All Aztec officials in the coast provinces had strict orders to keep a constant look-out for the eastern strangers, and in case of their arrival to treat them kindly, but by pretence of traffic and by every possible means to ascertain who they were, whence they came, and the nature of their designs. In accordance with these orders Pinotl the Aztec governor of Cuetlachtlan and his Mexican subordinates were foremost among the visitors to the wonderful ships of Grijalva; paintings were quickly but carefully prepared of the strangers, their ships, their weapons, and of every strange thing observed, and with the startling news and the pictured records the royal officials hastened to Mexico and communicated their information to Montezuma. The king, concealing as well as possible his anxiety and forbidding the messengers to make the news public, immediately assembled his royal colleagues and his council of state, laid the matter before them and asked their advice. The opinion was unanimous that the strangers were the children of Quetzalcoatl, returning in fulfillment of the ancient prophecies, and that they should be kindly received, as the only means of conciliating the good will of the numerous followers of the ancient prophet. An embassy was sent with rich presents to the coast, but they were too late; the Spaniards had departed, with a promise, however, of returning at an early date.
The events that followed down to the fulfillment of that promise by the arrival of Hernan Cortés in 1519 are not very definitely recorded, but these months formed a period of the greatest anxiety on the part of the Aztec rulers and of mingled dread and hope for their numerous enemies. Interest in the one absorbing topic caused all else to be forgotten; there was no thought of conquest, of revolt, of tributes; even the bloody rites of Huitzilopochtli were much neglected and the star of the peaceful Quetzalcoatl and his sect was in the ascendant. Prophets and old men throughout the country were closely questioned respecting their knowledge of the old traditions; old paintings and records were taken from every archive and carefully compared with those relating to the new-comers; the loss of the precious documents burned by Itzcoatl was now seriously felt; the glass beads and other trinkets obtained from the Spaniards, and even carefully treasured fragments of ship biscuit, were formally deposited with all the old Toltec ceremonies in the temple of Quetzalcoatl. Many fictitious paintings were palmed off on the credulous Montezuma as ancient records in which the children of Quetzalcoatl were pictured in an amusing variety of absurd forms, but some of the documents agreed very closely with the late paintings of Montezuma's agents, showing that others had bethought them to represent on paper Grijalva's company or some preceding band of Spaniards.[IX-63]
At last the presence of Cortés on the southern coasts, and his progress towards the Aztec possessions, was announced, and an embassy was dispatched to await his arrival, and to receive him with every attention and with the richest gifts the empire could afford. Subsequent events belong to the history of the Conquest, and must be narrated in another work; the remaining chapters of this volume being required for such fragments as have been preserved respecting the aboriginal history of other nations and tribes outside the central plateaux of Mexico.
I close the chapter and the annals of the Aztec period, with a brief glance at the general condition of affairs in and about Anáhuac in 1519, and the most extraordinary combination of circumstances that made it possible for Hernan Cortés to overthrow with a handful of Spanish soldiers a mighty aboriginal empire. The power known as Aztec, since the formation of the tri-partite alliance not quite a century before under the Acolhua, Mexican, and Tepanec kings, had gradually extended its iron grasp from its centre about the lakes to the shores of either ocean; and this it had accomplished wholly by the force of arms, receiving no voluntary allegiance. Overburdened by taxation; oppressed and insulted by royal governors, Aztec tribute-gatherers, and the traveling armies of Tlatelulca merchants; constantly attacked on frivolous pretexts by blood-thirsty hordes who ravaged their fields and carried away the flower of their population to perish on the Mexican altars; the inhabitants of each province subjected to this degrading bondage entertained towards the central government of the tyrants on the lakes feelings of the bitterest hatred and hostility, only awaiting an opportunity to free themselves, or at least to annihilate their oppressors. Such was the condition of affairs and the state of feeling abroad; at home the situation was most critical. The alliance which had been the strongest element of the Aztec power was now practically broken up; the ambitious schemes of Montezuma had alienated his firmest ally, and the stronger part of the Acolhua force was now openly arrayed against him under Ixtlilxochitl at Otompan, leagued with the Tlascaltec leaders for the overthrow of the Mexican power. It is probable that the coming of the Spaniards retarded rather than precipitated the united attack of the Acolhuas and the outside provinces on Montezuma. But again, to meet the gathering storm, the Mexican king could no longer count on the undivided support of his own people; he had alienated the merchants, who no longer, as in the early days, did faithful duty as spies, nor toiled to enrich a government from which they could expect no rewards; the lower classes no longer deemed their own interests identical with those of their sovereign. Last but far from least among the elements of approaching ruin was the religious sentiment of the country. The reader has followed the bitter contentions of earlier times in Tollan and Culhuacan, between the rival sects of Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. With the growth of the Mexican influence the bloody rites of the latter sect had prevailed under the auspices of the god Huitzilopochtli, and the worship of the gentler Quetzalcoatl, though still observed in many provinces and many temples, had with its priests been forced to occupy a secondary position. But the people were filled with terror at the horrible extent to which the latter kings had carried the immolation of human victims; they were sick of blood, and of the divinities that thirsted for it; a re-action was experienced in favor of the rival deities and priesthood. And now, just as the oppressed subjects of ecclesiastical tyranny were learning to remember with regret the peaceful teachings of the Plumed Serpent, and to look to that god for relief from their woes, their prayers were answered, Quetzalcoatl's predictions were apparently fulfilled, and his promised children made their appearance on the eastern ocean. The arrival of Cortés at this particular juncture was in one sense most marvelous; but in his subsequent success there is little to be wondered at; nor is it strange that the oppressed Nahuas received almost with outstretched arms the ministers of the new faith thus offered them by the Spaniards.
