A few days after this Mr. Crawfurd, accompanied by Lieutenant Rutherfurd, visited the Prince Chroma-chit, an illegitimate son of the reigning king. The hour appointed was about eight o’clock in the evening.

He was seated in the middle of a spacious hall, ornamented chiefly in the Chinese style. Common looking-glasses, Dutch glass, shades, lamps, and Chinese lanterns adorned the walls and were suspended from the ceiling. The prince received them sitting, and on their entrance pointed to carpets placed at a distance for the visitors to sit upon. Like most other Siamese men of rank, the prince is uncommonly stout, and rather bloated with fat. His form is unwieldy and coarse, his manner grave and unbending, and his general appearance that of being much older than he really is. The conversation, as reported by Mr. Rutherford, turned upon the usual topics of public visits at Asiatic courts; such as the length of our voyage, the age of the visitors, their ordinary employments; the health of the Governor General of India; the state of England, and so forth. After some time, boxes containing betel and tobacco sprouts were offered; and afterwards sweetmeats in profusion were introduced.

It is always the custom at this court to visit the prince, previously to visiting the king. Almost all matters of government, in whatever department, are in the hands of this prince, who is considered to have shewn genius and talent equal to the great charge with which he is intrusted. All matters relating to peace or war, to foreign intercourse, or to domestic regulations, to affairs of religion, of policy or of justice, are equally at his disposal, and rarely referred to the king, but for the purpose of gaining his final consent. The inferior agents of government are entirely under his control, and have no power to do any thing of themselves without first obtaining his opinion, for which purpose they generally wait upon him twice a-day. He, at this interview, as did the king afterwards on the occasion of our introduction to him, signified that Suri Wong Montree[5], the chief who had accommodated the party with a house, would make known to him the objects of their mission, and at the same time expressed his authoritative expectation that this chief was attentive to our wants.

The submission of the attendants was on this occasion even more marked than that observed towards Suri Wong, who was himself now amongst the number strewed on the ground in humble obeisance towards their prince. The latter conversed through the medium of the Malay, or rather Moorman, by which name I shall call him in future, who was on this occasion assisted by another personage of the same description, who spoke the Hindustani with tolerable accuracy. The two Malay interpreters of the Agent of the Governor General were not permitted to be present.

It is customary amongst the Siamese to send home after the visitors the sweetmeats which had been brought forward during the visit, as it is also to place on the floor before them the presents they had made. This was done by Suri Wong, and by this prince, and again was this ceremony observed when we were introduced to the king, though in the latter case the most insignificant only of the presents from the Governor General of Bengal were introduced, and these were so laid out as to make the least possible display.

Numerous were the proposals, and more numerous the reports brought from day to-day respecting the ceremonies to be performed by us on being presented at court. Many conferences had taken place between Mr. Crawfurd and the Moorman on the important topic, and matters were referred by the latter to the chief, Suri Wong. What the nature of these conferences were I am altogether ignorant, not having been present at them; and, indeed, as I do not understand Malayan, the language in which they were carried on, my presence was the less necessary. It was to be feared, however, that the cunning Moorman would exert every means in his power, and leave nothing untried to induce compliance on the part of the Agent of the Governor General, with all the ceremonies prescribed by the Siamese court, of whose moderation, in matters of this nature, we might in some degree judge, by the haughty demeanour of the few chiefs we had yet seen. It was, therefore, alike the interest, as it was the undisguised intention of the Moorman to claim merit with his employers in proportion to his success in the present matter. He commenced by introducing the question in the most artful and clever manner, boldly asserting that a report had gone abroad to the effect that the public Envoy of the Government of Bengal meant to act in a disrespectful manner towards the King of Siam—that it was his intention, throwing his arms impudently behind his back, to stand before the king without shewing any mark of respect whatever. Mr. Crawfurd replied, that so far from this being the case, he had come to do honour to the King of Siam before his subjects, and then mentioned what ceremonies he was willing to perform. With this assurance the Moorman was said to have gone away contented.

Another matter, which appears to have created much discussion and frequent reference, regarded the manner in which the members of the mission should proceed to the place of audience. It was first proposed, that after proceeding to the usual landing-place in boats, they should thence continue on foot to the audience hall. This proposal was given up for that of going on horseback, and this last finally to that of being carried in palanquins.

Matters were at length settled, and we were given to understand that we were to proceed to the palace at an early hour on the following day.

I accompanied Mr. Crawfurd on an early visit to the Barkalan, Suri Wong Montree. On this occasion he was seated on a piece of red carpet, and leaned on a velvet cushion; he rose up as we entered, and pointed to a mattress covered with chintz, placed near to the door for us to sit on. His manner appeared to me to be stiff, haughty, assuming, and altogether without dignity to support it. The conversation between him and Mr. Crawfurd lasted nearly half an hour, and turned chiefly on commercial matters. He stated that the country could furnish annually 50,000 peculs of sugar, and 30,000 of pepper. He appeared to have greatly exaggerated the annual produce in benzoin, and observed, that the forests could supply sapan wood in any quantity. He desired to know if the Siamese would be permitted to purchase arms in our ports in India.

When we returned on board, Capt. Dangerfield remained behind after breakfast, for the purpose of being informed respecting the nature of the ceremonies to be performed by us on the following day in the royal presence. In the course of the day we received a note from Capt. D., stating that Mr. Crawfurd wished to see us on shore on a matter of duty. We found that there existed a difference of opinion on the subject in question. * * * * * * * *

This was the first we had heard of the matter in a serious way. We had often in a jocular manner talked on the subject, but, as has been observed, we were yet ignorant of what was expected of us. Immediately thereafter, however, the nature of the intended salutations was pointed out to us, differing certainly very materially from what we had anticipated, and from what Mr. C. had pointed out on a former evening as that which we were to perform. The mode of salutation, in its present shape, admitted of little objection; and, accordingly, after a very few remarks, we agreed to the performance of it. We were to take off our shoes at the door of the hall of audience; when we had entered, we were to take off our hats, and making a bow in the English manner, we were to advance to the seats appointed for us, and there sitting down, with the legs bent backwards and under us, but a little to one side, we were to make three salutations with the hands united before the face, touching the forehead each time. The union of the hands in this manner appearing to be expressive of supplication, and being used as the sign thereof by many Asiatics, Capt. Dangerfield proposed that in its stead we should salute in the manner done at some of the Hindu courts, by performing the salam with both hands, raising them separately to the head at the same time. It was observed that the difference was very immaterial, and that therefore the Siamese mode should be preferred; besides it appeared that the members of the mission might perform the salutation with more or less correctness as they judged proper, and that it would be deemed enough if they touched the forehead with the hands in any way.

