OUR COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY

Now, gentlemen, what is the story of our commerce and industry? I do not desire to begin from the beginning. I will not recall to mind or help you to recall to your mind the history of the destruction of our trade and the annihilation of our industries. Let the dead past bury its dead. But what about the living? What has the Government done to encourage Commerce and Industry in recent years? It is the crying need of the hour—the peculiar circumstances of this country demand a solution of this problem. Has the bureaucracy done anything in this matter? It is the duty of every civilized government to lend a helping hand and thus encourage the growth of Commerce and Industry. Can the Bureaucracy lay its hand on its breast and say that it has fulfilled its trust? The answer must be 'no'. That is another reason why we want Home Rule, and gentlemen, that is another chapter in the story of the great denial (hear, hear).

Do you want proof? For agriculture, the Government spends only 24 lacs of rupees out of Bengal's share of land-revenue which is 1½ crores. What do the Government do with that money? The Bureaucracy says we who want Home Rule are not fit to represent the people! What has the Government done for them? They spend only 24 lacs of rupees or rather misspend it. Have any improvements been effected? That is the test. It is possible to have highly paid European agricultural officers without agricultural improvements.

That is exactly what has happened!

FIVE MILLION SOULS LOST IN FIVE YEARS

Now, gentlemen, what about sanitation? Shall I tell you the story of how the people are dying in this country for want of sanitation for the last few years? Listen to these figures.

So in five years we have had five million victims (Cries of Oh!) for want of sanitation in this country. Five million men in five years! More than the combined army of Great Britain and Ireland to-day! (Cries of Oh!) We have had representations and opinions of experts and a few experiments but what has really been done up to now? Are we to believe that this fell disease could not have been eradicated if the Government had taken active steps in that direction? Do you believe, gentlemen that if the government is nationalised—effectively nationalised—we cannot get rid of this disease? It is a matter of supreme importance to us, to the growing nationality of Bengal. It means that every year there is an increase in the number of deaths, it means want of strength, it means decrease of national vitality, it means that at not a very distant day we will be reduced to such a condition that it will be impossible to regenerate us. (hear, hear). I have given you only the number of people who die every year. But do we not see all over the whole country malaria-stricken people living by chance as it were—carrying on by some means or other, their miserable load of existence? The whole of Bengal is full of these people and yet what has the Government done? ('Nothing') Yes, practically nothing.

EDUCATIONAL EXPENDITURE.

Three Annas per Head per Year.

Let me give you the figures regarding education which is very interesting. The average amount spent by the Government is 85 lacs of rupees for education. The population of Bengal is 450 lacs, i.e., 5 persons per rupee per year. It means three annas per head per year spent for the noble cause of education! (laughter) It means again one pice per head per month! (Shame). And we are told that England's duty in India is to spread education so that the degraded people of the country may be elevated! (laughter) And three annas per head per year is spent for this noble cause! But don't you think these are purely educational expenses. It also includes the cost of building (Laughter). It includes the cost of inspection which exceeds the pay of the teachers (Shame). You can well imagine what is left for education proper. Talk of education gentlemen? Who cares for education? Not the bureaucracy.

GOVERNMENT ENCOURAGEMENT OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY—MR. SWAN'S RECOMMENDATIONS.

With regard to expenditure on commerce and industry, well, you may say very little, practically nothing is spent. I will simply quote to you the observations of a member of the Indian Civil Service, Mr. J. Swan, who has written a report on the industrial condition of Bengal.

"While the industrial development of the province must depend on private enterprise I think the encouragement of Government might take a more active form than it has hitherto done."

Encouragement of the Government might take a more active form! Well, you cannot expect a member of the Civil Service to write more than that. Then again:—

"Adequate capital is particularly necessary in case of industries run by Indian capital and under Indian management owing to the reluctance of banks and of firms to give them credit."

THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT

This is what Mr. Swan writes. You may gather therefore that very little is done for industry and commerce. Now that is the position. This state of things went on for years. We were sleeping. At the end of every year we used to hold a meeting of the Congress and beyond that we had no kind of activity. But from the year 1905, there was a great activity in this country which we called the Swadeshi movement. And we find from that time the Government indulged in a series of repressive measures and I believe those repressive measures in their turn gave rise to a party in Bengal, who are described by the Government as anarchists but who are, I venture to think, not anarchists at all—they are revolutionaries. I do not for a moment suggest that the methods which they employ are good or ought to be encouraged but they are not anarchists. It is not that they want to do away with all Government—what they want to do is to change the system of government (hear, hear). So far as I have been able to judge the object of these so called anarchists is not different from the object of the Congress or the Moslem League. The only difference lies in the method which they pursue. They pursue methods which are subversive of law and order whereas the Congress-League adopts methods which are legal. This is the only difference. The methods they pursue are deserving of severe condemnation but I think it is a great injustice to call them anarchists. Be that as it may—I say that after these repressive measures, one after another, in rapid succession—we have in our midst a revolutionary party in Bengal.