Early History of the Eastern Plateau—The Chichimec-Toltecs—Arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in Anáhuac—They Conquer and Settle the Eastern Plateau—Civil Wars—Miscellaneous Events—Wars between Tlascala and the Nations of Anáhuac—Early History of Michoacan—Wars between Wanacaces and Tarascos—Founding of Tzintzuntzan—Metamorphosis of the Tarasco Princes—Encroachments of the Wanacaces—The King of the Isles—Murder of Pawacume and Wapeani—Reigns of Curatame, Tariacuri, Tangaxoan I., Ziziz Pandacuare, Zwanga, and Tangaxoan II.—Origin of the Miztecs and Zapotecs—Wixipecocha—Rulers of Oajaca—The Huaves and Mijes—Later Kings and History of Oajaca—Wars with Mexico.
Although all that is known of the history of the eastern plateau prior to the fall of the Toltec empire has been already told, it will be well to briefly review the events of that period before referring to the Chichimec occupation of the region under consideration.
The earliest inhabitants of the plateau of whom we have any definite knowledge were the Olmecs, one of the oldest of the Nahua nations, who appear to have settled the country about Puebla and Cholula with the permission of the Quinames, or giants, the original possessors, and to have been so badly treated by them that at length, by a stratagem, they slew their oppressors and became sole masters of the country. Next we hear of the erection of the great pyramid of Cholula by Xelhua, an Olmec chief; then of the advent and subsequent disappearance of Quetzalcoatl, the culture hero and reformer, who is not to be confounded with Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, king of Tollan and afterwards of Cholula, who appeared on the scene at a much later period and was also a great reformer. After this, history is silent concerning the Olmecs until the founding of the Toltec empire, when we find them still flourishing on the eastern plateau with Cholula for their capital city. Then the king of Culhuacan, Mixcohua, better known as Camaxtli, under which name he was subsequently apotheosized and worshiped on the plateau, directs a military expedition towards Chalchiuhapan, afterwards Tlascala, which seems to have been founded about this time. But the most notable event of this pre-Chichimec history of the plateau, and the one which most advanced its importance and prosperity, was the coming of Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, son of Camaxtli, to Cholula, in 895, after he was forced from his throne at Tollan by the ambitious Tezcatlipoca, or Huemac. As has been already stated, this event was the beginning of a new and golden era in the eastern region, which lasted, if we except the conquest and temporary subjection of Cholula by Huemac, up to the time of the Toltec troubles, in which Cholula and her sister cities on the plateau doubtless shared, though to what extent is not certain; at all events they were not deserted as the Toltec cities in the valley are traditionally reported to have been at the time of the Chichimec invasion.