April 8.—It had been communicated to us that the ceremonies of the day would commence at an early hour. Accordingly about seven A.M. we were in attendance on the Agent to the Governor General. At eight o’clock two boats, a large and a small one, shaped like canoes, and turned up at the bow and stern, had come for the purpose of taking us to the palace. The larger had, I think, thirteen paddles, and a man to steer it. It was without ornament of any sort, plain, but neat, with a boarded space in the centre, over which was erected a sort of matted roof. A piece of old carpet, and a small, but old velvet cushion, were placed upon this boarded space. The rowers in this boat were dressed in caps and loose jackets made of coarse red cloth. The other boat was of small dimensions, but also provided with a seat in the centre, and a cover similar to that of the former.

In this there were stationed only five or six rowers, none of whom appeared to be Siamese. Their appearance was very wretched and mean. They had scarce a rag of clothes of any description, and consisted of boys and decrepit old men. The guard of Sepoys, amounting to thirty in number, were placed in the ship’s long-boat, and preceded us to the landing-place near to the palace, where they waited the arrival of the British Agent.

The Barkalan, Suri Wong Montree, set out at an early hour, dressed in his robes of ceremony for the occasion.

The Moorman, Khochai-Sahac, was in attendance to conduct the mission to the palace, and when the boats were ready, gave intimation that it was time to proceed. The smaller boat was occupied by the servants and followers of the mission, while the Agent to the Governor General, accompanied by the gentlemen of his suite, entered the larger. In this we found two Portuguese, who had been born in the country; one of them a respectable-looking man. They were apparently sent to act as interpreters by the way. The more respectable-looking of the two, seeing that I spoke the Portuguese language very imperfectly, to my great surprise addressed me in the Latin language. The purity of his phraseology excited my surprise still more. It was vastly superior to the monkish jargon, spoken by certain orders of the clergy in some parts of the Continent of Europe. Yet this man had received his education in Siam, in the Catholic seminary of this place. I concluded that he was of the clerical order, but in this I was mistaken.

Our boats, accompanied by a small one which conveyed the Moorman, proceeded towards the palace at a moderate rate. Our presence seemed to excite but little attention on the part of the inhabitants of the floating houses which line the banks of the river, occupied almost exclusively by the Chinese, or on the part of those on board the junks, or those passing and re-passing on the river. Some were observed to laugh immoderately, while others covered the face to conceal mirth which might be considered as rude. A few minutes brought us to the landing-place, within a few paces of the outermost wall of the palace. The Sepoys had arrived here before us, and now disembarked and drew up in a line on the road. The boat which conveyed the servants, being very indifferently supplied with rowers, was still far behind, so that we had to wait in our boat till their arrival. The place we landed at was dirty, inconvenient, and lumbered with wood and small canoes. It might have been taken for the entrance into a wood-merchant’s yard, than many of which this was much less clean and convenient. As great a crowd of people, almost entirely males, as could be collected together in so small a space was here assembled, and viewed us with much, but I cannot say with respectful, curiosity. The gate and wall of the palace were lofty, but mean-looking and in bad taste; neither were the three other gates and inner walls that we passed remarkable for the opposite qualities, not even for labour in their construction, or strength in the design.

Our servants having arrived, we landed, and the palanquins intended for our conveyance were produced. Without our being aware of it, they had come along with us in the boat; a circumstance which will excite but little surprise when it is known that these palanquins consisted merely of a netting in the exact shape of a sailor’s hammock suspended from a pole. A small piece of carpet was spread in the centre, and each vehicle was carried on the shoulders of two men, one at each end of the pole. We at first experienced a little difficulty in preventing ourselves from rolling out of this contrivance, and our awkward attempts to do so seemed to afford great amusement to the spectators, who kept shouting aloud until we were within the gate.

We took possession of our vehicles in the order of our respective ranks, the Agent to the Governor General proceeding first. In this manner, accompanied by our Sepoys, the procession passed to an inner gate, distant from the first about one hundred and fifty yards; the road was dirty, and here and there coarsely paved. At this gate we were detained for a few minutes, when it was thrown open. Here we were directed to leave the vehicles, and proceed on foot. We were at the same time directed to take off our swords, and to leave the Sepoys here. We had now entered a spacious and open court of great extent, with various ranges of large tiled buildings disposed in tolerable order, and traversed by roads paved with coarse-grained granite, disposed in right lines.

It deserves to be mentioned, that at the gate last-mentioned, the Moorman, Khochai-Sahac, was joined by another man of the same caste. These, as well as other Moormen whom we saw on the present occasion, were dressed in long loose gowns and turbans, ornamented with gold leaf or tinsel. The two Moormen proceeding in front, and a crowd of spectators on either side, we walked to the distance of about one hundred yards on a paved road, when turning a short way to the right, we were shewn into a large open building, of mean appearance, and not particularly clean. We had as yet seen no guards or armed persons, and no one on duty except the people at the last gate. In front of the building we had now entered, about six or eight elephants had been drawn up at regular distances, each surmounted by two men in quaint costume.

In this room was placed a small platform, raised about a foot from the ground, covered with a coarse white cloth, and close by a large old carpet was spread, on which we were desired to seat ourselves. Betel and tobacco sprouts were introduced on coarse brass dishes, and a like attention was paid to our servants, who sat on the opposite side of the room. The place was soon crowded with a multitude of low people, some of whom were resting on their knees, and others standing, and all of them were very noisy, insomuch, that now and then it was deemed necessary to coerce with the rod. The profuse and unsparing liberality with which it was applied, seemed to argue the great utility as well as the frequent use of this sort of argument, and we never observed it to fail in procuring a temporary silence. After we had waited somewhat less than half an hour, it was notified by two men, dressed in an upper garment of white cloth, in the fashion of a wide shirt, with a narrow strip of coarse lace about the middle of the arm, and another at its extremity, that we were called for. These men appeared to me to belong to the police department; and afterwards, when they accompanied us to see the elephants and other objects, they occasionally applied the rod with laudable vigour, to maintain order amongst the rabble. Without addressing themselves to the Agent to the Governor General, they now delivered their message to the Moormen. The latter proposed that we should here pull off our shoes, and walk the remainder of the way without them. This however was overruled, and we again turned into the road which we had left on entering. A line of men armed with muskets was drawn up on each side of the road, and extended to the next gate. Nothing could be more ridiculous or more unsoldierlike than the appearance of this guard, composed of puny boys, scarce able to stand under a musket, and of men of all ages. In their caps only was there any thing like uniformity observable. These were all painted red, and I cannot give a better idea of them than by saying that they exactly resembled the slouched helmets once worn by the workers of fire-engines at home. They scarcely had boldness to look us in the face as we passed; and among the whole number, which perhaps might amount to one hundred, we did not observe a single flint, nor possibly a serviceable musket. Some had bayonets with scabbards on their muskets, and others scabbards without bayonets. With their muskets awkwardly and slovenly shouldered, some on one side and some on the other, we passed them without exciting sufficient interest to obtain the least notice.