Now, it has been often said that we are not fit for self-government because of the existence of this revolutionary party. My answer is: I do not deny that there is a revolutionary party. I admit it and I say that no government which is not a national government will ever be able to put a stop to this revolutionary movement. What do these people want? They want freedom. They want to change the system of government. I told you just now that their object is the same as that of the Congress and the Moslem League. I go further and I say that their object—not their methods—is now recognised as legitimate by the British Cabinet. In August last year, the British Cabinet declared that some kind of responsible government should be introduced into this country. What does that mean? It means that the system of government which obtains now, which is bureaucratic, should be changed or otherwise it is an admission on the part of our masters—after all it is the British Cabinet who are our masters and not the Bureaucracy here—it is an admission on the part of our masters that a change of government, of the bureaucratic system of government is necessary for the welfare of India. I say the object of the so-called anarchists is not only the same as that of the Congress and the League but it is an object which is recognised and sanctioned by the highest authority in England. Therefore, gentlemen, I say, as I have said elsewhere, that the only way you can put a stop to this revolutionary movement is by recognising that simple fact that the people of this country—they are hungry for Freedom—should be given what they want and I say the moment you give freedom to the people, there will be an end of this revolutionary movement (hear, hear). It has been pointed out over and over again, but the Bureaucracy will not listen. Gentlemen, that is the position of affairs to-day. Our agriculture neglected, our education neglected, sanitation neglected, industry and commerce not seriously considered and along with that we have got a revolutionary movement in this country. This is the present situation and it is upon that that a memorable declaration was made by the British Cabinet in August last year. Now, gentlemen, what have we to say to that? I desire to place before you clearly what I mean: Your declaration goes one way and your action goes another way. That is the real grievance of the people of this country. Tell us, if you want, 'you are not fit for self-government, we will not give you self-government.' I can understand that position. I respect plain speaking. I am fond of plain speaking. Let the bureaucracy say in clear terms 'we cannot afford to give you responsible government. We want to have this government as bureaucratic as ever.' 'You can get a little change here and there, political lolipops with which you can amuse yourselves. But we will not give you responsible government'—let them so declare, if they like, and we will then drop this political agitation. Our difficulty is this: We believe in the words of the Declaration and in that belief we have been devising schemes, holding meetings to consider schemes of self-government and to consider what would be the best form of self-government, in this country and to help the Government with our suggestions so that the British Parliament may consider this.

HOW GOVERNMENT HAS TREATED HOME RULERS' PROPOSAL

Now, gentlemen, when things were going on in that way we had another declaration, a more memorable message from the Prime Minister, in which the Prime Minister asked our help at the time of a great crisis, asked us to avert a great danger which threatened England and which threatened India. Now what did we do under the circumstance? We held meetings again and we told the Government that at this juncture 'you must have one united India, you must create an enthusiasm in this country, real enthusiasm which will lead people to make every sacrifice for the country and for the empire' and we asked the Government to do away with the repressive measures, to release the political suspects and the political prisoners (loud cheers). The whole country regards that as an oppression. We said to the Government. Do away with that oppression: Make a definite proposal about self-government and you will have the whole country with you. You will have hundreds and thousands of soldiers fighting for you, fighting for India, fighting for the Empire—you will have the gold of the rich and the copper of the poor—every sacrifice that may be required of the people will be willingly, ungrudgingly, cheerfully made for the service of the country and for upholding the glory of the empire (cheers). How was that accepted by the bureaucracy? I must confess to a sense of hopelessness that Government paid not the slightest attention to it. Shortly after that there was the Conference at Delhi. Let me quote to you the words of His Excellency the Viceroy, words in which he pictures the great danger which threatens us:

"Germany has already thrown out into Central Asia her pioneers of intrigue, her agents of disintegration. The lesson she has learnt from the Russian Revolution that a stronger weapon than all the armaments that money can buy or science devise is the disruption of an enemy by his own internal forces."

Then later on,

"I have spoken of the cause. I have told you of the death-grip on the western front and have unfolded to you the story of German machinations in the East."

We were ready to help the Government when we were told that a great danger threatened the whole of the British Empire and India. That danger is admitted by His Excellency the Viceroy, it was suggested by the message of the Prime Minister. It was admitted and if I may have the impertinence of saying, clearly and eloquently described by His Excellency the Viceroy. But what about our suggestions? Is it not a fact that whenever we are anxious to give the bureaucracy in this country good advice, sane advice, advice which is necessary for the welfare not only of this country but of England also, the welfare of the whole empire, that advice is received with scorn and contempt? What does the Viceroy say? After describing the difficulty which threatens us, His Excellency says:

"We can, I believe, best do so (help the Amir to keep his ship straight) by showing our enemies first that India is solid as a rock."

I pause here for a moment. That must be done. It is admitted by His Excellency the Viceroy that, at this juncture we must do something by which we can present to the enemy a united India, an India which is solid as a rock. How does he propose to do that? How can India be solid as a rock unless she is strong in her rights, how can anybody expect India to stand solid as a rock unless she has got the elementary rights of citizenship, unless she can say 'I am one in this world'? (Cheers). The Viceroy says:—

"We can, I believe, best do so by showing our enemies first that India is solid as a rock, and that the lambent flame of anarchical intrigue will find nothing inflammable in this country, nay, rather will be smothered and extinguished forthwith should it approach, by the deadweight of our unity of purpose."

Now, gentlemen, so far, there is nothing in the speech of His Excellency the Viceroy from which we have any reason to differ. But in the same speech His Excellency disposes of our suggestions in this way:

"But in these days of stress and strain it is idle to ask men to come together who disagree on first principles."

DO WE DISAGREE ON FIRST PRINCIPLES?

I pause for a moment. Do we disagree—we the nationalists of India, do we disagree from the Viceroy on any question of first principles? I venture to think, not. What have we done? We have believed the Message of Hope left to us by His Majesty the King personally—we have believed that that message will be fulfilled—we have had the declaration of the British Cabinet in that behalf and we believed that Responsible Government would be introduced. We have had the message from the Prime Minister asking for our help and sympathy, asking for help in men and money. We have told the Government that in order to do this, the repressive measures must be withdrawn, political prisoners must be set free and a definite scheme of self-government must be put forward. What were we trying to do? Were we not trying to give effect to the message of the British Cabinet? Were we not giving a real response to the message of the Prime Minister? (Cheers). Why should it be said that we differ from the Viceroy on questions of first principles. What are the questions of first principles? It is statements like these which fill us with suspicion and alarm. Do they want that the King's Message will for ever remain unfulfilled and unredeemed?—That the Declaration of the British Parliament will remain a declaration and nothing but a Declaration to the end of the chapter?—Does it come to this: that whatever declaration is made the bureaucracy has made up its mind not to let responsible government be introduced in this country? What difference in first principles can there be, I ask, when all our endeavours have been to give effect to the Message of the Prime Minister?

