THE SERVICES OF NATIVE CONTINGENTS—LORD CHELMSFORD AND SIR H. BULWER—REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN—DIFFICULTIES OF TRANSPORT—IMMENSE DELAY—BURYING THE DEAD AT ISANDHLWANA.
The Native Contingent, composed of loyal Zulus, although a large force, turned out a comparatively useless one. After the battle of Isandhlwana, Colonel Glynn reports (on the 24th of January), "The whole of the Native Contingent walked off this morning." The reasons for this conduct are furnished elaborately in a minute of Sir H. Bulwer, Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, dated the 29th of January. These men had numerous complaints. On the night of the 23rd of January, whilst the European force at Rorke's Drift was entrenched, the Native Contingent had no such protection. The general and his staff leaving camp exercised a depressing influence. Uncertainty existed regarding their wives and families. These reasons, and reasons such as these, were furnished as explanations for their desertion. Sir Henry Bulwer had been always of opinion that to do away with the native system of organization for the purpose of substituting a regimental system was one of very doubtful advisableness. Nevertheless, he consented to give the men required, and no fewer than 7050 were sent into the field. Lord Chelmsford declared that he had never been able to understand what the tribal system was, and that as often as he had endeavoured to obtain information he had been baffled by vague generalities and oft-repeated laudations. So anxious, however, were the commandants to carry out what they considered the tribal system, that the companies were organized with uneven strength, in order that men of different tribes should be kept distinct. Sir Henry Bulwer believed that each column should have had a Native Contingent, and that these should have been led by officers who represented the Lieutenant-Governor, or Supreme Chief. They would have then moved and fought in accordance with their customs. The general could not agree to this. The natives must be divided into battalions 1000 strong, and into companies 100 strong. They were not to fight in their own fashion, and European officers, who did not know their language, were given commands among them. Dissatisfaction, discontent, and inefficiency resulted in such a manner that in all respects the large Native Contingent, numbering more than 7000 men, was a failure.
Later on, very serious differences of opinion arose between Lord Chelmsford and Sir Henry Bulwer. In reply to suggestions from the general, the Executive Council of Natal decided, on the 1st of March, that—
"(a.) In the opinion of this Council the proposition that raiding expeditions should be made into the Zulu country by the natives of this colony is unadvisable of adoption, as being an impolitic and undesirable system of war, as being calculated to provoke retaliation, and as tending to demoralize the people engaged in it.
"(b.) 1. That the proposition to call out every available native in the colony is open to serious objections.
"2. That a large proportion of the able-bodied male population has already been called out, and that this Council considers it undesirable to press the power of the Supreme Chief to a point that would probably cause serious discontent amongst the natives.
"3. That all trading, commercial, and farming operations would be thereby disorganized and ruinous consequences would ensue, the natives forming practically the only labouring portion of the population in the upper districts of the colony.
"4. That the calling out of the whole able-bodied male population would, in all probability, induce a panic, and be attended with serious inconveniences."
It will thus be seen that very unfortunate differences of opinion existed between the supreme military power and the civil government of Natal. It certainly must be admitted that, as a rule, the friendly Zulus of the colony were of little good as fighting men in the campaign. Whether or not the opposite would have been the case if the dangerous experiment had been tried of allowing them to fight with their own weapons and in their own fashion is extremely doubtful. The tribal system, root and branch, is a failure in Natal, and a constant source of danger and anxiety. So soon, therefore, as by means of enlightened statesmanship it can be completely broken up and destroyed, the better for the protection and defence of the colony, as well as for the cause of civilization and the nation we are trying to civilize.