When we had arrived at the gate in front, we were again desired to pull off our shoes. Our servants and followers were permitted to advance no further, and even the interpreters to the Agent to the Governor General were not allowed to proceed. Leaving our shoes at this place, we advanced, on a paved road, through a passage about fifty yards in length, enclosed by a wall on each side, until we came to another, and the innermost gate. This also opened into a spacious oblong place, in which were disposed several lofty and handsome buildings, occupied by the king, or appropriated to particular offices. This space was also intersected by coarsely paved roads, no way remarkable for cleanliness, breadth, or beauty. Facing the gate at which we last entered, there was drawn up a double line of musicians, one on each side of the road through which we advanced. A shrill pipe and numerous tomtoms were the only instruments whose sounds we heard, though we observed a number of men furnished with horns, trumpets, chanks, &c. The music though rude, was not inharmonious or displeasing to the ear, and the interrupted beat, uniform regularity, and softness of the tomtoms was even agreeable. On our right a numerous body of men armed with stout, black, glazed shields and battle axes, were disposed in several close lines within a railing, resting on their knees, and almost concealed by their shields; behind these were placed a few elephants, furnished with scanty but rather elegant housings. Still preceded by the Moormen, we advanced slowly through the musicians to the distance of nearly thirty yards from the last gate, when making a short turn to the right, we entered a plain-looking building, at one end, and soon found that this was the hall of audience. Fronting the door, and concealing the whole of the interior apartment, there was placed a Chinese screen, covered with landscapes and small plates of looking-glass. We halted for a moment on the threshold, and taking two or three steps to the right, so as to get round the screen, we found ourselves suddenly, and somewhat unexpectedly, in the presence of majesty. A more curious, more extraordinary, or more impressive sight has perhaps rarely been witnessed than that on which we now gazed, with mingled feelings of regret, (I should say of indignation,) and of wonder: of wonder excited by the display of taste, elegance and richness in the decorations; of regret, or of indignation, caused by the debased condition of a whole nation. Such a scene was well calculated to take a firm hold on the imagination. I shall, however, endeavour to describe it in its true colours, and with the least possible aid from that faculty. The hall was lofty, wide, and well aired, and appeared to be about sixty or eighty feet in length, and of proportionate breadth. The ceiling and walls were painted with various colours, chiefly in the form of wreaths and festoons; the roof was supported by wooden pillars, ten on each side, painted spirally red and dark green. Some small and rather paltry mirrors were disposed on the walls, glass lustres and wall shades were hung in the centre, and to the middle of each pillar was attached a lantern, not much better than our stable lanterns. The floor was covered with carpets of different colours. The doors and windows were in sufficient numbers, but small and without ornament; at the further extremity of the hall, a large handsome curtain, made of cloth covered with tinsel or gold leaf, and suspended by a cord, divided the space occupied by the throne from the rest of the apartment. On each side of this curtain there were placed five or six singular but handsome ornaments, called chatt, consisting of a series of small circular tables suspended over each other, diminishing gradually so as to form a cone, and having a fringe of rich cloth of gold, or tissue, suspended from each tablet.

A few of the presents from the Governor General, as bales of cloth and cut-glass, were placed nearly in the middle of the room, and on one side; but we neither remarked the letter from the Noble Marquis, nor did it appear that any notice whatever was taken of it on this public occasion.

With the exception of a space about twenty feet square, in front of the throne, which was kept clear, the hall was crowded with people to excess. Those of every rank, from the highest to the lowest, from the heir apparent to the throne, to the meanest slave present, had his proper place assigned to him, by which alone he was to be distinguished. The costume of all ranks was plain, neither rich nor showy.

The curtain placed before the throne was drawn aside as we entered. The whole multitude present lay prostrate on the earth, their mouths almost touching the ground; not a body or limb was observed to move, not an eye was directed towards us, not a whisper agitated the solemn and still air. It was the attitude, the silence, the solemnity of a multitude simultaneously addressing the great God of the universe, rather than the homage of even an enslaved people. Not even Rome, fertile in a race of tyrants, nor Dionysius himself, ever produced any degradation to compare with this in ignominy.

Raised about twelve feet above the floor, and about two yards behind the curtain alluded to, there was an arched niche, on which an obscure light was cast, of sufficient size to display the human body to effect, in the sitting posture. In this niche was placed the throne, projecting from the wall a few feet. Here, on our entrance, the king sat immoveable as a statue, his eyes directed forwards. He resembled in every respect an image of Buddha placed upon his throne; while the solemnity of the scene, and the attitude of devotion observed by the multitude, left little room to doubt that the temple had been the source from which the monarch of Siam had borrowed the display of regal pomp. He was dressed in a close jacket of gold tissue, on his left was placed what appeared to be a sceptre; but he wore neither crown nor other covering on the head, nor was the former emblem of the office of royalty displayed on the occasion. The throne was hung round with the same sort of cloth which formed the curtain in front, and behind it were placed two of the conical-shaped ornaments formerly mentioned; except in the quality of the cloth with which the throne was surrounded, we could observe no indication of opulence, or of magnificence. There were neither jewels, nor costly workmanship, nor precious stones, nor pearls, nor gold observable about the person of the king, his throne, or his ministers. The latter were disposed in three lines laterally, extending from the curtain in front; and thus bounded on each side the empty space at the foot of the throne, according to their respective ranks. The chief Suriwong was placed at a very respectful distance. A considerable degree of light was thrown laterally on the floor at the base of the throne, where large and elegant fans were waved by persons placed behind the curtain. This circumstance added considerable effect to the scene.

Such is a sketch of the form and appearance of Siamese royalty, displayed on our entering the hall. When we had passed the screen, and come in sight of the throne, we pulled off our hats and bowed in the European manner, the two Moormen at the same time falling prostrate, and crawling before us on the ground towards the throne. We were desired to advance in a stooping posture; a narrow space, about three feet in width, was left open in the centre for us to advance through. When we had advanced a few paces in this narrow space, being closely surrounded by the crowd of people, and distant from the throne more than half the length of the hall, all the ministers being a considerable way in front of us on either side, we were desired to seat ourselves on the carpet, in the narrow lane or space through which we had advanced, which we did in the best way we could, the two Moormen placing themselves immediately in front of the Agent to the Governor General and his Assistant, for the space would only admit of two persons sitting beside each other. Mr. R. and I, therefore, placed ourselves immediately behind the former. We now performed the salutations agreed upon, after which a voice from behind the curtain in front of the throne interrupted the silence which had hitherto prevailed, by reading in a loud tone a list of the presents which had been sent by the Governor General.

