[78] See Renan, Averroës et l’Averroïsme, pp. 107 et seq.

[79] See Renan, op. cit., pp. 133-53 (passim); J. Owen, Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance (1893), pp. 67-72.

[80] Renan, op. cit., pp. 209 et seq., p. 291; De Wulf, op. cit., p. 248.

[81] By the middle of the thirteenth century the University of Paris was in possession of practically all the Commentaries of Averrhoës, ibid. See also Renan, pp. 201-2, ‘Un des phénomènes les plus singuliers de l’histoire littéraire du moyen âge, c’est l’activité du commerce intellectuel et la rapidité avec laquelle les livres se repandaient d’un bout à l’autre de l’Europe.’

[82] Mandonnet, pp. lxix et seq.

[83] ‘Nec libri Aristotelis de naturali philosophia nec commenta legantur Parisiis publice et secreto, et hoc sub pena excommunicationis inhibemus.’ This, and the subsequent prohibition of 1215 referred of course only to Paris. See Directorium on the errors of Aristotle and his Arabian commentators, pt. ii, question iv, pp. 253-5. See Hauréau, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 83-107. On action of Gregory IX, ibid., pp. 108-19.

[84] The tract was written against Averrhoës, not the Averrhoïsts. When, however, it was incorporated in his Summa Theologica, Albertus Magnus made mention of the fact that Averrhoïsm had made considerable progress and boasted a number of advocates. Mandonnet, p. lxxiii.

[85] Ibid., pp. xcvii-ix.

[86] See Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita (ed. J. S. Brewer, 1859), p. 429. There are several contemporary poems on the troubles in the University of Paris, especially on the part played by William de Saint-Amour, in Rutebeuf, [OE]uvres Complètes (Paris, 1874), vol. i, pp. 178-213.

[87] See Mandonnet, p. cx.

[88] Salimbene, op. cit., p. 108. ‘Isti boni homines semper de scientia gloriantur, et dicunt quod in ordine eorum fons sapientiae invenitur.’

[89] Registrum epistolarum fratris Johannis Peckham (Rolls series, ed. C. T. Martin, London, 1882-5), vol. iii, p. 842. See also A. Little, The Grey Friars in Oxford (1892), pp. 72-5.

[90] See Alberti Magni De Quindecim Problematicis in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 13-36.

[91] See Mandonnet, p. cxxvi.

[92] In appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 69-83, 83-115 respectively.

[93] In his tract Contra praecipuos viros in philosophia Albertum et Thomam. On Siger and St. Thomas, see Hauréau, vol. iii, pp. 131-7.

[94] See, passim, De Wulf, op. cit., pp. 379-85; Mandonnet, pp. cxxviii-ccvi.

[95] De Wulf, p. 384; Mandonnet, p. ccxxi.

[96] The tractate, De Erroribus Philosophorum, is attributed to him. It is printed in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 2-11.

[97] Ibid., p. clxxvii.

[98] Mandonnet, p. ccvi.

[99] Ibid., p. ccxxvi.

[100] Ibid., pp. ccxxviii et seq.

[101] Ibid., pp. cclxiv et seq.

[102] Mandonnet, pp. cclxx et seq. Mandonnet sees a reference to Siger and Boëthius in the words of Peckham: ‘Nam eam (opinionem) credimus non a religiosis personis, sed saecularibus quibusdam duxisse originem, cuius duo praecipui defensores vel forsitan inventores miserabiliter dicuntur conclusisse dies suos in partibus transalpinis, cum tamen non essent de illis partibus oriundi.’—Registrum, vol. iii, p. 842.

[103] For the former view, see Baeumker, Die Impossibilia d. Siger von Brabant (Münster, 1898), pp. 97 et seq.; for latter, see Mandonnet, pp. ccxciii-cccxx.

[104] De Wulf, pp. 441-4.

[105] Lea, vol. iii, pp. 440-1.

[106] See De Wulf, pp. 470-3; Owen, op. cit., pp. 57-151, esp. 132-51.