On the 11th of April, the general, writing to the Secretary of State for War, says, "My orders regarding demonstrations were fully carried out, but the fullness of the Tugela would have prevented any general raid being made, even if the Natal natives had not been forbidden to cross the border by his Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal." In order to enable my readers to understand the entire question fully, I subjoin that portion of Sir Henry Bulwer's despatch to the Secretary of State (April 16) which refers to the subject. He says, "I have placed under the command of the lieutenant-general, for service in the Zulu country, the Natal Mounted Police, most of the Natal Mounted Volunteers, a number of natives who have been formed into what is called the Natal Native Contingent, and a number of natives for pioneer, transport, and hospital service, and that I have never interfered with them, nor have I expected that the lieutenant-general's orders to them should be referred to me before being complied with; but with regard to the native levies, which have been called out for the defence of the colony, and placed under the command of colonial district commanders to protect the border and the colony, I have never placed them in any way, directly or indirectly, under the command of the lieutenant-general for service in the Zulu country, nor have I authorized, directly or indirectly, in any way, their being taken across the border, or their being employed in making raids into the Zulu country. These levies were called out expressly and solely for service in the colony and for the defence of the colony, and were placed under the colonial district commanders for that purpose only. The colonial district commanders were, of course, made subject, so far as regarded the defence of their districts, and the movement and disposition of any forces under them in their districts, to the military command; but no authority has been given, either to these colonial district commanders or to the lieutenant-general, to employ the native levies, which were exclusively called out for the defence of the colony, on any service in the Zulu country, and I submit that the lieutenant-general in issuing any instructions for these native levies to cross the border to make raids into Zulu country, in issuing these instructions as he has done, without my authority, without my concurrence, and positively without any reference to me, has exceeded his powers and acted without a due regard for the authority of this Government.
"I pass by the question of the expediency or policy of making raids into the Zulu country. In a letter addressed by me to the High Commissioner, I have ventured to put before his Excellency for his consideration the question of the expediency of such a policy, and the risks involved in such a course, namely, the risk of retaliation, and the risk of irritating and alienating unnecessarily those of the Zulu people who might otherwise be disposed to come to friendly terms with us, and through whose friendly disposition towards us a satisfactory solution of the difficulties between us and the Zulu people might eventually be more easily arrived at. But I do not claim to have any authority in respect of this question, and I have done no more than venture to lay my suggestion before the High Commissioner, and to forward a copy of my letter to the lieutenant-general.
"With regard to the employment of the native levies who had been called up for the defence of the border on service beyond the border and in making raids, I have already shown that the levies to which I refer were never in any way placed under the lieutenant-general for employment across the border; and I have also shown that they were levies which have nothing whatsoever to do with the Native Contingent battalions to which the lieutenant-general refers as having been hitherto associated with the British troops, and which were placed under his command for service across the border. The question, therefore, put by the lieutenant-general, in the way that it is put before the Secretary of State for War, by not distinguishing between the two descriptions of native forces, but, as is actually done in the last paragraph but one, by naming and associating the two together as if there were no distinction between them, fails, I think, to represent the real state of the case."
The general in command had felt extremely what he considered the absence of co-operation on the part of Sir Henry Bulwer. Writing to the Secretary of State for War on the 11th of April, Lord Chelmsford mentions that when he had determined to move up to Ekowe, secret instructions were sent to the different commanders along the border from the Lower Tugela up to Kambula hill, requesting them to make strong demonstrations all along the line, and, if possible, to raid into Zululand. At this juncture the Lieutenant-Governor forbade the Natal natives to cross. A general raid into Zululand effected by a large body of native troops would, in the opinion of Lord Chelmsford, have produced very important results, and the general strongly resents the interference of Sir H. Bulwer with his plans. The quarrel—for it was nothing less—to which allusion has now been made, was very probably one of the reasons for the appointment of Sir Garnet Wolseley, who in his own person united both supreme civil and supreme military power.
In the Zulu war there were two campaigns—the first ended in Isandhlwana, the second at Ulundi. Between these battles there was an immense interval, chiefly occupied in moving great masses of men and greater masses of supplies to the front. Lord Chelmsford is blamed for want of foresight and care in the first campaign, want of energy and judgment in the second campaign, and want of generalship in both. There are two sides to the case, and it is necessary to advert to both. Great difficulties were in the way; but until the arrival of Sir Garnet Wolseley and the joyful day of Ulundi, it must be admitted that the general did not conquer obstacles, but obstacles conquered him.
Let us endeavour to view the general conduct of the first campaign in the light of facts about which there can be no question. Early in January Lord Chelmsford was at the head of an army sufficiently numerous and powerful for the conquest of Zululand. We shall see that at Ulundi 4000 soldiers, properly handled, were adequate to the complete defeat of 20,000 Zulus, comprising the flower of Cetywayo's army; therefore it is absurd to imagine that, if good generalship had been used, any defeat could have been sustained in the first advance. Colonel Pearson was thoroughly victorious at Inyezane, and Colonel Wood was also successful. Disastrous failure, however, overtook the column of the general-in-chief. Lord Chelmsford, conducting a large force with enormous stores, made Rorke's Drift on the Tugela his base of operations, and subsequently was forced to trust to the extraordinary efforts of a young Engineer officer for the safety of Natal. All experience of Zulu warfare had shown the absolute necessity of entrenchments, yet the central column marched into Zululand without constructing a single breastwork. The personal safety of the commander-in-chief and that of half his column became really due to a sudden inspiration and to a happy accident. Young subalterns conceived and carried a plan of defence where mealie-bags formed the breastworks and biscuit-boxes the entrenchments. It was providential that such officers as Chard and Bromhead were there to do the work.