Brasseur has an account, drawn from one of his manuscripts,[X-1] of the taking of Cholula shortly after the fall of the Toltec empire by a tribe which he calls the Chichimec-Toltecs, and the subsequent settlement of the greater part of the plateau by this and other fierce bands, the original inhabitants being driven out of the country. This relation is, however, of doubtful authenticity, and is, moreover, irreconcilable with other statements made by the same writer;[X-2] it seems, in short, to stand by itself, as an episode recorded in one obscure manuscript only, and having no connection whatever with the events that precede or follow it. The account relates that among the fierce hordes that contributed to the downfall of Tollan, was one which, from the fact of its settling in the ruined capital, and possibly founding a temporary power there, received the name of Chichimec-Toltec. After the death of Huemac III. this band left Tollan, under the leadership of Icxicohuatl, Quetzaltehueyac, Totolohuitzil, and other chiefs,[X-3] and after ravaging the country about lake Tenochtitlan, entered the mountains to the east of the valley of Anáhuac, and there wandered about for a number of years without making any permanent settlement. When next heard of they were encamped near Cholula, their numbers greatly reduced by famine or pestilence, and in a very wretched condition. Weary of their wandering life and not strong enough to take forcible possession of one of the rich provinces of the plateau, or even to forage for their subsistence, they resolved to humble themselves before the princes of Cholula, and implore their protection and assistance. Their small number and apparently broken spirit, caused their prayer to be granted with more readiness than they had expected, and the fierce warriors, who in former times had made the kings of Anáhuac tremble upon their thrones, were now scornfully admitted into Cholula as men too weak to be feared and upon the footing of slaves and servants. But a few years of rest and abundance roused the old spirit in the Chichimec-Toltecs, and made them burn to throw off their self-imposed yoke, and avenge the insults to which they were constantly subjected by their masters. To obtain this end, they resorted to a very ingenious stratagem, suggested it is said, by their national god, Tezcatlipoca. A deputation waited upon the Tlachiach and Aquiach, the two chief princes of Cholula, and begged permission to give a public entertainment, the chief feature of which should be their national ballad and dance. For the proper performance of this they must, however, be supplied with their old weapons, which, since their arrival in Cholula, had been shut up in the city arsenal. Their petition was readily granted, great preparations were made, and on the appointed day all the people assembled to witness the novel spectacle. The Tlachiach and Aquiach were present, surrounded by their suites and a vast number of the nobility. The entertainment opened with certain comic representations, which made the spectators roar with laughter, and excited them to drink freely and be merry. Then the Chichimec warriors dressed in full war costume and bearing their weapons in their hands, formed themselves into a great circle, with the teponaztli player in the centre, and the solemn mitote commenced. At first the music was low and sad, and the dancers moved with slow and measured steps, but gradually the pace grew faster, and the deep voices of the warriors as they chanted their battle song mingled with the sound of the teponaztli. Higher and still higher the shouts arose, accompanied now by terrible gestures and brandishing of weapons; more madly yet the circle whirled, until it was impossible to distinguish one form from another; then, on a sudden, the note of the teponaztli changed and became low and sad once more. This was the signal for the massacre; in a moment the mock fury became a terrible reality, as the Chichimecs turned and fell upon the unarmed and half-drunk spectators. A dreadful slaughter ensued, and the streets of the city ran red with human blood. The Tlachiach and Aquiach managed to escape, and took refuge with a few of their relatives and friends within the walls of Yancuitlalpan, which became for the time their residence. By night the Chichimec-Toltecs were masters of Cholula. The news of this victory soon attracted other savage tribes; the original inhabitants were driven from place to place, and at the end of a few years, the entire country "from the shores of the gulf of Mexico to the mountains which encircled the port of Acapulco," had changed masters.[X-4]
With the arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in Anáhuac, the history proper of the eastern plateau begins. This people, as has been said, was one of the invading bands that appear about the same time as the Nahuatlaca tribes, with whom they are classed by some writers. According to Camargo, the Tlascaltec historian, they were at Chicomoztoc in 5 Tochtli; thence they journeyed by way of Amaquetepec and Tepenec to Tomallan, which they conquered; then with great difficulty they fought their way through Culhuacan, passed into Teotla Cochoalco, and so on to Teohuiznahuac, where their march was opposed by Queen Coatlicue, who, however, after a severe struggle was forced to come to terms. They next advanced to Hueypuchtlan, and then to Tepozotlan, where the principal chiefs received certain military honors and adopted new names. After passing with many halts through other provinces they finally arrived in the vicinity of Tezcuco, in the year 2 Tecpatl, where they were well received by the king, and assigned the plain of Poyauhtlan as a place of encampment.[X-5] Veytia states that a great number of the Teo-Chichimecs, who did not like to settle in a locality surrounded by so many people, passed on into the country east of the Valley of Mexico, where they spread over Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula,[X-6] which were probably occupied at that time by the remnants of the Olmecs and Xicalancas, who had formerly been subject to the Toltec empire.