[107] Renan, op. cit., pp. 255-9; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 578-89.

[108] De Wulf, pp. 403-6.

[109] Lea, vol. iii, pp. 585-6; Directorium, pp. 272-8, 331-2. The text of the bull is given in the latter pages.

[110] Renan, pp. 328 et seq.; Owen, pp. 115-21; Petrarch, Liber sine Titulo, Epist. xviii.

[111] Renan, pp. 301-5.

[112] Lea, vol. iii, p. 565.

[113] De Tribus Impostoribus (ed. Philomneste Junior, i.e. G. Brunet, Paris, 1861).

[114] Renan, pp. 295 et seq.

[115] Decameron, Day I, Novel 3.

[116] Renan traced Averrhoïst influence in the Pantheism of the Spiritual Franciscans and the Illuminism of such German mystics as Ortlieb and Eckhart, op. cit., pp. 259 et seq.; whereas the truth is that there was never the slightest sympathy between the Franciscans and Averrhoïsm, and German Illuminism had quite other origins.

[117] J. Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire (1903), p. 109.

[118] See H. B. Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation (1901, 1902), vol. i; The Age of Wyclif, p. 71: ‘Some seventy thousand documents in the papal archives bear witness to his world-wide labours. Few subjects escaped his notice—from the habit of the French King of talking in church, the misrule of Edward II of England, or the devices of sorcerers, to the weightier matters of theology and law.’

[119] R. L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediæval Thought (1884), p. 247.

[120] Ibid., pp. 256 et seq.

[121] M. Creighton, History of the Papacy (1903), vol. i, p. 32.

[122] For Avignon, see E. Baluze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium (1693). See works cited in Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. i, Append. A., p. 291; also Pierre D’Ailly, De Necessitate Reformationis Ecclesiae, in Joannis Gersonii Opera Omnia (Antwerp. 1706), vol. ii, pp. 885-902, esp. p. 889. Poole, op. cit., p. 248, ‘The universal authority of Rome became confined within the narrow territory of Avignon: the means by which it was exerted became more and more secular, diplomatic, mercantile....’

[123] The extent of the feeling aroused by the schism in Christendom can be illustrated by the fact that contemporary miracle-plays represented Pope and anti-Pope burning in hell (see Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. ii, The Age of Hus, p. 41), and by the life-work of a simple uneducated girl, St. Catherine of Siena.

[124] Melchior Goldast, Monarchia S. Romani Imp. (Hanover and Frankfort, 1611-14), vol. iii, p. 1360.

[125] Goldast, op. cit., vol. ii, Opera Omnia de Potestate Ecclesiastica & Politica, G. Ockham, esp. Dialogus, pp. 822-30. The chief conclusions of Ockham are summarized on pp. 396-7; also in S. Riezler, Die literarischen Widersacher der Päpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers (1874), pp. 258-71. But see generally pp. 241-77.

[126] See Poole, op. cit., p. 277, note.

[127] Defensor Pacis, Lib. I, cap. xviii; in Goldast, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 86-9.

[128] Ibid., Lib. II, cap. viii, p. 212.

[129] Defensor Pacis, Lib. II, cap. ix, p. 213.

[130] Ibid., cap. x, pp. 216-19, esp. p. 217. ‘Nemo quantumcunque peccans contra disciplinas speculativas aut operativas quascunque punitur vel arcetur in hoc seculo praecise inquantum-hujusmodi, sed inquantum peccat contra praeceptum humanae legis.’

[131] Ibid., Lib. I, cap. xii, pp. 169-71.

[132] Workman, op. cit., vol. i. ‘Wyclif has been called the Morning Star of the Reformation, but the author of the Defensor Pacis might more justly claim the title.’ Cf., on modernity of Marsiglio’s thought, B. Labanca, Marsilio da Padova (Padua, 1882), pp. 219 et seq.

[133] Fitzralph’s treatise, De Pauperie Salvatoris, is printed as an appendix to Wycliffe’s De Dominio Divino (Wyclif Society, 1890), pp. 259-476.