Then His Excellency goes on to say:

"While they are wrangling over those, while the house is burning, there are those who would exploit England's difficulty. I believe that these people gravely misinterpret India's attitude. I am sure that there are none here who will countenance such a policy. There are those, again, who would wish to bargain. Again I decline to believe that anyone has come to this Conference in a huckstering spirit."

IS WHAT GOVERNMENT DOING NOT BARGAINING?

There are those who would wish to bargain, that is to say, when we are suggesting to the Government in all seriousness that certain measures are necessary for carrying out the Prime Minister's Message we are told that it is bargaining, that we want to exploit England's difficulty! What is England doing now? This is a simple fact and I do not wish to conceal it. What is our interest in the war? Our only interest is our country. What is England doing now? England asks us to help her in this war. And why should we help her? If we are to help her, we must first of all feel that this country is our own country (Cheers)—that India has in fact and not in name, her rightful place in the British Empire (Loud Cheers). That is what we say. That is what great statesmen in England have said again and again. If this is your real intention, tell the people so—tell them "it is your own country, manage your own affairs and defend your own country" and you will then see what we can do (Hear, Hear). The only thing that we want is to feel that this is our country. If it is not our country, what does it matter to us? (Cheers). If it is our country it affects us; it affects our personal interests, it affects our selfish interests, it affects our future—and we are ready for any sacrifice. You say that we want to exploit England's difficulty. And if we say that England is exploiting at this time our helplessness, that would at once be condemned as unwise and unworthy. Those who wish to realise themselves, those who wish to make the people of this country realise that India is their own country, that India is a part, an integral part—not shadowy or imaginary but a real part of the British Empire—well, they are to be condemned as persons who would exploit England's difficulty (Shame). That is how the Conference was held at Delhi.

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF BENGAL'S ADVICE.

From Delhi we come to Bengal. There again we have the speech of His Excellency the Governor. His Excellency advised us—he did not command—His Excellency advised us that we should stop all political agitation at the present moment and he gave two reasons for it. One reason is this:

"Now let me give you my first reason. We have always been slow as a people, as in Great Britain and India to realise how closely the enemy keeps his eye upon us how quick he is to note our actions, indeed our very words, and what a difference it makes to his own morals whether he sees arrayed against him the serried ranks of a united people or whether he detects or thinks he detects in this part of the Empire or in that some note of dissension, some indication of lack of unity of purpose."

Therefore, do not show that you are wanting in a unity of purpose. I was thinking what His Excellency really meant because it seems to me that we are in complete agreement with what His Excellency said. That is the very reason for which we made the suggestions. Let not the enemy think that England is not united in its purpose and that India is not prepared to take its place in the fight. That is the very reason for which we suggested that all causes which led to resentment of the people of this country and drew them away from this united purpose should be removed—that the people of this country should be allowed to feel that India is their own country, that it is their birthright to defend their own country, that it is their right, not right alone but it is their proud privilege to fight the common enemy. His Excellency said we should do nothing so that the enemy could think that we are not united. My answer is: Make us united. It can be done with a stroke of the pen to-morrow if you really want to do it (Hear, Hear). If you do that, the enemy will detect no lack of unity of purpose. It is possible to make it appear that there is no lack of unity of purpose.—Is it not a hundred times more desirable that there should be real unity of purpose?

IF THE KAISER CAME TO CALCUTTA?

"If the Kaiser came to Calcutta what would all the talk of freedom of individual, of the liberty of the subject, of the right of this people or that people to self-determination, of this constitutional reform or that constitutional reforms—what would be the value of all such talk if the Kaiser came to Calcutta?"

Again, I say, we are in complete agreement with His Excellency, the Governor of Bengal. I believe, if the Kaiser came to this country to-morrow there would be no talk of liberty of the subject, of the right of freedom of the individual and of constitutional rights and that is the very reason why I am personally interested in not letting the Kaiser come to Calcutta (Laughter) and that is the very reason why we have been asking the Government again and again, why our leaders have asked the Government repeatedly, to do away with these repressive measures to call forth loyalty, not lip-loyalty but real and genuine loyalty—not loyalty to the Bureaucracy but to the Empire. You cannot call that up by sweet words alone, we want deeds—and as I say, this can be done by a stroke of the pen to-morrow if you really want to do it. (Hear, Hear and Laughter.)

MUST WE FEEL TO ORDER?

His Excellency advanced another reason. It is this:—

"The British people have a temper of their own. Some people call them a stubborn and a stiff-necked race. They are, I believe, a fair and a just people. You can without difficulty reason with them, you can without difficulty excite their interest, excite their sympathy and above all, you can excite their gratitude. But they are people, believe me, who resent, perhaps more deeply than any other people on this earth any suspicion that anybody is bent upon making an attempt to take advantage of them when their backs are against the wall."

Therefore, gentlemen, what does it come to? We must consider that wicked capacity of the German people who are for ever on their watch to find out a flaw in the constitution of this country. You must also regard the temperament of the British nation, who will be angry if you want your rights at this juncture, but the only people whose interests and whose sentiments are to be set at naught are the Indian people (Shame). We are not men! We are not a race! Our feeling need not be considered—our sentiments are nothing! Our feelings must be those of our masters. We must feel to order and suppress our real feelings! (Shame).

NOT OBEDIENCE TO THE BUREAUCRACY BUT LOYALTY TO THE EMPIRE.

Well, gentlemen, I must say that I have read this part of His Excellency's speech with considerable pain. It is the duty of the Government, here, to consult and to consider the sentiments of the people. The people of this country are loyal to the Empire. They may not like the bureaucracy and they do not. And the British Cabinet has declared that the people are not wrong when they say that the Bureaucracy has mismanaged matters. They do not like the Bureaucracy, and for sufficient reasons; but they are loyal to the Empire. Again, my earnest appeal to the Government is: "Take care, do not disregard the people's sentiments. Do not wish to substitute obedience to the Bureaucracy in place of the people's loyalty to the Empire. The people of this country are impatient and they will not bear it."