Notwithstanding the settlers at Poyauhtlan met with no opposition on their arrival, and even appear to have been well received, their presence soon became a source of great uneasiness to all the surrounding nations. At first they behaved themselves well enough, and as they gave no cause for complaint, were left undisturbed in their new country for a number of years; but as time progressed, and their numbers increased, they began to encroach upon and ravage the adjoining territories. This led to reprisals and bloody encounters, until at length the evil grew to be unbearable, and was finally put an end to by the famous battle of Poyauhtlan, and the departure of the Teo-Chichimecs to join their countrymen upon the eastern plateau, in the year 1272. Their real reason for leaving the country was doubtless their weakened condition, for though they had nominally won the battle of Poyauhtlan, yet it had been but a Cadmean victory for them, and they knew that another such engagement must infallibly result in their annihilation. But be this as it may, their god Camaxtli spoke opportunely through the mouth of his priests, saying, "arise, depart from hence, for the dawn of your greatness shall not break in this place, neither shall the sun of your splendor rise here." But the strongest proof that the Teo-Chichimecs emigrated because their enemies were too strong for them, lies in the fact that they found it necessary to ask the king of Tezcuco for permission to leave the country, though Camargo gives as an excuse for their submission that they wished to be able to call upon him for assistance, should they meet with reverses in their intended journey beyond the mountains. The king of Tezcuco, doubtless delighted to get rid of such troublesome neighbors, not only gave the desired permission, but granted them safe conduct through his dominions and furnished them with trusty guides who were to conduct them by the safest passes to the summit of the range, and thence to point them out their road toward the east. No time was lost in setting out, and soon the whole Teo-Chichimec nation was marching eastward. Their guides led them to the peak of Tlalocan, from which elevation they overlooked an immense extent of country. Behind them the Lake of Mexico sparkled in the midst of the valley of Anáhuac, before them lay the fertile provinces of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. Descending to the plain they gave vent to their joy in feasts and rejoicings, and offered thanks to their god Camaxtli, who had delivered them from their enemies and brought them into such a fair land. It is related, however, that the entire nation did not ascend the peak. A large party under the leadership of Chimalcuixintecuhtli refused to climb the great eastern range, and proceeded northwards to Tulancingo, Quauhchinanco, and other neighboring provinces which they found to be already colonized by Macuilacatltecuhtli, a kinsman of Chimalcuixintecuhtli, who welcomed the wanderers with every mark of friendship, and as an especial token of his favor conferred wives upon their chiefs.[X-7]
Meantime the larger portion of the emigrants pressed forward into the eastern country. They seem to have kept together until they reached a place called Tetliyacac,[X-8] situated near Huexotzinco, where they separated into several divisions, and dispersed in various directions. Most of the surrounding cities and provinces fell into their hands one after another, and before long they had gained possession of the best part of the country. Thus the province of Quauhquelchula was appropriated by Toquetzal and Yohuallatonac, and the town of Coatepec was founded by Quetzalxiuhtli;[X-9] another band went to Ahuayopan, where a bloody fray took place among them, which caused a chief named Izcohuatl to separate from the rest and settle in Zacatlan. Tetzitzimitl founded, or took possession of Totollan; Quauhtzintecuhtli settled in Atlmayoacan; Cozcaquauh Huehue established himself in the Teopan district; Tlotlitecuhtli went a little lower down; Tempatlahuac settled in the Contlan district; Cacamatecuhtli in the Xaltepetlapan district; Calpan surrendered to Toltecatltecuhtli; Cimatecuhtli obtained Totomihuacan; Totomalotecuhtli gained possession of Tepeaca.[X-10]
For several years the Teo-Chichimecs continued to extend their settlements over the entire plateau. Some of the provinces yielded without a struggle, others offered a desperate resistance, but though the invaders occasionally met with a temporary repulse, their arms were always victorious in the end. At Nacapahuazcan they were visited by certain Chichimec chiefs who are said to have preceded them on the plateau, and who instructed the new-comers how to cook meat in earthen pots which they presented to them.[X-11] Here they conferred the dignity of Tecuhtli upon a number of warriors who had distinguished themselves. They next proceeded towards the plain of Cholula, but their passage through the mountains was opposed by the Tlachiach and Aquiach, who refused to let them enter their country. They met with a very haughty response, however, in which the Teo-Chichimecs expressed their determination to continue their march in spite of all opposition. Upon this the Cholultec princes retreated, and the invaders advanced without hindrance. At Tepeticpac, a city strongly fortified by art and nature, their progress was again stayed by the Olmec prince, Colopechtli, but after a desperate resistance the city was taken and its brave defender slain. Struck by the advantageous position of this place, the Teo-Chichimec leader, Quanez,[X-12] resolved to found his capital here. The city was first known as Texcalticpac, then as Texcalla, and finally as Tlaxcallan, or Tlascala.[X-13]
So far everything had gone well with the invaders. While they were united and occupied themselves only in driving the rightful possessors from the soil they had experienced a succession of brilliant conquests. But, as is usual in such cases, they had no sooner got possession of the country than they began to quarrel among themselves. Quanez was the first to give rise to a jealous feeling. He had fortified his position at Tlascala more strongly than ever, and seemed disposed to aim at the sovereignty of the plateau. To this his brother chiefs at Huexotzinco and other places would not submit. Each wanted to be independent in the territory he had won, and they clamored for a distinct division of the soil. Quanez, however, persisted in his ambitious designs and soon confirmed their suspicions by his acts. Upon this the other chiefs held a consultation which resulted in their uniting their forces and marching upon Tlascala. It seems that they were met by Quanez, who, however, was defeated in the engagement that ensued and forced to retreat to his stronghold, where he was closely besieged by his enemies.[X-14] The Tlascaltecs did not remain shut up within their walls, however, but made frequent and furious sallies against the besiegers. The horrors of these engagements, in which fathers fought against sons, and brothers against brothers, are dilated upon by the historians. All efforts were unavailing, outpost after outpost was lost to the enemy until the Tlascaltecs were finally driven within the walls of the city proper, without any hope of escape. In this extremity Quanez managed to secretly dispatch messengers to the king of Tezcuco and to the princes of Xochimilco[X-15] and Xalpan, requesting assistance. The Tezcucan monarch promptly responded to the call with a considerable force, under the command of a valiant chief named Chinametl, and at the same time sent the beleaguered Quanez a valuable alabaster vase as an encouraging token of regard. This re-inforcement, together with certain prophecies delivered by the oracle of Camaxtli, re-assured the Tlascaltecs, and they at once set about strengthening their position.
