Cor. xiv. 15; Col. iii. 16; Eph. v. 19; James v. 13.

[5.94] The identity of this chant in religious communities which have been separated from the earliest ages proves that it is of great antiquity.

[5.95] Num. v. 2; Deut. xxvii. 15, et seq.; Ps. 106, 48; I. Chron. xvi. 36; Nehem. v. 13, viii. 6.

[5.96] I. Cor. xiv. 16; Justin. Apol. i. 65, 67.

[5.97] I. Cor. xiv. 7, 8, does not prove it. The use of the verb ψάλλω does not any more prove it. This verb originally implied the use of an instrument with strings, but in time it became synonymous with “to chant the Psalms.”

[5.98] Col. iii. 16; Eph. v. 19.

[5.99] See Du Cange, at the word Lollardi (edit. Didot). Compare the Cantilenes of the Cevenols. Prophetic warnings of Elijah Marion (London, 1707), p. 10, 12, 14, &c.

[5.100] James v. 12.

[5.101] Matt. xvi. 28; xxiv. 34; Mark viii. 39; xiii. 30; Luke ix. 27; xxi. 32.