Lord Chelmsford was woefully deficient in knowledge of the enemy's movements. An immense army lay in wait to destroy his camp while he, with scattered forces, pursued a Will-o'-the-wisp foe which found no difficulty in luring him on to destruction. He had mounted men, but does not seem to have used them efficiently as scouts. Colonel Buller, the able head of his intelligence branch, was in quite another part of the country. Lord Chelmsford either completely despised the enemy, which was a blunder in itself, or he was incapable of appreciating his real position, and of taking the evident means of preserving the column under his charge. He evidently wanted that genius or instinct so absolutely necessary to constitute a great military leader. A really great general, like a poet, is born, not made; and it was the misfortune of the British army not to have secured one on this important occasion.
No entrenchment or laager was either made or ordered to be made at Isandhlwana, although it must be admitted that if the general had been as lucky in subordinates there as at Rorke's Drift, a very different issue of the day would have been the result. Nothing could surpass the madness of Colonel Durnford in scattering his troops at the very moment when, by means of laagering, or at least forming a hollow square, it would have been possible to resist the attack of the enemy. It is a libel on our soldiers to hint that they did not behave well. The short service system is in no way responsible for the disaster. The gallant 24th, as well as the other troops, fought with the utmost bravery, and, if they had been commanded by such a man as Wood or Pearson, undoubtedly would have gained a brilliant victory. A few hundred Dutchmen, without breech-loading guns, had behind a rough fortification of waggons defied an entire Zulu army. Chard and Bromhead, with 100 infantry soldiers, at the back of mealie-bags and biscuit-boxes, were able to drive back immensely superior forces. It is therefore preposterous to imagine that our troops at Isandhlwana, assisted by well-served large guns, could not easily, if properly commanded, have been able to hold their own, at least until the rest of the column arrived.
In ten days' time Lord Chelmsford was so unfortunate as to sustain a most signal defeat, in which half his force was literally butchered, and his large quantity of ammunition and stores captured by the enemy. His flank was turned and his column surprised by an army of naked savages, without artillery, about whose movements his ignorance was as profound as it was surprising. A similar success to that gained by Colonel Pearson would have virtually concluded the war. A march to Ulundi by a strong flying column would have been possible, and Great Britain might then have saved the blood of many of her best soldiers, and fully three million pounds sterling of her treasure.
The opinions now expressed are those of the majority of military correspondents and military men, but the thorough novelty and difficulty of operations do not seem sufficiently taken into account. Besides, in judging Lord Chelmsford, it must be specially remembered that his instructions about concentrating at Isandhlwana camp were not attended to, and to this fact many attributed the disaster that ensued. Certainly no one deserved sympathy more than this general, whose misfortunes were quite as great as his faults. Subsequently, he did everything in his power to make the campaign successful. Reinforcements poured in, and were pushed forward to the front. It is true that delays occurred, but these, it is argued, were thoroughly unsurmountable. We shall find at last that Lord Chelmsford finished the campaign with glory and success at the great battle of Ulundi. The people of Natal and the Cape Colony, who had sympathized with his reverses, thoroughly recognized the greatness of this victory and rejoiced in his triumph. It is only fair, when furnishing opinions full of condemnation, to refer at the same time to the fact that contrary views are held by numerous men of intelligence, who have had every opportunity of studying the subject.