In the meantime Xiuhtlehui, prince of Huexotzinco, who commanded the allied troops, seeing the aid obtained by the enemy, and fearing that the victory which had seemed so certain during the earlier part of the campaign, was slipping out of his hands, sent messengers to Coxcoxtli, king of Culhuacan,[X-16] imploring his aid, and expatiating on the strongest terms on the harm wrought by the Tlascaltecs. Coxcoxtli was much puzzled how to act; he was on friendly terms with both parties, and perhaps, as Camargo says, he was afraid of the Tlascaltecs. At length, after carefully considering the matter, he adopted a very cautious policy. He instructed the Huexotzinca envoys to tell their master that he would send an army as required, but no sooner had they departed than he sent a message to the Tlascaltec chief, greeting him in the most friendly terms, and informing him of the application he had received and the promise he had given. This promise, he said, he was bound to keep, but only as a matter of form; his troops should take no active part against the Tlascaltecs, who, he begged, in their turn, would take care not to injure his soldiers.
Flattered by this proof of friendship, Quanez returned his thanks to Coxcoxtli with assurances that the latter's troops should suffer no harm at his hands. The Tlascaltecs then prepared to meet the expected attack, and all the people attended an elaborate ceremony for the purpose of beseeching the protection and aid of their god Camaxtli. The answer of the god was favorable; he exhorted them to take courage and fear nothing, for they should surely be triumphant, and directed them to seek for a virgin having one breast larger than the other, and sacrifice her in his honor, which was done.
On the third day, when the last of the propitiatory ceremonies had been completed, the Tlascaltecs turned their attention towards the enemy; and, behold, the hills and plains, far and near, were swarming with hostile troops. Coxcoxtli's auxiliaries had arrived and were posted as a reserve on a neighboring mountain, where they remained inactive during the combat that ensued. At this sight the hearts of the valiant Tlascaltecs sank within them, and they sought and obtained renewed assurances of divine favor. Scarcely had they done so when the battle commenced. At the first shock the Tlascaltecs captured a warrior, who was hurried to Camaxtli's altar, and sacrificed in their horrible manner. The battle soon raged furiously, the air was black with stones, arrows, and javelins, the rocks resounded with the war-cries of the combatants, blood flowed in torrents. Cheered on by their high-priest, and strong in their faith in the oracles that had promised them victory, the Tlascaltecs were irresistible, and soon drove the enemy before them. Before long the rout became general, and a terrible carnage ensued, the like of which could be found only, say the annals, upon the bloody plain of Poyauhtlan. In the meantime Coxcoxtli's troops descended from the hill from which they had witnessed the whole battle, and quietly retreated to Anáhuac, without in any way succoring the defeated army.