The King now addressed some questions to the Agent to the Governor General. He spoke in a firm though not a loud voice; in his person he was remarkably stout, but apparently not bloated or unwieldy; he appeared to be about sixty-five years of age. The questions were repeated by the person who had read the list of presents, and from him they were conveyed in whispers by several individuals, till they reached the Moorman, Kochai-Sahac, who, prostrate like the rest on the ground, whispered them to the Agent to the Governor General, in a tone which I could not hear, though placed immediately behind the latter. The answers to the throne were passed on in the same way. From the tenor of these questions, as related afterwards by Captain Dangerfield, it would appear that they were of a very general nature, and not particularly interesting. While these questions were passing, betel was introduced in handsome silver vessels and gold cups. The audience having lasted about twenty minutes, the King rose from his seat, and turning round to depart, the curtain was immediately drawn in front of the throne. On this all the people raised a loud shout, and turning on their knees, performed numerous salutations, touching the earth and their forehead alternately, with both hands united. The princes and ministers now assumed a sitting posture, by which, for the first time, we were enabled to observe their respective places. We left the hall of audience without further ceremony. A heavy shower of rain had fallen during the interview, and the roads leading to the different parts of the palace, at no time noted for cleanliness, were now covered with water and converted into a dirty puddle; we therefore requested to have our shoes, but in vain, for no notice whatever was taken of our request. On leaving the door of the audience-hall, a paltry Chinese umbrella, which might be purchased in the bazar for a rupee, was given to each of us. Not knowing with what view it was presented, I was about to reject it, when I was told that it was meant as a present from the King.

CHAPTER IV.

The Moormen, and the two men who had conducted us to the audience-hall, now conducted us through the different courts of the palace. We were still followed by a dirty, mean-looking rabble, whose impudent behaviour was from time to time checked by the two police men, our guides. The streets were remarkably dirty, so that for the greater part of the way we had to walk up to the ancle in mud and water. However, no offer was made to procure us our shoes until we had gone through the whole ceremony of seeing the strange sights of this palace, a tedious and not very gratifying ceremony, which occupied us nearly two hours. The sun had, after the shower, shone out with intense power; the stones over which we passed had in consequence been rendered very hot, and the alternate passing from these stones into the wet and puddles rendered the promenade not altogether agreeable to persons unaccustomed to walk bare-footed.

We were first conducted to the stables of the white elephants, which, being held in great veneration by the Siamese, are kept within the inner enclosure of the palace, and have habitations allotted to them quite close to those of the King himself.

Of white elephants there are at the present time no fewer than five in the possession of the King, whence we may infer that this variety is far less rare than we are accustomed to believe, at least, that is so in the further peninsula of India. It has, however, seldom happened that so many have been collected at one period, and the present is regarded as auspicious in consequence of an event so unexpected, and so much desired. A white elephant is still reckoned as beyond all value, every effort is made to take them when they are by chance discovered, and the subjects of the King can perform no more gratifying service than that of securing them. They, and indeed all elephants, are the property of the King only.

The appellation white, as applied to the elephants, must be received with some degree of limitation; the animal is in fact an occasional variety, of less frequent occurrence indeed, but in every respect analogous to what occurs in other orders of animals, and, amongst the rest, in the human species. They are, correctly speaking, Albinos, and are possessed of all the peculiarities of that abnormal production; but of these white elephants, it was remarkable that the organ of sight was to all appearance natural and sound, in no way intolerant of light, readily accommodating itself to the different degrees of light and shade, and capable of being steadily directed to objects at the will of the animal; in short, similar in all respects to that of the common elephant, with the exception of the iris, which was of a pure white colour. In this respect, they resembled all the quadrupedal albinos that I had hitherto seen, as those among horses, cows, rabbits. This circumstance I should scarce have thought worth the noticing, were it not that I shall have occasion to mention in the sequel an instance of an animal of the albino kind, possessed of the peculiar eye of the human albino. In one or two of the elephants, the colour was strictly white, and in all of them the iris was of that colour, as well as the margins of the eye-lids; in the rest, the colour had a cast of pink in it. The hairs upon the body were for the most part yellowish, but much more scanty, finer, and shorter than in other elephants; the strong hairs of the tail were darker, but still of a yellowish colour. In none did the colour and texture of the skin appear entirely healthy. In some, the cuticular texture of the legs was interspersed with glandular knobs, which gave a deformed appearance to these members. In others the skin of the body was uncommonly dry, while the natural wrinkles were unusually large, secreted an acrid-like fluid, and seemed ready to burst out into disease. These beasts were all of small size, but in excellent condition, and one of them was even handsome. They were treated with the greatest attention, each having several keepers attached to him. Fresh-cut grass was placed in abundance by their side; they stood on a small boarded platform, kept clean; a white cloth was spread before them, and while we were present they were fed with sliced sugar-cane, and bunches of plantains.

In the same place we observed rather a fine-looking elephant, but a small one, which appeared to me to be a greater object of curiosity than any of the others. This animal was covered all over with black spots, about the size of a pea, upon a white base. It is not unusual to observe a partial degree of this spotted appearance in the elephant of Bengal, as on the forehead and trunk of the animal, but in this instance the skin was entirely covered with them.

The greatest regard is entertained in Siam for the White Elephant. He who discovers one is regarded as the most fortunate of mortals. The event is of that importance, that it may be said to constitute an era in the annals of the nation. The fortunate discoverer is rewarded with a crown of silver, and with a grant of land equal in extent to the space of country at which the elephants’ cry may be heard. He and his family, to the third generation, are exempted from all sorts of servitude, and their land from taxation.

The next and only other animals that we saw here, are certainly of very rare occurrence, and objects of great curiosity. These were two White Monkies, perfect albinos in every respect. They are about the size of a small dog, furnished with a tail about as long as the body. They are thickly covered with fur, which is as white as snow, or that of the whitest rabbit. The lips, eye-lids, and feet are distinguished by the inanimate whiteness of the skin noticed in the human albino, while the general appearance of the iris, the eye, and even the countenance, the intolerance of light, the unsettled air they assumed, and the grimace they affected, afforded so many points of resemblance between them and that unhappy variety of our species, as rendered the sight disgusting and humiliating. One who had seen a perfect albino of the human species, would find it impossible to separate the impression of his appearance from that of the animals now before us. These had but little of the vivacity or mischievous disposition for which this tribe is so remarkable. All their movements, all their attitudes, had for their apparent object the lessening the effect of light and glare, towards which they always turned their backs. Their eye-brows seemed pursed up and contracted, the pupils were of a light rose-colour, the irides of a very pale cast of blue. One was very old, and had but few teeth in his head. His lips were beside remarkably thick, and apparently diseased. The other was much younger.

It did not appear that they were held in any degree of veneration by the Siamese; we learned that they were placed here from superstitious motives, with the object, as they said, of preventing evil spirits from killing the white elephants.