"For God's sake let this be the last chapter in the story of the great denial." (Loud Cheers).

ADVICE TO STUDENTS.

There was a huge meeting of students of Bangabashi and Ripon colleges on the 14th January 1921, at Mirzapur Park, when Mr. Das said:—

Srijut Chittaranjan Das, who, on rising to speak, was given a very hearty ovation said "I am unable to deliver any speech to-day. My heart is full, and my voice is choked and I have not power and strength enough to express the feelings that are surging in my mind to-day. God has not given me power to express in language the happiness that you have given me by coming out of your Colleges. I feel it in my heart of hearts that, those of you who have come out, are greater than any of us here, and I humbly bow to you—to the manifestation of strength that you have displayed to-day. I want you to realise that,—to realise the strength in you. It is not yours—it is not human, it is the will—the divine will of the country and the God of our being. It is the will of Deshamabrika that has been manifested through you. What, she is, I do not know, but she is the Goddess of our Nation. I now can say with head erect—blessed be thy waters, Mother Bengal, blessed be thy trees—blessed be thy sons.

I know people will call you mad. People call me mad too. But who are mad really? Are not the merchants and traders who are running after wealth and rolling in luxury—the lawyers and their clients who spend their all and are ruined by litigation—is it not they who are really mad? Whatever people may call you—you have got to realise the truth that is in you. Do stand upon that and stick to it, whatever difficulties may come or whatever sufferings may await you in the path. Dark and difficult are the ways, but Divine Light will guide you. Give up all weakness of the heart. Man can do everything. Remember we are men determined to emancipate our Motherland from bondage. Should we not be able to deliver her from the shackles that bind her?

We shall rather go ignorant than be educated in those schools and colleges. We want to be educated according to our own standard of living, keeping harmony with our past culture and tradition. I do not know what Bolshevism is. We want to realise what is truth—what is eternal—what is in our blood—for the salvation of our country. I want that. I do not want Bolshevism—I do not want industrialism. In short, I do not want Europeanism. I want to be a free man, and be myself again. If that is truth, depending upon that truth, fear not.

Another word, and I have done. I promise before you all, to-day, that, within fifteen days or utmost a month, we shall have a College—a National College established, of which there is no equal here, and where you will get your national education, where you will learn to love your country and appreciate freedom. I want to see that edifice standing on the road-side of Goldighi pulled down brick by brick."

He concluded by saying that even the Medical Students also must come out. They would rather go, he said, without doctors than get the help of those who come out of that Institution aided by the Government.

Mr. Achyutaram of Bangabashi College said that he hailed from Andhra and they learnt all their national lessons at the feet of Bengal. When they saw that Bengal had not been doing anything they were getting disheartened. Now that Bengal was coming to herself again, he would be able to tell his fellow-countrymen in Andhra that things were all right in Bengal. Sriman Nagendranath Ghose said he was a student of Ripon College 1st year sec. B. When they were holding their meeting in the class about Non-Co-operation, a professor of the College remarked that the students were going to listen to the advice of "damned."—The students ought to strike for that if for nothing else.

The President, in bringing the proceedings to a close, said, that it had been already announced that a meeting would take place in College Square at 6 a.m. on Friday. A meeting would also be held at Mirzapur Park, in the afternoon at 4-30 p.m. on the same day. He hoped that on the following day all students from the remaining colleges would come out. Medical Colleges and Engineering Colleges were not to be made exceptions in this matter. The Carmichael Medical College also should be emptied. If they could boycott the examination, the bankrupt University would come down in a day. When Post-Graduate and Law students were coming out, he felt convinced, that no one would attend the convocation.

THE BATTLE OF FREEDOM.

APPEAL TO STUDENTS.

To-day I have to repeat the Message of Freedom. I have been often asked "what is the meaning of this movement." To my mind, the meaning is particularly clear. We want Freedom. We want to realise the right of regulating our own lives. We want to realise the right of building up the great Indian Nation. We want to compel the bureaucracy to recognise that right.

It is unnecessary to refer to the past. It is not my desire to perpetuate bitterness. It is my desire to strengthen our determination to achieve our freedom.

I advocate the method of Non-Co-operation, as every other method has failed. I want you to cling to this method, come what may. This is our last chance and this, at least, will not be in vain.

Do you understand what Non-Co-operation means? You must withdraw your help in moving the powerful machinery of the bureaucracy. Do you realise how you can move this machinery? The bureaucracy works its wicked will through the pleaders, through doctors, through clerks, through their police officers and through Magistrates and Judges. And you now see what the Calcutta University contributes. It contributes all the strength upon which the strength of the bureaucracy depends.

I appeal to you to take away your hands from the wheel of this machinery. The first thing, therefore, is to come out of the Colleges. I make no distinction between the Medical students, between the students of the Engineering Colleges and other students. The problem is not of education, but of Non-co-operation. If you have this in view, how can there be any distinction between classes of students? Is it not clear that all students contribute to the strength of the bureaucracy? And is it possible to defeat this bureaucracy without taking away that help? I have heard arguments based on humanitarian ground; but every humanitarian ground must yield to the supreme necessity of the moment. There is some inconvenience, some apparent want of humanitarian consideration, in every great war. Is it possible that this great war, based on peaceful method as it is, should steer clear of all inconveniences? I do not believe that there will be any the more suffering, because of the withdrawal of medical students. I have given it my anxious thought, and my decision is clear. But even if it does involve great suffering, I should welcome that suffering, rather, than leave one stone in its place in the edifice of a monstrous Education. No, my dear friend, do not delude yourselves. It is easy to quote Scripture to cover your weakness. Believe me, it is not the humanitarian ground which is keeping you away, but the imaginary prospects of worldly advancement which are dangled before your eyes. The method that I advocate is the method of sacrifice. If you have to destroy what you consider your chance of success in life, remember, it is only to defeat the bureaucracy, and to attain Swaraj. How can Swaraj be attained unless you realise your own right clearly, unhesitatingly? How can you compel the bureaucracy to recognise, that, which you yourself do not realise?