This great victory made the Tlascaltecs much respected, and all the neighboring nations hastened to congratulate Quanez upon his success and proffer him their alliance, while the conquered people humbly confessed that they had been in the wrong and prevailed upon the elated victor to pardon their presumptuous conduct. Thus Tlascala became the most powerful state on the plateau, a position which it enjoyed for some time in peace.[X-17]
It was about this time, or shortly afterward, that disturbances occurred in Cholula, of which there is more than one account. Brasseur relates that the ancient inhabitants of the city, who had groaned for a number of years under the Teo-Chichimec yoke, and whose principal men had long been in exile, resolved at length to make an effort to recover their freedom. They applied to Coxcoxtli of Culhuacan for aid, and as a sure inducement appealed to his piety, by reminding him that Cholula was in a spiritual sense the daughter of Quetzalcoatl, while in a temporal sense she was the vassal of the kings of Culhuacan, whom she had never ceased to venerate as sovereigns. Coxcoxtli granted their petition and at once sent a force to their assistance. The Teo-Chichimecs who were in power at Cholula, had leagued themselves with the Huexotzincas, against Tlascala, but since their humiliation, for some reason or other, they had concentrated at Quauhquelchula, where they continued to oppress the followers of Ceacatl. The lineal descendants of the high-priests of Quetzalcoatl were Iztantzin and Nacazpipilolxochi; they managed to interest in their favor the prince of Tlascala, by referring to the great things he had done to the honor of Camaxtli, and reminding him that this god was the father of Quetzalcoatl; was it not the duty of the Tlascaltecs, they added, to do all in their power to restore the ancient worship of the prophet and deliver his ministers from their banishment. This crafty argument had the desired effect. An alliance was concluded between the Cholultecs and the neighboring states of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, Totomihuacan, Tepeaca, Quauhtecan, and Quauhtinchan, and the exiled ministers of Quetzalcoatl were solemnly conducted back to the sacred city. The towns of the territory of Cholula were then subjected to the Toltec authority, as of old, and the Teo-Chichimecs of Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan, and Ayotzinco, hitherto leagued together against Iztantzin, were forced to recognize him as their suzerain. These events occurred between the years 1280 and 1299.[X-18] Veytia's story of this disturbance in Cholula is that Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan, Ayotzinco, and some other places in the province rose in rebellion against the high-priest Iztamantzin,[X-19] who called upon Xiuhtemoc, king of Culhuacan, for assistance. The force furnished by this monarch was divided into two parts, one led by himself, the other by Nacazpipilolxochi. With this army the insurgents were finally humbled, though not without considerable bloodshed, and after the campaign had lasted nearly a year.[X-20] After the return of its priests Cholula quickly regained its ancient prosperity. The old laws were enforced and the executive authority was entrusted to a military chief, who was assisted in his duties by a council of six nobles, and this form of government was preserved until the time of the Conquest. From this time the city was rarely troubled with wars, but was respected and held in veneration as a sacred place of pilgrimage by all the surrounding peoples.[X-21]
The peace which followed the victory over the Huexotzincas and their allies gave the Tlascaltecs an opportunity to turn their attention to more peaceful pursuits. Their position as leading nation on the plateau was now assured, and for a time they devoted themselves to the furtherance of culture and commerce, fixing boundaries and granting lands to those who had deserved them by their conduct in the late wars. After remaining under one head for several years the government took the form of a sort of aristocratic republic. It was about this time that Tlascala was divided into four wards, or districts. Quanez had a brother named Teyohualminqui, to whom, in his old age, he made over the district of Ocotelulco,[X-22] giving him at the same time a part of the relics of Camaxtli, which were so highly venerated as to constitute in themselves a gift no less princely than the lands.
This prince so distinguished himself and enlarged his domain by his bravery and conquests that he eventually came to be regarded as chief of the whole nation. Another district, called Quiahuiztlan,[X-23] was granted by Quanez to a chief named Mizquitl, who, according to Camargo, had been one of the leaders of the Chichimecs who went north after the battle of Poyauhtlan instead of crossing the eastern range. He had led his band northwards to Tepetlaoztoc, whence he had subsequently come to Tlascala, arriving there in time to assist Quanez against the Huexotzincas. It was for this service that the district was awarded him. These were three of the four wards, for the part that Quanez reserved for himself formed one, probably the largest at that time, and was called Tepeticpac. The history of the events which led to the foundation of the fourth district is much confused. Camargo relates that Acatentehua, grandson of Teyohualminqui, and third lord of Ocotelulco, after reigning mildly for some time, suddenly became tyrannical. Tlacomihua, one of his nobles, raised a revolt, killed him, and succeeded to the throne of Ocotelulco. These events led to the disaffection of one Tzompane, who went with his followers to a part of Tepeticpac, and there established a separate government. He was succeeded by his son Xayacamachan, otherwise called Tepolohua, who was afterwards massacred, together with all his relations. The next rulers were Aztoguihua Aquiyahuacatl and Zococ Aztahua Tlacaztalli, the latter of whom went with his followers to the heights of Tianazatlan, where he founded Tcatlaiz. His grandson, Xicotencatl, was reigning at the time of Cortes' arrival.[X-24] According to Brasseur, who follows Torquemada principally, a number of the inhabitants of the two oldest quarters, Tepeticpac and Ocotelulco, finding themselves too crowded, descended into the neighboring valley of Teotlalpan, where they constituted a separate government under a chief named Tepolohua.[X-25] The number of people that deserted the higher districts for the pleasant valley, excited the jealousy of the other chiefs. They united their forces, descended upon the young settlement, and killed Tepolohua. The followers of the late chief then departed to Tizatlan where they founded a seigniory which continued to thrive in peace up to the reign of Xicotencatl, who was ruling when the Spaniards came. At Tepeticpac the descendants of Quanez continued to reign, and were regarded as ranking first in the state. It was at this epoch that the united districts of Tlascala adopted the peculiar form of government described in a former volume,[X-26] and that Nezahualcoyotl paid his first visit to the republic, in 1420.
The history of the plateau grows very dim and disconnected from this time on, and has light thrown upon it only here and there, as it happens to be connected with the more important affairs of the Aztec empire, which seems to have engrossed the attention of the historians.