[134] For this whole subject, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 590-4.

[135] Ibid., pp. 596-9.

[136] See supra, pp. 68, 75.

[137] De Dominio Divino (Wyclif Society, 1890), p. 33. ‘Ideo Deus non mediate per regimen vasallorum subserviencium, ut reges ceteri, dominatur, cum immediate et per se facit, sustentat, et gubernat omne quod possidet, juvatque ad perficiendum opera secundum usus alios quos requirit.’

[138] See Poole, op. cit., p. 293.

[139] See Workman, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 173-8.

[140] See Fasciculi Zizaniorum Magistri Johannis Wyclif (Rolls series, ed. W. W. Shirley, 1858), pp. 280-1.

[141] Wycliffe’s De Potestate Pape (Wyclif Society, ed. J. Loserth, 1907), p. 84.

[142] De Civili Dominio (Wyclif Society, ed. R. L. Poole, 1885), vol. i, pp. 335-42; also pp. 265-74, ch. xxxvii. See also Select English Works (ed. T. Arnold, 1869-71), vol. iii, pp. 216-17.

[143] See De Potestate Pape, pp. 84, 238 et seq., 378-9.

[144] Ibid., pp. 145-6, 154-5. This idea is either explicitly or implicitly in all Wycliffe’s later teachings.

[145] Ibid., pp. 120 et seq., 148, 212, 266 et seq. The whole book is indeed on this theme. Wycliffe does not scruple to call a bad pope ‘horribilius monstrum.’ Cf. Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

[146] De Potestate Pape, p. 272.

[147] Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

[148] Ibid., p. 279; D. Wilkins, Concilia M. Britanniae et Hiberniae (1737). vol. iii, p. 157.

[149] Works of Thomas Cranmer (ed. J. E. Cox, Parker Society), vol. ii, Misc. Writings, p. 119.

[150] See Wilkins, vol. iii, p. 350; Chronicon H. Knighton (Rolls series, ed. J. R. Lumby, 1889-95), vol. ii, p. 152.

[151] Ibid.

[152] See Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278, from Epistola Willelmi Cantuariensis super condemnatione haeresum Wycclyff in synodo. See also extract from a sermon by Wycliffe on this subject, ibid., introd., pp. lxiv-lxv.

[153] There was a tendency to Pantheism in Wycliffe. See Workman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 137 n.

[154] De Eucharistia (Wyclif Society, 1892), p. 109, cap. iv.

[155] Ibid., pp. 189-232, cap. viii.

[156] Ibid., cap. i, pp. 15-16. ‘Nichil enim horribilius quam quod quilibet sacerdos celebrans facit vel consecrat cotidie corpus Christi.’

[157] Ibid., cap. iv, p. 109.

[158] Ibid., Introd., p. liii; cap. iv, pp. 110-11.

[159] Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

[160] See Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, iv and v.

[161] Workman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 229. ‘Of the scholastic Lollards it may be written that logic makes no martyrs.’ Cf. pp. 213-90.

[162] See popular ballads in J. S. Brewer, Monumenta Franciscana (1858), pp. 591-608.

[163] Knighton, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 184-7.

[164] De Haeretico Comburendo being frequently enforced from 1401.

[165] See Count Lützow, The Life and Times of Master John Hus (1909), pp. 17-62; J. Loserth, Wyclif and Hus (trans. M. J. Evans, 1884); A. H. Wratislaw, Native Literature of Bohemia in the Fourteenth Century (1878), esp. book ii, pp. 181-291.

[166] See Lützow, op. cit., pp. 47-62.

[167] Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus (ed. F. Palacky, Prague, 1869), pp. 347-9, 355-63. See Lützow, op. cit., pp. 106-9. Wenzel’s reasoned answer to the objections made by the Germans may have been Hus’s work. For the contest at the University, see also H. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, vol. ii, pp. 212-32.

[168] Lützow, op. cit., pp. 130-3, 159-60; Palacky, Documenta, pp. 464-6; The Letters of John Hus (ed. Workman and Pope, 1904), pp. 422-5.