Do not listen to those who make careful calculations and tell you that this movement is bound to fail. I warn you against such doubts and hesitations. Even if the students do not realise their rights and their duty, the work of Non-co-operation will go on. But I admit that you may make it more difficult by refusing to join us.

The Battle of Freedom has never been won in the history of the world without sacrifice. The armed organizations of powerful bureaucracies, all over the world, have made armed resistance well nigh impossible. But the Soul is ever free, and he who is free in his mind can never be enslaved. I want you to turn away your face from Europe and from the organization which is of European character. I want you to concentrate your vision on the things which truly belong to us. The very simplicity of our life has become difficult of comprehension, because of the tortuous and complex organization which European culture and education have placed before us. Once you turn your face away from that, you will have faith in methods which belong to us in standards which are really part of our blood and of our bones. What is more simple than the desire and the determination to withdraw your help from that which is false and unrighteous? And yet why do you experience such difficulties in forming that desire and in fixing that determination? The answer is again the same, viz., that Monster of education which is rearing up its head in defiance, as it were, of everything which belongs to us and which is dear to our hearts.

I repeat again—Wake up, wake up, wake up. We have slept too long. Realise the sense of your bondage and stand out boldly and firmly on the road to Freedom.—The Servant.

ADDRESS TO STUDENTS.

A monster public meeting was held at Mirzapur Square on 21st January, '21 after Mahatma Gandhi's address to the Students. Mr. C. R. Das, when asked to speak, was given a great ovation and said:—

Gentlemen, it is impossible for me, to-night, to make a speech to you, as my voice has not yet recovered. I desire to say only this—that there is but one duty before you at the present moment. Those of you who have left your Colleges do not go back or you bring discredit on the country, not only on Bengal but on the whole of India. Remember, the success of this movement is in your hands. I said that, the first day I addressed you, and that, I say to-night, again, that the success of this movement is in your hands. We want non-co-operation, we want all Government Institutions—educational or otherwise—should be boycotted. The question to-day is of educational institutions. Do not believe those who say that the Calcutta University is a National University or can even become the National University of Bengal. Avoid that reasoning because it is a false reasoning. The national character of an educational Institution does not lie in the fact as to whether the Professors are Indians or Europeans. The national character of the educational Institutions, to-day, depends on one fact, whether it is, or it is not, connected with the Bureaucratic Government of this country. That is the only test. They lead you astray. I speak with all the conviction there is in my heart, they lead you astray. Who say, that this College, Science College or that College or the other Colleges which are manned by Indians are National Institutions? They are not. They are Bureaucratic institutions and before we attain Swaraj this University, there, a few minutes walk from here, has got to come down. The youths of Bengal must make that perfectly clear. They have taken the first step. The second step is to continue in this boycott.

Then comes the question of National University. I told you the first day that, it is not necessary for Swaraj to have national Universities, but if you want them it is in your hand; and if you want them, and if you come out, I promise you a national University. I am here to make good that promise (hear, hear.) Nothing will deter me from fulfilling my promise. But, if you expect me to carry out my promise, may I not expect you to stand firm? (hear, hear). May I not expect you to be brave, to be true to yourselves and to shun those institutions you have set your face against?

Gentlemen, I am taking a list of two classes of students of those who want to work for the country. The gospel of spinning wheel, which my revered leader Mahatma Gandhi has given you to-day, is a Gospel which India has heard before, but which, unfortunately for ourselves, India has forgotten, and it is not without pride that I am able to tell you to-day that, the curriculum which we were drawing up for the National University, makes the art of spinning and weaving a compulsory subject (hear, hear) for all students; but those who want to work for the country must not only learn spinning and weaving, but they must also be trained in that particular work and it requires, at least, two months' training in the National University which I am anxious to build up on your behalf.

I have, also, made a second list of students who had told me that they want to continue their studies for whom I am providing or trying to provide. Always, remember, when I say I am doing this, I mean you are doing it. I told you the other day, my strength comes from your strength. I am nothing if you are not prepared. I have got the strength of a million men if you are ready.

What am I? I am at your hands to-day for establishing this National University. But do not be under the impression that this university will be a replica of that monster of education which rears up its head over there. It is to be nothing like it; you will see that, when you study that curriculum which we are preparing, you must not expect luxuries. But I can assure that any student who studies in the National University for two years or even three years—I do not propose to have students in our institution for more than 3 or 4 or 5 years beginning from the age of eight or seven—and those who come out from our institutions, you will find, will be educated, will be recognizable as Indians, will be educated as Indians should be educated and will not be copyists of European maxims and European culture generally. That is the standard which I desire to apply, but be sure the work of education cannot stop; one year is nothing in the history of a nation—one year at a time when we are at war, peaceful though that war may be, when we are aspiring to the greatest, with the most powerful bureaucracy in the world—one year is nothing at all in point of time: and can anybody reasonably say that if you shun your books for that one year and take up this battle of Swaraj, you are not doing your duty? May I suggest that those of you who want to continue your studies will not be doing your duty in the battle of Swaraj? But those of you who are in the second, act in a manner true to yourselves, but whatever you do, remember that it is a non-violent war (hear, hear) Remember that if you go back to those colleges, after leaving them, you prove yourselves cowards and unworthy of being engaged in this great and glorious war.

Gentlemen, allow me, again, to thank you on behalf of my revered leader and my great friend Mr. Mahammad Ali (cries of "Bande Mataram.")