We next proceeded to visit a temple situated at a short distance beyond the hall of audience. The court is spacious and neat, containing, besides the temple, a handsome small building, in which their sacred books are deposited. At each of the principal gates are placed gigantic earthen images, of grotesque form, with clubs in their hands, and at each angle of the temple brass figures of a fanciful animal, somewhat resembling a lion. Besides, there were other figures made of clay, paltry in appearance and absurd in design. The temple is of a pyramidal form, highly wrought with minute figures, somewhat in the Chinese style. The character of the ornaments, like that of the paintings on the stern of a Chinese junk, is operose, unmeaning, and grotesque; yet the general effect was in the present instance not unpleasing to the spectator, who regarding it at some distance, overlooked the minuteness alluded to. I remarked that the Siamese have adopted the pyramid, generally a quadrangular one, instead of the dome, the only form in which the Bauddhists of Ceylon build the sepulchral edifice called Dagoba, the architectural characteristic of their religion. The cause of this difference, in a matter so closely interwoven with their religion, is probably to be looked for in the different genius of the nations, to which cause also we must attribute the difference observable in their respective images of Buddha himself, for to the individuals of neither people are we to look for the original exemplar of that form. The Siamese, like other tribes of the Moghul race, seem to have formed to themselves a standard of beauty, differing both from that of Europeans and of Indians. Hence the sharp, the harsh, the fanciful, the improbable, are more considered by them than the soft, the majestic, and the just in architecture. The different forms given to the Dagoba, and to their temples and palaces, would illustrate this remark. A similar taste is displayed in the decorations of their private houses, in which you look in vain for truth or nature in the representation of animal beings. A wild unchastened fancy prevails among them; hence the origin of monsters and of the grotesque figures which cover the walls of the houses of their chiefs. Yet, though monstrous, unnatural, and unmeaning, they are not altogether destitute of a certain degree of spirit and of boldness in the execution. What degree and kind of genius they may possess in music and in the arts remains to be seen. In the actual state of our knowledge, I cannot but consider the Siamese as prodigiously inferior to the rude inhabitants of the interior of Ceylon, with whom, as professing the same religion, they will admit of a comparison. In the elegant and imposing structure of the Dagoba, in the numerous figures of Buddha, whether made of earth, stone, ivory, brass, wood, silver, or gold, the latter are manifestly superior artists and architects. The Siamese would appear to excel in the number of their images, the Kandians in their quality. The Siamese temple, rich in the frippery and tinsel of a Chinaman’s toy-shop, with its three hundred images, reminds you more of children’s playthings than of the place of devotion; while the Kandian, by the skilful distribution of light and shade, and proper position of one, or, at most, of a few well-executed images, produces an effect at once solemn, majestic, and impressive.

But if this obliquity of genius, if I may so call it, be so remarkable in the matters already alluded to, it is still more so in all that is calculated to give an insight into the constitution of their mind. The people are governed by opinion, absurd and unjust, not by reason, by sense, nor by kindness. The most degrading and brutal tyranny is mistaken for well-meaning patriarchal kindness; and the oppression of the multitude, and the grinding of the many, is regarded as the will of the Deity. No man either wishes for, or aspires to, freedom of thought or of action; and tyranny has cast its roots so deep, that change would seem hopeless.

But to return to the temple. I have observed that it was of a pyramidal form, the point terminating in a slender spire, about 200 feet high. Within, the building constituted a single lofty chamber, about 50 feet long, and nearly as much in breadth, paved with stones. In the centre were placed, on irregular stages, a countless number of small figures of Buddha, intermixed with bits of looking-glass, scraps of gilded paper, and Chinese paintings. Surmounting the rest was a figure of Buddha, about a foot and a half high, in a sitting posture, made, as our guides would have us to believe, of emerald. The stone was either the Chinese figure-stone, or Heliotrope, but it was placed at too great a distance for us to be able to say exactly which. There was here nothing in the shape of an altar, nor any convenience save the floor on which to place fruit and flowers, the usual offerings made to Buddha. A number of vagrant, idle people, had followed us. They entered the temple, and behaved with a degree of noisy indecorum, which could not fail to surprise us.

Surrounding the temple, and forming its enclosure, there is a paved passage, covered in above, and supported by pillars. The walls of this passage are covered with rude paintings of allegorical subjects, chiefly taken from the story of the Ramayana, a celebrated epic poem of the Hindus. It would appear, indeed, that many of the absurdities of the Hindu religion are intermingled with that of Buddha. There are in Bankok a few Brahmans, who are entertained by the king, and have built a small temple. The Siamese cultivate a lock of hair on the forehead, which lock they preserve from birth to the age of twelve, fourteen, or sixteen, untouched. At the expiration of this period, they institute a great feast; presents are made by all the relations and friends of the family, and the occasion is rendered one of great joy. The Brahman then, sprinkling a little water on the head, and repeating certain prayers, cuts the lock. When the children of the king undergo this ceremony, an artificial hill is constructed, on which the Brahman performs the ceremony.

Close to the temple stands the pyramidal building, in which the sacred books are kept. You ascend to it by a flight of steps, covered with plates of tin, as is also the floor of the room. The books cannot be very numerous. They are contained in a pyramidal upright cupboard, richly ornamented with small pieces of mother-of-pearl.

Returning by the road we had entered, we repassed the inner and second gates of the palace, when we found ourselves in the enclosure where we had halted for some time before entering the audience-hall. The only objects worthy of remark in this place were several ridiculously and uselessly large brass guns. They must, from their size, be equally unserviceable and unmanageable. They seemed, however, to pride themselves not a little in possessing guns of such a calibre. They appeared to have been uncommonly well cast.

Having now been shewn all that was thought worthy of notice, we were reconducted to the room in which we had first halted. It was again soon filled with the rabble. A plentiful dessert of sweet-meats was introduced, and the Moorman was particularly desirous that we should partake of it. But it was impossible to overlook the mean condition of those left to entertain us, the disreputable appearance of the building, or the jeering and disrespectful conduct of the herd of spectators that crowded round us. It seemed as if the court had said, See them feed.

As we were leaving the palace, several of the chiefs were returning home at the same time, and afforded us an opportunity of observing that they used vehicles more respectable and more comfortable than those they had assigned for the use of the Agent to the Governor General. We now procured our slung hammocks, and were carried back to our boats. About one, P. M., we reached the ship.

A large quantity of sweet-meats, those which had been placed before us on our visit to the palace, was sent home after us; and, in the course of the afternoon, the chief, Suri-wong, paid the Agent to the Governor General a visit, and said that he had been desired to entertain us with a dinner. A profusion of roasted pork, goats’ flesh, ducks, fowls, &c., was then brought by his servants and laid on the table, together with a couple of decanters of a wine nearly as strong and fiery as brandy. He remained a spectator of the entertainment, but would not eat or drink with us. He conversed with more ease with us than he had hitherto done. He said we had been highly honoured, and seemed to be quite pleased with the transactions of the day. He asked many questions, and wished to be thought easy and free, but his manner was coarse and impolite to a degree quite unusual in an Asiatic. * * * * *

On reviewing the transactions of this day, and connecting them with the general conduct of the officers of the Siamese government towards the mission, from the period of our arrival in the country, it will appear that we had but little reason to be elated with success, or proud of our reception at court.