The disaster of Isandhlwana was pregnant with results almost too awful to contemplate. Natal was panic-stricken. Twenty thousand white people were threatened, not only with the victorious army, but with hundreds of thousands of natives, kept heathen and alien from motives of policy, who would have, out of fear of Cetywayo, quickly joined any army of massacre which that tyrant could have sent to devastate Natal. Fortunately, in spite of their much-vaunted strategy, the Zulus proved unequal to the task of taking advantage of their victory. Had they, in the first instance, only allowed the general to move forward into his new camp, the destruction of the column could have been made complete. It was by a miracle that Lord Chelmsford and the men with him escaped. If they had been attacked when, exhausted and dispirited, they flung themselves down on the reeking plain of Isandhlwana, it is extremely likely that the general and every man with him would have been killed. The gross absurdity of blaming Lord Chelmsford for not burying the dead on the field is only equalled by its injustice. The general and the remnant of his column were really fugitives, and it was not until they found that, by the heroic defence of Rorke's Drift, the base of operations was still held, that they were able to breathe with any degree of safety. It was hoping against hope to imagine that a place really left unfortified could have been held against a victorious army; and it is well to recognize the fact that not only Natal and its people, but Lord Chelmsford and the remnant of his column, were saved by the heroes of this colonial Thermopylæ.
The awful pause of suspense, which lasted many weeks, passed by. The Tugela river and the indecision of the Zulu king saved the colony. Reinforcements which had been telegraphed for poured in with amazing celerity, and both Natal and British honour were saved. For nine weeks the beleaguered column under General Pearson had to suffer privations, and the Zulus, who had experienced what British soldiers could do behind biscuit-boxes at Rorke's Drift, hesitated to attack them when behind regular entrenchments at Ekowe. At last, as we had seen, relief was sent. Then another period of delay set in. Masses of troops continued to arrive, and early in May our strength in Natal comprised more than 22,000 men, divided as follows:—
| First division (General Crealock's) | 9,215 |
| Second division (General Newdigate's) | 10,238 |
| General Wood's[32] flying column | 3,092 |
| Effective and non-effective | 22,545 |
This was a large army, the most powerful force of Europeans ever engaged in war within South Africa. The occasion was supreme, as the greatest power of the native races had challenged the white man to a combat à l'outrance, and the question simply was whether the Queen or Cetywayo should rule supreme in the southern portion of this continent. Reinforcements were sent out with immense celerity, and landed with the utmost despatch and with neither casualty nor danger. But the delay in moving them was most disappointing. It must have puzzled the Zulus immensely to understand why we were so extraordinarily slow. Five weeks had elapsed since the battle of Ginghelovo without any set engagement with the enemy taking place, and the Press began to grumble. Transport rose to unprecedented rates. Twenty shillings per cwt., or £20 per ton, was charged for the carriage of provisions a distance of fifty-four miles, from D'Urban to Pietermaritzburg. Oxen died in hundreds, and the progress of the battalions of infantry which were marching against an enemy famous for their celerity was most disheartening. The plan of Lord Chelmsford was that of sending on masses of troops, whose impedimenta in the shape of baggage and means of supply was so enormous as to completely cripple their movements. At a subsequent period, after the arrival of Sir Garnet Wolseley, we shall find that officer successfully employing more than 2000 Zulu carriers; but this method, cheap and efficient, does not seem to have been tried by Lord Chelmsford.
To lessen the enormous difficulties of transport, which crushed the efforts of our soldiers, a successful attempt was made to find a landing-place on the Zululand coast. H.M. gunboat Forester was sent on this quest, which was ultimately successful, and Port Durnford was established as a place for landing supplies. This cut off more than a hundred miles of difficult road, and was of immense service to the advancing columns. During May, 1879, the Forester[33] performed important duties in this service, and more than once fired at bands of the enemy near the seashore.
It is impossible to write any chronicle of the movements of General Crealock's column which would be of interest. It crawled along among hundreds of dead oxen killed in dragging its heavy baggage and supplies over bad roads. Enormous expenditure for commissariat and transport services went on, and it was very evident that this war would be waged at frightful cost. The British lion growled in England, and there was an undoubted echo in the colonies.