NON-CO-OPERATION

Mr. C. R. Das, in moving the Non-co-operation resolution at the Indian National Congress, Nagapur, 1920, said:—

I rise to move the resolution on Non-co-operation. I shall presently read the resolution before you; but before I do that, I ask you to consider it very carefully, word by word, and line by line, because I must emphatically deny the charge that the Non-co-operation resolution which was passed in the Subjects Committee, is weaker, and not stronger, than the resolution, which was passed in Calcutta. Let me first read this resolution. (Reads resolution). Gentlemen, let me put before you in a few words the scheme of it. We say that our wrongs, including the Khilafat, and the Punjab wrongs—I do not enumerate the wrongs because they are so many—that each wrong, so far as I am concerned, is a cause of the attitude that I have taken up. We declare that our wrongs are of such a nature that we must attain Swaraj immediately (hear, hear). Then, we declare that all other methods, which we have employed up to now, have failed and that, the only method which is left for us, is, the method of non-violent non-co-operation (hear, hear); and we declare that there must not be any mistake about it that this Congress has resolved definitely, clearly and without any ambiguity, that the whole of this scheme of non-co-operation shall be put in force to secure our rights and to attain Swaraj; and we declare further that, in the meantime, those things which we resolved upon at Calcutta, are to continue but not only those things, we are to direct our activities in other directions as well. Here I pause for a moment to consider the question which, I regret, has been raised, namely, that this resolution is weaker than the Calcutta resolution. May I ask you to consider in what respect is it weaker? I claim it is stronger it is fuller, it is more complete. In the Calcutta resolution, there was no clear declaration that this National Congress has resolved to put in force the entire scheme of non-co-operation down to the non-payment of taxes although I believe with Mahatma Gandhi that that may not be necessary. But still if that is necessary I want it to be clearly stated that the people of India will not shirk from putting that into force. Then we say that, in the meantime, till that call is sounded—and you must remember, gentlemen, directly the call is sounded, that call has to be obeyed by all sections of the community, lawyers, students, trades-men, merchants, agriculturists, every body, every section in the country must respond to that call (hear, hear) and do you understand what that means. That means that this tyrannical machinery of the Government is regulated—is driven, not regulated—by whom, not by the Bureaucracy but by the Indians; and it means that the moment that call is sounded, every Indian is to take his hands off that machinery (hear, hear) and compel this Government to do what you like. But ours are not the hands which will move your machinery (hear, hear). That is putting in force the entire scheme. Then, let us consider what we have got to do in the meantime. The Calcutta resolution was confined to the students and lawyers and a general resolution about boycott of foreign goods. Here we say we keep the same injunction with regard to students but we differentiate between students under 16 and students above 16. Then, with regard to lawyers, we keep not only the same thing, we re-affirm the Calcutta resolution, but we say that we are not satisfied with the way in which that resolution has been responded to by lawyers; and we say that greater effort must be made to secure that; and also we refer to the scheme of settlement of disputes by private arbitration. Then comes the economic question, and we say that the economic drainage is one of the greatest wrongs from which we have suffered: and we say that a Committee of experts must be appointed at once to form and organise a plan of boycott of foreign goods. Then we come to the other question. We come to the boycott of Councils. We say that it has succeeded, and we say further what naturally follows from that, namely, that the men who are at present occupying those seats are not representatives of the people of India (Hear, Hear). Not only do we stop there, but we go further, that those people who pretend to represent them do not represent them, and therefore we call upon the voters not to take any political assistance from those people. And then we appeal generally, for unity in favour of the depressed classes, in favour of every section of the community which require protection and development more than we do. This is the scheme of the resolution. In what respect is it weaker? In respect of lawyers? I say 'no,' because it re-affirms but it continues to call upon lawyers to act up to that resolution. Is it weaker in any point? From the point of view of students, I say 'no.' I have guarded against students coming out under false sentiment. I think that it is right, that this greatest national assembly in India should declare that those students who feel the call of duty and conscience should immediately come out, regardless of consequence (Hear, hear). Is it weaker in respect of the boys under 16 years? I say what is weakness, and what is strength? We make it stronger by making it more just and more practical. Is it weaker in respect of the economic question? I do not admit that, because in the general resolution which you had and which Mahatma Gandhi himself was to carry out, we have got a systematic plan of economic boycott and a practical boycott—a boycott which will not only be spoken of but acted upon by every Indian worth the name. I ask again,—where lies the weakness of such a resolution? It is nothing but the result of undue suspicion. I am making no appeal. I am making no personal appeal in my favour; but I do ask you to remember that when I say anything I mean it, and in my life on public questions I have never said anything which I do not believe in. Some of you may suspect, but all I can say, brother, ask me any question and I will answer, ask me what I intend to do, I will answer. Beyond that I will not refer to personal questions. I call upon you, in the name of all that is holy, to carry this resolution without one single dissentient voice. I want you to declare it to the nation and to the bureaucracy, and to the nation to realise their God-given rights. The rights exist, but rights have got to be realised. The rights exist because this is the eternal law of life; but still every man and woman and every nation on earth has got to realise those rights. Realise the fact that we have got those rights and the moment you realise that the bureaucracy or any cracies in the world cannot stand against you and I want you to tell the bureaucracy that we have made up our minds to realise it, and we have made up our minds to compel you to recognise that which we have got. May God grant us strength not only to pass this resolution but to work upon this resolution and to carry out the great idea of which this resolution is the expression (loud cheers).

NON-CO-OPERATION

A very largely attended meeting was held in Maulana Mazhar-ul-Haqu's Compound on Friday, the 11th February 1921 at Patna when Mr. C. R. Das addressed as follows:—