In their visits, the most petty officers arrogated a superiority which certainly did not belong to their inferior station, for some of them turned out to be low retainers of the chiefs, to whom they performed the offices of menials, and crouched on the ground before them, as we afterwards found on visiting those chiefs. The demand that the guns should be landed before we proceeded up the river, though a punctilio they readily conceded, but little stress having to all appearance been laid upon it from the commencement, shewed that nothing was beneath their notice, and we may infer from their sending a single narrow boat, capable of holding at most but three persons, on a short journey, for the accommodation of the Agent to the Governor General, that they wished to hold the mission very cheap.

After we had arrived nearly opposite to the palace, no notice whatever was taken of the ship, any more than if she had not been there, and the first communication had for its object to obtain possession of the presents sent by the Governor General. It was impossible to attribute to ignorance their affected indifference, and studied inattention to whatever related to the accommodation, the wants, or the comforts of the gentlemen of the mission. Hospitality is a virtue not altogether unknown to any nation or people; with politeness, it is much the same. Their leading features are acknowledged by all people. Nations differ only in the mode of their expression. On these points there seems no reason to believe that the Siamese are much behind their neighbours. To individuals they had often behaved with attention and kindness, and particularly so to the captains of ships and European traders. The inference therefore is, that, in the present instance, they listened to political motives only, and though the matter was of that trifling importance as scarce to deserve mention, yet, taken in conjunction with their conduct in other matters, it throws some light upon the view in which they held the present mission. Every person of rank carefully abstained from coming near us, Kochai Sahac, being the channel of reference to the chief Suri-Wong Montree, who is not among the persons of the highest rank, but only acting[6]Barkalan, the chief, whose office this is, being either too old, or otherwise incapable of attending to his duties. Our introduction to the king, and the particular place assigned to the mission, at the audience, and other circumstances before alluded to, require no comment. The court in granting a public audience had displayed its power, and perhaps its riches, motives of themselves sufficient to induce a government supported chiefly by appearances, to grant such audience. It is known that the king receives envoys from other potentates in a very different manner, with ceremony, with pomp, wearing his crown at the audience. It was evident therefore that they affected to treat the mission from the Governor General of Bengal as of inferior consequence, and that they meant to consider it in the light of a deputation from the governor of a province, such deputations being common amongst the neighbouring powers. This matter was placed beyond a doubt some days afterwards, the moorman Kochai stating that the mission had been received by the king as a deputation from a provincial government.

Seeing that no notice whatever was taken, nor even mention made, of the letter from the Governor General at our public presentation, we could no longer entertain doubts as to the idea which they wished to impress upon the public mind respecting the importance of the government of Bengal. We, however, had abundant reason to believe that well-informed persons about the government were not ignorant of the vast power, the extensive dominion, the unparalleled equity of that government.

The presents from the Governor General were laid out before us in the hall, and a crier read in a loud voice a list of them, a circumstance also open to suspicion, particularly as the interpreters to the mission were not permitted to be present, or even to pass the inner gate of the palace. Under such circumstances it appeared that they might represent our word presents in whatever light was most flattering to their pride, their vanity, or their crooked policy.

With respect to the actual objects of the mission, the proposals were so moderate, so obviously of mutual advantage, that, from all we could yet learn, the government would be as anxious to confer them as ours to receive them.

The encouragement given to the Chinese traders and labourers, and the limited adventures of the king and some of the principal men about him, had given them a foretaste of the advantages of commerce, which they were now very anxious to improve. They were becoming sensible of the errors created by their cupidity, in imposing innumerable and vexatious duties. Blind to their real interests, as well as ignorant of the practice of commerce, the king and his ministers still continue to be the sole merchants, retaining in their own hands the monopoly of all articles of consequence, and holding it contraband for any others to intermeddle. They have yet to learn that it is possible to fill the treasury with less risk, less trouble, and more credit, from the industry and fair profits of their subjects; and hence King Chau-chee-veet, “the Lord of Life,” continues to be the first trader in his kingdom.

It is to the Chinese nation that they are indebted for whatever knowledge they possess of the advantages of commercial intercourse. In defiance of the laws of the celestial empire, there would appear to be scarcely any limit to the extent of emigration from that great empire. Her subjects are the best and most industrious part of the population of the surrounding nations, over whom their industry, their superior intelligence, and knowledge of the arts, have given them a great and decided superiority. Siam, a country sunk under the most debasing tyranny, destitute alike of arts and commerce, offered a fair field for the developement of their superiority. Fear had long opposed obstacles to the increase of the Chinese, till at length the government either from conscious incapacity of restraining them longer, or from motives of a different nature, has at length given them the most unbounded encouragement, and granted them privileges which render their condition infinitely preferable to that of the natives of the country. On the other hand the benefits which the Chinese emigrants have conferred upon this rude nation, are of obvious and striking utility, and of no ordinary importance. They have sown the seeds of commercial enterprise. They have created commerce where none previously existed, and with their hands they have, as it were, called into existence some of the more valuable objects of commerce. Scarce twenty years have elapsed since the first sugar canes were planted in this kingdom. The annual produce in sugar, at the present time, is stated to amount to 30,000 peculs, of 133½ lbs. each, or 1788 tons. This constitutes, in fact, the most valuable commercial article of the realm. The culture is managed solely by the Chinese, and it is the opinion of the chief Suri-Wong, that it may be carried to an almost unlimited extent. Such being the nature of the advantages derived from the unremitting industry of the Chinese, it is not to be wondered at, if that people should enjoy privileges denied to European and other nations. Chinese traders are accordingly subjected to less vexatious proceedings in their commercial transactions, and are even allowed to purchase the principal commodities at a lower rate of duty than other nations, the difference in the article of sugar amounting to fifty per cent. less than the general rate.

Not satisfied, however, with the trade carried on by the Chinese junks, the king has shewn a strong desire to increase its extent, although the means which he has adopted are not well calculated to effect that object. His proper subjects are altogether ignorant of maritime science, and seem to possess but few of the qualities necessary to ensure success in such employments; he is therefore under the necessity of employing foreigners, as native Christians, Arabs, and other Mahommedans, to navigate his vessels. He, nevertheless, sends annually to various ports in China from ten to twelve junks, of moderate size, laden with sugar, pepper, sapan, and iron wood.