[169] Due to the marriage of Wenzel’s sister, Anne, to Richard II.

[170] Palacky, Documenta, pp. 289, 292.

[171] Ibid., p. 293.

[172] Ibid., p. 287; Letters of Hus, p. 217. Hus does not seem to have regarded the Utraquist question as of great consequence. See Creighton, Papacy, vol. ii, p. 86.

[173] See J. B. Schwab, J. Gerson (Würzburg, 1858), pp. 482-9; also Creighton, vol. i, appendix 2, pp. 365-8.

[174] D’Ailly in Gerson’s Works, vol. ii, pp. 949 et seq.

[175] Gerson, ibid., p. 72.

[176] Ibid., p. 178. See also, generally, Gerson’s ‘De Unitate Ecclesiastica,’ Works, vol. ii, pp. 113-14; Niem, Theodoricus de, De Schismate (1890). For full list of tracts, see Cambridge Modern History, vol. iii, pp. 867-8.

[177] See Creighton’s Papacy, vol. i, p. 143.

[178] F. Gregorovius, Hist. of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages (trans. A. Hamilton, 1894-1902), vol. vi, p. 606; J. N. Figgis, From Gerson to Grotius (1907), p. 35.

[179] See Gerson’s exhortation to the Archbishop of Prague to extirpate the heresy in Bohemia, Palacky, Documenta, pp. 523-6.

[180] Letters of Hus, pp. 146-9, 149-51. These are letters written by Hus at the time of his setting out for Constance. One of them, he instructs, is only to be opened in the event of his death.

[181] See Gerson, Works, vol. ii, p. 572; H. v. der Hardt, Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense concilium (Frankfort, 1697-1742), vol. iv, p. 521; Palacky, Documenta, p. 284; Lea, vol. ii, pp. 467-8. ‘The explanation of the controversy over the violation of the safe-conduct is perfectly simple. Germany, and especially Bohemia, knew so little about the Inquisition and the systematic persecution of heresy that surprise and indignation were excited by the application to the case of Hus of the recognized principles of the canon law. The Council could not have done otherwise than it did without surrendering those principles.’

[182] Letters of Hus, p. 216.

[183] Lützow, p. 249.

[184] Palacky, Documenta, pp. 308, 310. Like Wycliffe before and Luther after him, Hus would acknowledge no other authority than Scripture. The Council wanted him to acknowledge the authority of the Church and of itself as the Church’s representative.

[185] Letters of Hus, p. 226.

[186] Ibid., p. 217.

[187] Ibid., p. 224.

[188] Letters of Hus, p. 239. See also his letter addressed to all the people of Bohemia, pp. 230-3; also pp. 275-6, and Palacky, Documenta, p. 323. See Creighton, Papacy, vol. ii, p. 51: ‘ ... It is the glory of Hus that he first deliberately asserted the right of the individual conscience against ecclesiastical authority, and sealed his assertion by his own life-blood.’

[189] See, however, J. Mackinnon, A History of Modern Liberty (1906), vol. i, p. 162: ‘The defiance of the Council was the prelude of the modern Reformation. It was a distinct intimation not merely of a solitary reformer like Wiclif or Hus, but of a body of men who claimed to speak in the name of a whole people, that they would not submit to traditional authority per se. It was a plea for fair discussion of matters of controversy, and a protest against the principle of stifling inquiry and dissent by such authority. Otherwise the reason and intelligence of the inquirer will revolt in the name of conscience, justice and religion.’

[190] J. Glanvill, A Blow at Sadducism (1688), p. 5. Cf. pp. 32-3: ‘But to reserve all the clear circumstances of Fact, which we find in well attested and confirmed Relations of this kind into the power of deceivable imagination, is to make fancy the greater Prodigy; and to suppose, that it can do stranger feats than are believed of any other kind of function. And to think that Pins and Nails, for instance, can by the power of imagination be conveyed within the skin; or that imagination should deceive so many as have been witnesses in objects of sense, in all the circumstances of discovery; this, I say, is to be infinitely more credulous than the assertors of sorcery and Demoniack Contracts. And by the same reason it may be believed that all the Battels and strange events of the world, which our selves have not seen, are but dreams and fond imaginations.’