My Friends, I must confess that it is somewhat difficult for me to address you on a subject on which I have been talking for the last, I don't know how many days. I am somewhat tired of making speeches. When I came to Bankipore I thought I would simply listen to speeches and that I shall have no trouble to address you. But I was prevailed upon to address you. I have been reading several newspapers lately just to understand the criticism against the policy of Non-co-operation. I read speeches of public men and of Government, non-officials, and of Governors. So I thought it might be hardly necessary for you to deal with those things but it might be useful to clear the grounds of principle and policy of the congress. I want to speak to you about the principle of Nationalism. We have heard the word Swaraj so much that we probably do not realise its full meaning. The principle of Nationalism is also the principle of Swaraj. Swaraj is a convenient expression for adopting a cause which would be of Nationalism. Long before this policy of non-co-operation was started by Mahatma Gandhi, in fact in the year 1917, I remember what I spoke from the Congress platform at Calcutta. You remember in those days there was a great deal of controversy as to what would be the precise scheme of self-government. Bombay spoke the one way and Bengal the other. There were many differences of opinion as to what scheme of self-government there should be. Then I said it is useless to discuss the policy; we want to govern our own country, namely to govern ourselves and regulate our own conduct and develop the nation in the light of our own experiences. I say we want to realise that cause of nationalism. The moment we realise that, the moment we realise the right that God has given us, that moment the bureaucracy will be crushed under feet. The criticism which has been levelled against the Congress is this, namely, that the Congress has not defined what Swaraj is. Many people at Calcutta have taken this objection. My answer to that is very simple. The very nature of Swaraj is such that it is impossible to define it. Swaraj is that which you realise in your heart to-day. How can you then define what sort of Swaraj you will get. Realise your right, and the moment you realise that right, the moment what you realise will become fact. If you realise less right you will have less fulfilment, if you realise in complete and absolute right, Swaraj you are bound to get. You cannot define it. India wants that and the moment India realises that whole heartedly, I say that moment Swaraj is ours. I care not whether you have Parliamentary councils, whether legislative councils divided into so many compartments whether you have upper house and lower houses in order to govern the country. I want India to say in one voice that we will govern ourselves. That is the right we have. No Government can deprive us of that right. The moment you discover that, you will get Swaraj. Therefore, before you think what kind of self-government we should have I want to tell you that you should concentrate your mind, day in and day out over the attainment of Swaraj. My justification for that is nationalism. Do you understand what nationalism is? Many people, very genuine and intelligent people say that they would not have nationalism because it is antagonistic to humanity. They forget that in this God's creation there are various nations and that India to-day pleads for her own nationalism. Indian nationalism does not and cannot hurt humanity. I understand by humanity several races that are inhabitants of this earth, Indians, Europeans, Americans, Russians, and others that are inhabitants of the globe and if I am pleading for nationalism of India to-day how I am going against humanity and nationalism of the earth. India's nationalism is according to her own traditions and principle, "Live and let live" according to your right. We have no quarrel with you but when you cut away our nationality and right, it is then we say that we will not co-operate with you. You develop your nation in your own way. You, Americans, you develop your nationalism in your own way. But if you say that Indian nationalism must be fashioned in your own way, killing our nationalism, that cannot be tolerated. Therefore you find nationalism and Swaraj to be absolutely the same thing. Here I give you an example. Take a garden. You see the beauty and glory of God's creation all round the garden. But if a flower says to another flower that it should not grow in its own way, is that possible? I say that so far as the law of hidden nature is concerned it should go in its own way. Each has got its own individuality, own nationality. This nation has got an absolutely distinct individuality. Is this nation to live according to European ideals? Do you think that an Indian can live according to English traditions? Indian nation must grow according to its own temperament in the light I have described. We have been trying to build our own nation for the last 35 years, but we have discovered to day that throughout the history of British rule every attempt made for the development of nationality was crushed by the bureaucracy. Wherever you strive for freedom there is every obstacle from the officials. Therefore what happened in the Punjab became possible. There was a Rowlat Act. It was to kill your nationalism and for that whole of India protested. No Nationality can prosper which has got a Government by bureaucracy of that character. Whatever you do they will come and check you, and ruin that line for ever. Therefore it is that the Congress has declared that every method which we had hitherto applied has failed. At the Amritsar Congress Mahatma Gandhi was for co-operation. I must confess I did not agree with that proposal. He is a good-hearted gentleman.

He told me is it not better to follow faith while co-operation has given such large promises. He thought that bureaucracy would change its angle of vision. I said that we cannot do so. And few months passed that Mahatma Gandhi was convinced that I was right. Congress has declared now, having regard to what happened in the Punjab, what happened to our Mohamedan brethren, and the passings of many oppressive laws from time to time. Congress has declared with one voice, and all provinces have accepted this time unanimously that the only method which remains is that of non-co-operation. It has been explained over and over again. Many people have asked me about that. I found it easy to explain in Bengal. The other day I had to address a large assembly of labourers of a mill near Calcutta. I told them that you work at mills, you have seen machinery, well, who is it that drives the machinery. Who is it that makes the machinery work and produce articles and manufacture things. It is not that Burra Saheb who sits in a chair lording over the whole business. It is you who move the machinery. So many bags of papers come out because you move the machinery. I told them that the huge Government is nothing but a machinery. Who drives that machinery? It is ourselves. It is the students who read in colleges, it is the pleaders who practice in courts, it is the police officers, it is the Deputy Magistrates who decide cases, it is the judges who administer laws. So in every way it is the Indian that drives this machinery. A history of last 160 years shows explicitly that your objects are not our objects. Our object is to foster our development, your object is to crush our manhood. Therefore there is a complete difference between the object of bureaucracy and ours. Think what happened in Punjab and I cannot forget Khilafat either. These instances you cannot forget. You remember there was a non-official committee appointed by the Congress. Last year we all met at Benares and we signed the joint report as non-official commissioners. The report was drafted by Mahatma Gandhi. We examined that report and we discussed the matter. We purposely put our demands very low. In fact we put it so low that some of our countrymen were very angry. They asked much more than that. And now I tell you, it is no more a secret. We had made up our minds that we would put forward our demand and it ought to be no more a pious resolution and we must insist upon the Government to act up to our recommendation. Our legitimate demands were so low. Even these demands were treated with scorn and the offenders were left scot free. Subscriptions were raised for those villans. Ladies danced, I am informed, to collect money for the upkeep of those villanous offenders. We entered into a contract there in the holy city of Benares. It is for this blunder that Mahatma Gandhi has started this non-co-operation. His object is that their hands are polluted, therefore, whatever their institution, no self respecting Indian can remain there. Every Indian should take his hands off from that Government. No Indian who has got any self-respect should go forward to help this bureaucracy. Mahatma Gandhi started it and after that my friend Mr. Moti Lall Nehru joined it. In Calcutta Congress I did not join it because there was great difference of opinion. Few read my speech because I was against non-co-operation at Calcutta. It is not a fact that I opposed that resolution on the very ground of non-co-operation. Once I have made up my mind to accept it, I must follow up to it. Afterwards I made up my mind that this Non-Cooperation must be more complete from the national point of view. I wanted to bring a more effective resolution. So far as my practice is concerned I have not accepted a single new case after the Calcutta Congress. I drafted another resolution. I specially went to Benares and there discussed the resolution with Mahatma Gandhi, with my friend Madan Mohan Malaviya, with my friend Lall Lajpat Rai, I met again Mahatma Gandhi at Dacca and discussed with him again and he agreed to it. Those who knew of the inner working of Nagpur Congress might have known how I worked from morning till night for that resolution and I tell you I succeeded. It made clear that Non-Co-operation is that everybody should take his hands away from the machinery of Government and that until the whole country is not prepared for that we must go on stage by stage. That resolution is fully satisfactory. Mr. Jayakar of Bombay opposed it. He did not join us before. I do not know why. But I am glad to say that only the other day he declared that he has given up his practice as a lawyer and has become a non-co-operator. Therefore, every one who met at Benares and took that vow in the holy city of Benares have become non-co-operators. I have arrived at the conclusion that this life is not worth living and I would rather much sooner die than lead a life of a slave in this country. This country is ours given by God. We have to realise that day and night. I say again that the moment you realise that right that very moment Swaraj is ours. What is Swaraj? It is a right to carry on your own right in your own way. There is another thing before I have done. Mahatma Gandhiji's Charkha has caused much laughter before the officials. People who are saying so are totally ignorant of our slavery. Our slavery is more economic than political.