It is, however, with the commercial nations of Europe that he is most desirous to establish the relations of trade. The great size of their vessels, their valuable and select cargoes, and more particularly their ready command of capital, and integrity of conduct, place them at once beyond competition and rivalship. A conscious sense of his own weakness, however, operates strongly as a check upon his intercourse with Europeans. To these fears a debasing cupidity is superadded, and the result is exhibited in a code of irksome and illiberal regulations, calculated at once to disgust and to disappoint the liberal-minded trader. In the actual condition of the existing government, there is but little room to hope for amelioration of policy, or improvement of circumstances. Still less, I conceive, are we to expect that they will lay aside their old prejudices, and adopt in their stead those regulations which, amongst Europeans, are the foundation of what is called free trade. They may, indeed, be induced to lower the duties on certain articles, but it is to be feared that neither the king nor his ministers will abandon their favourite system of monopoly.

That the Siamese government is not disposed, at the present time, to adopt the European notions of free trade, we have a proof in its conduct with regard to the trading brig, Phœnix, belonging to Mr. Storm. Trusting probably to the favourable disposition produced by the mission, this vessel was freighted with articles from Calcutta, which were conceived to be adapted to the Siamese market. She had no sooner arrived at the mouth of the river, than it was communicated by the Siamese government to the Agent to the Governor General that this vessel should afford an instance of the disposition of the government, and that she should enjoy all the privileges and advantages which the royal Majesty of Siam meant to confer upon British merchants. The ordinary policy was immediately resorted to. The king and his ministers insist on the privilege of purchasing before any permission can be granted to trade. They send to demand musters of the articles imported, and affix their own price for such as they wish to purchase. Three weeks have thus passed before any final answer is returned, or the musters sent back, during the whole of which time no boat, no trader, no individual of any description, is permitted to visit the ship, or to hold intercourse with the owners on board. It may be readily conceived that no subject will dare to offer a higher price than that which has been tendered by the king and his ministers. The waste of time must of itself be no little inconvenience to the merchant. It would seem as if it were the object of the Siamese government to disgust the trader, in this manner, by unnecessary delay, hoping thereby to reduce him to the necessity of selling his goods on their own, or, at least, on more moderate terms. In the meanwhile the most evasive answers are returned to every proposition. The slightest and most indifferent matters are rendered a source of annoyance, nor is any proposition or representation on the part of the trader met openly and candidly, but shuffled off in a mean and paltry manner.

From the conduct of the government towards this ship, it soon became apparent how little they were disposed to grant to British merchants. The Agent to the Governor General had been assured that the duties should be lowered two per cent. below the present rate. It was now unequivocally stated that no such reduction should take place until the English sent five ships annually: it was afterwards stated that this reduction would be enforced after the period of two years or so.

The most urgent and frequently repeated solicitations could not induce them to give any answer on the subject of trade for the course of an entire month, nor could the musters which they had demanded from Mr. Storm be got back again. It afterwards appeared that one object of this delay was to give time to the junks to arrive from Singapore with their cargoes, by which means during this delay the prices of articles were reduced twenty per cent.

While the ship lay here, it was vain to expect to be able to dispose of any thing until the government had returned an answer. At length a communication was made to the effect that the government would purchase, but on terms to which Mr. Storm could not accede. The latter now expected that he should be able to dispose of his goods to the inhabitants of the place, but none of them ever came near him, nor could they dare to offer a higher price than that tendered by the Pra-Klang.

It will no doubt appear strange that a people, so anxious for the commerce of European nations, as to hold out privileges in proportion to the extent of that trade, should notwithstanding raise so many obstacles against the obvious tendency of their apparent measures. Various and very opposite feelings would appear to have given birth to this manifest inconsistency of conduct—of which national pride, and undisguised cupidity, vindicate a large share. There can be little doubt but that much of the annoyance given to the European trader is viewed by them as a matter of exultation—and it must be confessed that the eagerness with which the former have sought for their commerce, leading them to submit to insult and degradation, has cherished this sentiment on the part both of the government and of the people. It is the nature of the Ultra-Gangetic nations to rise in their demands in proportion as they can enforce, or in any way procure submission to their will. They are universally more influenced by firmness, boldness, and decision, than by the most sound and conclusive arguments, the most mild, inoffensive, and conciliating conduct. They are either insensible to, or regardless of, the latter sort of argument. He that would have them listen to arguments of reason and common sense, must be backed by the hand of power, and hold the rod in reserve. From such people nothing but insult is to be expected by submission; and as these nations have an unquestionable and natural right to dictate the terms on which they will hold intercourse with Europeans, it becomes a question of some interest, how far the conduct usually pursued by the latter has had a good or bad effect in promoting the interests of their respective countries.

Unfortunately for the credit of the commercial nations of Europe, their subjects have conducted themselves in this trade with views solely of personal interest, totally disregarding the honour and character of the nation to which they have belonged. In order to gain paltry advantages, they often submitted to accumulated injuries, and to the most degrading insults. It has thence happened that the character of Europeans, even at the present time, stands but very low with the nations occupying the Eastern ports of Asia. The Chinese, the most intelligent of these nations, affect to consider the British as a nation of ingenious tradesmen, little better, in fact, than watch-makers, who owe their prosperity to their intercourse with their country. The Siamese, conscious of the power of our Indian government, affect a less haughty tone, yet fancy themselves infinitely superior to us, inasmuch as we are so eager to purchase their commerce. In common with most nations, they entertain a high opinion of the bravery of their countrymen,—of the strength of their armies, and of the superior wealth of their country.

The petty disputes in which they are often engaged with the captains of ships and other traders, who subject themselves to systematic annoyance, have tended to confirm them in this good opinion. They are either too ignorant, or too infatuated, to perceive, that the latter, being in a great measure placed at their mercy, unsupported by the authority of their own government, and destitute of every means of redress, afford them a conquest as easy as it is inglorious and dishonest. Every petty and unworthy advantage thus gained, is magnified into a triumph, not merely over the individual, but over the government of which he is the subject; for as they are ignorant of the manners and customs and superior civilization of other nations, so they cannot conceive that such great ships, and such valuable commodities, can belong to any one but the king, or to some one of his principal officers.

Another circumstance which has contributed to render the present government more haughty and assuming in its transactions with strangers, is the tranquillity which for a considerable number of years has prevailed in this country; tranquillity for which they are more indebted to the ignorance of their neighbours, than to the wisdom of their own measures. They have not yet measured their strength with a power more civilized than themselves.

It may be doubted also whether, notwithstanding their apparent wish to increase commerce, the innumerable obstacles which Europeans in particular have to contend with be not intentional, as tending to increase the safety of their kingdom by discouraging the access of strangers. The conduct of the government would seem to justify such an opinion, though from motives of policy, it may be deemed prudent to cloak such sentiments under feigned representations.