Almost all that is known of the events that remain to be recorded has already been told. We have seen that in 1428 Nezahualcoyotl, fleeing for his life from Maxtla, took refuge for a second time in Huexotzinco and Cholula, and was aided by the people of these and other places on the plateau to recover his father's throne at Tezcuco.[X-27] In 1451-6 came the great famine, when the terrible compact was made between the people of the plateau and those of Anáhuac for the provision of human sacrifices.[X-28] Then followed the war between the Miztecs and the allied powers, in which the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas espoused the cause of the former.[X-29] We next find the restless Tlascaltecs stirring up a war between the Mexicans and the Olmecs of Cuetlachtlan, allying themselves with the latter and sharing in their defeat.[X-30] Shortly before the year 1460 several important cities upon the southern part of the plateau, at the instigation of the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas, killed some Mexican merchants, were instantly attacked by the powers of the valley, reduced to the rank of Mexican provinces, and appended to Montezuma's empire.[X-31] About the year 1469 Axayacatl, the Mexican monarch, having some cause of complaint against the people of Huexotzinco and Atlixco, invaded their country, and in the battle that ensued the Mexicans, encouraged by the miraculous appearance of Tezcatlipoca, routed their enemies.[X-32] During the reign of Nezahualpilli, Huexotzinco was again troubled, the reason for the war this time being, as we have seen, the predictions of the astrologers that Huehuetzin was fated to vanquish the Tezcucan monarch—predictions which Nezahualpilli falsified, in their literal meaning at least, by a stratagem.[X-33] Ahuitzotl of Mexico is said by Camargo to have invaded the plateau and conquered Huexotzinco and Cholula,[X-34] and it would appear that this fierce king did not leave the country empty handed, for of the eighty thousand human victims immolated by him at the dedication of the temple of Huitzilopochtli in 1487, we read that sixteen thousand were Huexotzincas.[X-35] His own nephew was afterwards taken captive in one of the numerous battles or skirmishes which seem to have been constantly occurring on the borders of the plateau, principally at Atlixco, and offered as a sacrifice on the altar of Camaxtli.[X-36] In 1498, an altercation arose between the lords of Cholula and Tepeaca, which led to a series of combats between those states. The Cholultecs sought and obtained the aid of Ahuitzotl, and we are left to suppose that they then triumphed over their enemies. But the Mexican emperor received a severe check soon afterwards at Atlixco. The close proximity of that town to the valley made it desirable for annexation to the empire. Ahuitzotl accordingly entered its territory suddenly with a considerable force. The Atlixcas gathered what troops they could to oppose the Mexicans, and at once dispatched messengers to their allies at Huexotzinco for aid. One of the Huexotzinca captains, named Tultecatl, who was playing at ball when the news arrived, hurried off with a few followers to the scene of combat without even taking time to arm himself. Without hesitation he plunged into the thick of the fight, slew a warrior with his hands, seized his arms, and threw himself with such fury upon the Mexicans that they were soon routed and forced to abandon the field. For this valorous conduct Tultecatl was made ruler of a Huexotzinca town. But in little more than a year events occurred which obliged him to retire from his post. For some time past the priests of his town had been indulging all manner of excesses with impunity; entering and pillaging houses with the greatest effrontery; taking away the women's clothes while they were bathing; insulting the men; and, in short, taking advantage of their sacred character to commit every conceivable species of outrage. Tultecatl attempted to put a stop to this disorder, and punish its authors. For this purpose he armed a number of the most respectable citizens. But the priests also took up arms, and excited the populace in their favor. It is said that Camaxtli aided his servants by various enchantments, which so frightened the citizens that they retreated in dismay. A great number of the nobles with their followers, then betook themselves to Itzcohuatl, lord of a neighboring province, to whom they related the cause of their leaving Huexotzinco. But Itzcohuatl was a creature of Ahuitzotl, at whose hands he had received the lordship he now enjoyed; he betrayed the refugees to his master, by whom they were all put to death.[X-37]
Immediately after the accession of Montezuma II., Atlixco became once more the seat of war. This unfortunate city seems to have been regarded by the kings of the valley as the proper place to attack whenever they required human victims for sacrifice. It was customary for the kings of Anáhuac before they were formally crowned to make a raid upon some neighboring nation for the purpose of obtaining captives that their blood might grace the coronation ceremonies. This was the cause of Montezuma's expedition against Atlixco on the occasion above referred to. He accomplished his end and returned with a great number of prisoners, though the victory seems to have been dearly gained. But the armies of the haughty Montezuma were not always triumphant when they encountered the stronger nations of the plateau, and a short time after the victory at Atlixco they received a serious check at the hands of the Tlascaltecs.