I was telling you something about Charkha, I have been asked in several places as to how Charkha could improve matters. How could Charkha bring Swaraj. Do you know what the facts are. Swaraj means that we must live within ourselves. We must be self-contained. I tell you that we are great slaves to-day. Our economic slavery is greater than political slavery. Exploitation is carried on by the bureaucracy. The Non-officials and officials so far as Europeans are concerned constitute the bureaucracy. One helps the other, so exploitation and administration are the two chief policies of the Government. I say our economic slavery is very great indeed and constitute the main factor of our dependence. The facts at present are that if Manchester and Lancashire stop sending cloth our women will have to go naked. That was not the case in India before this bureaucracy came here. Our system was not this. I speak of Bengal because I claim to know more about Bengal. The system obtained in India was, that so far as our necessaries were concerned we were self-contained. We never depended on any body in India. We made our own clothes and were independent of any race in the world. Now just consider what Charkha can do for you. From Manchester comes 60 crores of rupees worth of cloth every year. You will not have to pay these 60 crores of rupees which go out of India. If a householder works by Charkha for one or two hours a day at the end of the year he will find himself with all the necessaries of his family. For a clerk who gets 40 or 50 rupees per month, and who weaves his own cloth every day, it is a great deal of saving for him. It is very easy. One ordinary tree will yield one to 3 seers of cotton, and ¼th of a seer is quite enough for one Dhoti. If you use Charkha only for limited hours daily you will get sufficient cloth for a Dhoti. This Dhoti that I am wearing to-day will last 4 times longer than that which comes from Manchester. I tell you, you will solve it very easily. If the work is carried on all this year by every student and every householder, we will see the economic independence of India to-day. Along with it you will achieve your political independence. It is only for one year that we are asking for Charkha and after that you can regulate your methods. You do not want any mills. It is only for one year. Many ask, what about ship-building, what, about navy etc., I say for God's sake, I do not want any thing for one year. If you once secure economic independence, I venture to say that India's economic development cannot be prevented by any power in the world. It will grow better and better every year. I know there is a great deal of discussion about it and personally I can tell you that I cannot for one moment be in favour of European industrialism at all. I shall not at all be sorry if some of the things that are manufactured in England are not made here. Do what you should do, work a Charkha and you will realise the result. If you do that you will without doubt get independence. Now, gentlemen, one word more and I have done. I have told you that non-co-operation is the only method to achieve freedom. I have also told you that the work of non-co-operation is very difficult. It will be destroyed if it is not kept by non-violent method. The whole work will be impeded if it is not carried on non-violently. Every kind of violence mental or physical is detrimental to the method of non-co-operation. Therefore every non-co-operator's work must be strictly non-violent. He has to face danger after danger. Every non-co-operator will be inculcated, beaten, outraged but he should strictly maintain non-violence. You know the ways and methods of bureaucracy in this country. They have got so many sections in their Penal Code which they can use against any preacher of non-co-operation. I do not for one moment, think that these methods can ever root out non-co-operation. They know that the moment non-co-operation succeeds that very moment bureaucracy will be crushed. I know they will try to destroy the method of non-co-operation by using their penal sections. They may go on using section after section. But a non-co-operator should never indulge in violence.

Continuing Mr. Das said that he knew that proceedings have been started against certain workers in the district of Muzaffurpur under sections 107 and 144 of the C. P. C for delivering violent speeches. They should not give any excuse like that to the bureaucracy. But now that they have been served with the notices they must comply with the section. Let the action of the bureaucracy be as autocratic, as autocratic can be. Let them break the law, and not the non-co-operators. If they found that the authorities were using section after section unjustly without any justification then the congress would have to declare civil disobedience. Time would then arrive to break the law. But that moment had not arrived yet. Their mission was the mission of law-abiding citizens.

If violence is used you will go against the Indian National Congress and destroy this sacred method. You must know in your heart of hearts the secret of Swaraj and that you will gain only by Non-co-operation. The only feeling, the only intense desire which a Non-co-operator should cherish, his only prayer to God, should be for the achievement of Swaraj. Gentlemen, now I am tired. I wish our movement a success in the province of Bihar.

Transcriber's note:

Inconsistencies in punctuation and spelling are as in the original.