That a great, generous, and warlike nation, such as Great Britain, should incur the possibility of having her national honour slighted, if not tarnished, by any nation under the sun, far less by a semi-barbarous people, experience has rendered less a matter of surprise than of regret. It cannot be altogether a matter of indifference what opinion shall be entertained of her by so large a portion of the human race, as that occupying the countries between the Ganges and the Yellow Sea. Neither is national honour a mere sound or but an empty name—for in this sound rests the strength of kingdoms, the safety of nations. It is this that fans the flame in the patriot’s breast—it is this that nerves the soldier’s arm—it is this motive which more than any other converts the man into the hero.

Britain may well command the esteem, if not the homage, of such nations. An open, manly, and disinterested conduct, on the part of her subjects, is alone sufficient to establish such an opinion; but while the success of commercial enterprise is alone regarded, national honour will be left to shift for itself. The immense value of the commerce with China, doubtless, is an object of the most powerful temptation—but with respect to Siam, no such motives exist. Her commerce, supposing it altogether unshackled, and left to full and free operation, is after all but very trifling. It seems doubtful whether it be equal to employ annually four or five ships of moderate size; and the most valuable commodities of the country are bulky, such as sugar. The consumption of British manufactures by the natives is trifling in the extreme. Britain has more to give than to receive from such a nation.

But it more immediately concerns the honour and safety of our Indian government to maintain a dignified and imposing attitude in its intercourse with these nations. The existing government having established an everlasting fame, upon the firmest basis, has also raised its honour and its faith to an enviable height. They will doubtless continue to watch over it with the most jealous care.

That the crazy, disjointed, and puny government of Siam should affect to treat the government of Bengal as inferior, and that it should impudently dare to consider an authorized envoy from that state, as a messenger from a provincial government, may well excite our surprise and indignation.

May 6th.—About this period intelligence was brought to court that an ambassador from Cochin China had arrived at the mouth of the river. After crossing the peninsula of Cambodia, he took shipping at the port of Saigon, and, attended by a numerous train of followers, arrived at Paknam in a small fleet of praws. Notice of his arrival was immediately conveyed to Court. The Chief of Paknam was ordered to entertain the ambassador during his stay at that place, and in the mean time the requisite measures were taken for the purpose of conveying him to the capital in a manner suitable to his rank. The festivities of Paknam, though not of the most costly nature, were probably the best the country could afford. They lasted for several days, and consisted chiefly of scenic representations, musical entertainments, and gymnastic exercises.

An event of this nature was calculated to excite attention and awaken curiosity; it was altogether unexpected by us. We were naturally desirous to compare our own situation with that of the Cochin-Chinese, endeavouring thence to form a judgment of the real sentiments of the Siamese respecting the English mission.

What the real object of this embassy may have been, we had no correct means of ascertaining, but the avowed and ostensible one was said to have originated in a feeling of gratitude on the part of the reigning king of Cochin China, for the asylum and protection that had been granted to his predecessor by the King of Siam, in the midst of his misfortunes, when his country was usurped by his own rebellious subjects, and he himself an exile and a suppliant in the land of strangers. He had now sent his ambassador to assure the King of Siam of his good and peaceable intentions, and of his desire to confirm the bonds of amity with a nation which had behaved with so much disinterestedness towards his family, during the anarchy of the civil war which had driven them from the throne.

An embassy which the same king had some time ago sent to the Barman Court had excited distrust and jealousy in the Siamese, who regard the Barmans as their natural and most implacable enemies. Watchful at all times of the conduct of the Cochin-Chinese, and uncertain how the new king of that country might be affected towards them, this unexpected embassy to the Court of Amarapura awakened their fears. An embassy was immediately sent to Cochin-China, for the avowed purpose of discovering the motives of the embassy to Ava, as well as to sound the inclination of the new king towards the Siamese. The present embassy, therefore, might be considered as complimentary to the Siamese, while the distinction with which it was received evidently shewed that they were flattered by it. It would perhaps be deemed more curious than useful or flattering, to contrast the reception which this ambassador, a simple messenger from a comparatively small state, received, with that which had so lately been bestowed upon the mission from the Governor General of British India. It is sufficient to observe, that even the Prince Chroma Chit, one of the principal members of the Government, was known to express his regret publicly that the Cochin-Chinese ambassador should have arrived at such a time, as the English gentlemen could not fail to make unfavourable comparisons.

About a week after the arrival of the ambassador at Paknam, it would appear that all the necessary preparations for conveying him to the capital had been made ready. A numerous set of boats was appointed for his service. In these he embarked with his train of followers, and proceeding by easy stages up the river, treated with entertainments and every mark of distinction and civility by the way, he arrived at Bankok.

The weather was mild and agreeable, particularly calculated to display a procession of this nature to every advantage. The scene, too, was interesting beyond expectation; it was both beautiful and picturesque. The rapidity with which the boats and barges moved, the order and regularity with which innumerable rowers raised and depressed their paddles, guided by the shrill notes of a song that might well be deemed barbarous, together with the singular and barbaric forms, the brilliant colours, the gilded canopies of the boats, the strange and gaudy attire of the men, the loud and reiterated acclamations of innumerable spectators,—gave to the transient scene an effect not easily described.

It was now, for the first time, that we had an opportunity of seeing those singular and highly ornamented royal barges which had attracted the attention of M. Chaumont and suite, ambassador to Siam from the Court of Louis XIV. The description given of them by Loubere, in his Histoire de Siam, will, with very little alteration, apply to those now in use. They are in general from sixty to eighty feet, or more, in length, about four in breadth, and raised about two feet in the middle from the water, the bow and stern rising boldly to a considerable height. They are highly-ornamented with curious and not inelegant devices, all of which are neatly carved on the wood and gilt. The form is that of some monstrous or imaginary animal. In the centre there is erected a canopy, generally well gilt, and hung with silken curtains, or cloth interwoven with gold tissue. The space under the canopy is calculated to contain but one or two persons, the rest of the boat being entirely occupied by the rowers, often to the number of forty or fifty.

The procession moved in the following order:

Four long boats in front, with numerous rowers, dressed in red jackets, and wearing tall conical caps of the same colour. These boats were covered with a light awning of mats.

Six richly-ornamented boats, with gilded canopies, in the form of a dome, and richly carved. In these were the assistants and suite of the ambassador. Each boat carried two small brass swivels in front; the men were dressed as in the former. About forty rowers were in each boat.

A very handsome, richly-ornamented barge, with a gilt canopy of a conical shape, and rich curtains; in which was the ambassador, bearing the letter from the King of Cochin China.

Four or six boats similar to those in front.

In the course of a few days after his arrival at Bankok, he was admitted to an audience of the king, without going through those forms which had been pointed out as necessary to be observed by the Agent to the Governor General. The Cochin-Chinese ambassador neither visited the Prince Chroma-Chit, nor his deputy the Pra-Klang, Suri-Wong, before he had obtained an audience of the king.

His first, and public interview with the king is said to have been friendly and somewhat familiar. No business is ever transacted on such occasions. The king, seated under a rich canopy, received the ambassador in the hall of audience, according to his more usual custom.