For a long time Tlascala had been regarded with much jealousy by the Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, and other nations of the plateau, both because of its great commercial prosperity, and of its successful resistance to the conquering kings of the valley. The Tlascaltecs seem at this period to have given up all hopes of gaining the sovereignty of the entire region—so long the object of their ambition—and to have confined their resources to strengthening their own position, and fortifying their frontiers. Almost all the neighboring states appear at this time to have been either allied to or conquered by the powers in the valley, and consequently the defensive measures adopted by the republic for the preservation of its independence fanned their smouldering envy into flame, so that they took every opportunity to provoke a quarrel between Tlascala and the kings of Anáhuac. They represented that the Tlascaltecs designed to possess themselves of the eastern maritime provinces; that they hindered the merchants of the other nations from trading in those regions, by making secret treaties with the inhabitants. Only too glad of an excuse to humble his ancient enemies, the Mexican monarch was easily prevailed upon to break up the Tlascaltec trade in the east, and this he did so effectually that for a number of years the people of the republic were deprived of the luxuries and even some of the necessaries they had previously enjoyed. At length, weary of these privations, yet not strong enough to better their condition by force, they dispatched an embassy to the Mexican king to inquire the cause of an enmity which they had done nothing to provoke. For answer, they were told contemptuously that the monarch of Mexico was lord of the entire world, and they must pay tribute to him or be prepared to take the consequences. To this they returned a haughty reply, saying that their nation had never payed tribute to any earthly king, and that before submitting to do so now they would shed more blood than their ancestors had shed at Poyauhtlan. They then once more turned all their attention to strengthening their position, and it was probably at this period, says Clavigero, that they built the six-mile wall on the east side of the city. They received considerable assistance from the numerous Zacatec, Chalca, and Otomí refugees, of whom the garrisons on the frontier were chiefly composed. But the privations which they suffered by reason of the stoppage of their intercourse with the surrounding peoples, constantly increased, and for over sixty years, says Torquemada, salt and other staples were unknown to the poorer classes, at least, though the nobles may have fared somewhat better.[X-38] The date of these events is not certain, but they probably occurred during the reign of Axayacatl. From the time of the defiance recorded above until the accession of Montezuma II., there appear to have been no important hostilities between the Mexicans and Tlascaltecs, but no sooner had Montezuma ascended the throne of Mexico than he determined to make a grand effort to humble the stout little republic, and forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all his subjects and allies to assist in a general attack. At this time the four lords of Tlascala were Maxixcatzin, who ruled in the district of Ocotelulco; Xicotencatl, in Tizatlan; Teohuayacatzin, in Quiahuiztlan; and Tlehuexolotl, in Tepeticpac. Fifteen years afterwards these four princes received Cortés and his companions within their walls. The Huexotzincas and Cholultecs were the first to begin the war, which may be said to have lasted until the coming of the Spaniards. Failing to bribe the Otomí garrison of Hueyotlipan, on the Tezcucan frontier, to betray their trust, they invaded the Tlascaltec territory under the command of Tecayahuatzin of Huexotzinco, and advanced as far as Xiloxuchitla, within a league of the capital. Here they were met by Tizatlacatzin, a noble chief of Ocotelulco, who with a mere handful of warriors succeeded in checking their farther advance, though at the price of his own life.[X-39] The Tlascaltecs hastened to avenge the death of their brave leader by laying waste the province of Huexotzinco. Shortly afterwards they again encountered the Huexotzincas on the heights of Matlalcueje, and pressed them so hard that Tecayahuatzin sent off in haste to Montezuma for re-inforcements. The Mexican monarch at once responded with a large force under the command of Tlacahuepantzin, his eldest son.[X-40] After receiving re-inforcements at Quauhquelchula Tlacahuepantzin proceeded by way of Atlixco valley to effect a union with the Huexotzincas, but the Tlascaltecs, seeing that this must be prevented at all hazards, bore down upon him before he could join his allies with such fury that his army was scattered in all directions. In this battle Tlacahuepantzin was slain and a great spoil fell into the hands of the victors, who probably suffered severely also, as they now returned to their capital to recuperate. But it seems[X-41] that they still managed to keep the Huexotzincas penned up on the heights of Matlalcueje, where they again attacked them with fresh forces the following year. But the delay had also given the Huexotzincas time to recuperate, and to strengthen their naturally advantageous position, so that the worst the Tlascaltecs could do was to ravage the country, and this they did with such effect that many of the Huexotzincas were eventually compelled to migrate to Mexico in quest of food. Tezozomoc makes this a more serious affair. When the Huexotzincas, he says, were hard pressed by the Tlascaltecs, the children and aged of the former people were invited to take refuge in Mexico while the Mexicans with their allies set out to assist the Huexotzincas. For twenty days Tlahuicol, the Tlascaltec general, fought bravely, retreating at the same time before the superior number of the enemy. Finally he was captured in a marsh, his army scattered, and the land restored to the Huexotzincas.[X-42]