[191] W. E. H. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe (1904), vol. i, p. 18.

[192] See W. E. H. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe (1904), vol. i, pp. 34-5.

[193] See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 422-9.

[194] See ibid., p. 434.

[195] Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum (Frankfort ed., 1582), vol. i, pp. 488-9: ‘Et eodem modo de adorantibus Daemon[=e] & sacrificantibus ei quia si hoc faciunt, credentes Divinitatem esse in Daemonibus, vel credentes quod cultus latriae sit ei exhibendus, vel quod omnino ex exhibitione talis cultus, assequantur quod requirunt a Diabolo, non obst[=a]te Dei prohibitione, seu etiam permissione, tales essent haeretici. Sed si ista faciunt non ita sentientes de Daemone; sed ut aliquo pacto cum Daemone facilius per ista exequantur ab ipso quod intendunt, tales non sunt haeretici natura rei, licet gravissime peccent.’

[196] A. Albertini, De Agnoscendis assertionibus Catholicis in Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 65-6. Cf. J. Simancas, De Catholicis Institutionibus in Zilettus, ibid., p. 144 (Tit. xxi).

[197] Lea, vol. iii, p. 454: ‘Inquisitors ... began to insert a clause renouncing sorcery in all abjurations administered to repentant heretics, so that in case they should become addicted to it they could be promptly burned for relapse.’

[198] For Peter of Abano, see supra, pp. 69, 70, and Lea, vol. iii, p. 440; for Gilles de Rais, ibid., pp. 468-89.

[199] Ordinarily inquisitorial trials were secret. Another abnormal feature in this case was the presence of a prosecutor; the third was that the court was really a joint one, being in part the bishop and inquisitors sitting together as a tribunal of the Holy Office to hear the charge of heresy, in part the bishop sitting as president of the ordinary episcopal court, the inquisitors not included, to hear the charge of unnatural lust with which the Inquisition was not competent to deal.

[200] Cf. Lea, vol. iii, p. 486: ‘The morning saw the extraordinary spectacle of the clergy, followed by the whole population of Nantes, who had been clamouring for his death, marching through the streets and singing and praying for his salvation.’

[201] Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, pp. 47-53.

[202] See Bart. Spin. in Ponzinibium de lamiis Apologia prima in Malleorum quorundam Maleficarum tam veterum quam recentiorum authorum tomi duo (Frankfort, 1582), vol. ii, pp. 623 et seq.

[203] Ibid., vol. i, pp. 1-8 in Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum.

[204] For a critique of Sprenger’s work, see J. Michelet, La Sorcière in [OE]uvres Complètes (Paris, 1893-9), pp. 481-96.

[205] Sprenger, vol. i, p. 94; also Michelet, op. cit., p. 321.

[206] Albertini, op. cit., in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 85; also Sprenger, etc., vol. ii, pp. 262-4, and, generally, pp. 250 et seq., De modo quo localiter transferuntur de loco ad locum.

[207] Frédéricq, Documents, vol. i, p. 371. ‘Et illecq leur remontra comment ils avoient esté en ladite vaulderie, et fait tout ce que dessus ai dit, et mesme que aulcunes d’icelles, qui estoient la presentes, avoient esté cognues carnellement du diable d’enfer, l’une en forme de lièvre, l’autre en forme de renard, l’autre en forme de thor, l’aultre en forme d’homme et autant en forme de quelques bestes’—from Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq.

[208] Sprenger, pp. 40 et seq., p. 773. See also in vol. ii. of Malleorum ... tomi duo, Tractatus utilis et necessarius per viam Dialogi, de Pythonicis mulieribus, pp. 56-7.

[209] Sprenger, etc., pp. 458-9 in Bartholomew de Spina’s De Strigibus.

[210] Ibid., pp. 459-60.