On the 15th of May, the head-quarters of the South African field force, under Major-General Newdigate, was situated on the Buffalo river, near Doornberg. The force comprised:—Right wing of the 17th Lancers; three companies 1-21st Regiment; six companies 58th; N battery, 5th Brigade, Royal Artillery, with six 7-pounders, under Colonel Harness; N Battery, 6th Brigade, with six 9-pounders; Army Service Corps, Army Hospital Corps, Bengaugh's Native Battalion, Natal Pioneers, and Natal Carbineers. Colonel Tatton Browne commanded the Royal Artillery, and Captain Anstey the Royal Engineers. Twelve miles further on, at Conference Hill, was the most advanced post, where Colonel Davies, Grenadier Guards, commanded. The garrison was composed of six companies of the 94th Regiment, Bettington's troop of Natal Horse, a detachment of the Royal Engineers, and Shepstone's Mounted Basutos. Another fort and laager had been erected for their defence, while eight miles further on towards the north-east was Brigadier-General Wood's new camp at Magwechana, close to the Sand Spruit, one of the sources of the White Umvolosi. General Marshall was with the cavalry camp. The experience of Isandhlwana was thoroughly sufficient, and the most complete precautions on all occasions were taken to prevent the possibility of disaster. Forts and fortified positions covered the country, but, nevertheless, there is excellent authority for saying that if a Zulu impi had been ordered to invade, there would have been no difficulty in driving back the weak border guard which lined the Tugela, getting behind the regular forces, and making a rapid destructive raid and an equally rapid retreat.[34] Cetywayo's neglect of his opportunities was more useful in protecting Natal than the immense armed force which, with infinite toil and a slowness almost passing description, moved on towards Ulundi. Loud were the public outcries at the transport break-down and the tardiness of operations. General Newdigate's magnificent force seemed paralyzed, and the difficulties of grass for horses and supplies for troops en route was the theme of every journal and the excuse for a delay which was as costly as it was disappointing.
On the 17th of May, a road was made in the direction of Landman's Drift, and a few days afterwards all the cavalry proceeded to Rorke's Drift, and thence to Isandhlwana, for the purpose of burying the dead. It was certainly full time to perform this duty. One of the disgraceful occurrences or sad consequences of the Zulu war is the fact, which cannot be slurred over without comment, that the bodies of our brave men who fell at Isandhlwana remained unburied for more than four months. Two regiments of Dragoon Guards, with the Lancers and numerous other troops, moved on with alacrity to perform the honourable task. The force advanced in line, échelon, or column of squadrons, with extensive advance and rear guards, as well as flankers. At night the men bivouacked in groups of twelve, with their saddles turned inwards and placed in a circle. At last they looked down from the Biggarsberg upon Rorke's Drift and the Isandhlwana mountain in the distance. One regiment of the Lancers and one of the Dragoon Guards, as well as half the Natal Carbineers, swept the country in the neighbourhood. The smoke of blazing huts rose up like burnt-offerings from the hill-altars of Zululand. The signal-fires of the savages helped to light up the country at night, and the British were again on the field where Cetywayo had gained his first and last victory. General Marshall, with Dragoons, Lancers, irregular horse, police, and artillery, crossed the river at daybreak, and advanced in open order. But my readers will prefer to read an account of what was seen and done at Isandhlwana from the pen of a soldier who was there. The correspondent of the Times of Natal writes:—
"We pushed on very steadily and carefully, and at half-past nine our advance-guard was on the ridge overlooking the valley beyond Isandhlwana. There it lay, a magnificent stretch of country, with undulating plains for miles, only broken by dongas and small rises, and bordered by high hills on each side. Who would have thought, looking down on the quiet scene, that it had witnessed one of the most terrific fights and disasters of modern times? The grass had grown up over the whole site of what had once been our camp, and was thickly intermixed with mealie stalks and oat hay, green and growing yet. Among these lay the bodies of our poor soldiers, scattered about in all postures, and in all stages of decay; while the positions of our tents were indicated by the broken remains of boxes, trunks, tins of preserved meats, remnants of the tents themselves, and masses of disordered papers, books, and letters, etc., etc. The only thing, however, that at once drew the attention of a casual observer was the broken remains of waggons and the skeletons of horses and oxen. Everything else was hidden at first sight, and required searching for to be noticed. One thing we had observed coming along the road was the fresh spoor of a waggon or two, and we conjectured that it had been recently used in conveying crops from Sirayo's valley away into the strongholds further inland. The spoor of two mounted Kafirs, and one on foot, was also traced by the scouts fresh that morning; one of the horses was shod all round, and these men were evidently of the party left by the enemy to watch the coming of our troops. For some time after our arrival, and while preparations were being actively carried out to harness the horses to the best waggons, all the men except those on vedette or other duty were allowed to wander over the scene of the disaster. The Carbineers, under Captain Shepstone, made immediately for their camp, and tried to find any relics of their dead brethren. Nothing of any consequence was, however, found near their lines; but upon searching over the ground where the bodies of some of them had been seen on the night after Isandhlwana, Captain Shepstone came upon the bodies of Colonel Durnford, Lieutenant Scott, and nearly all the Carbineers, except London and Bullock, and those few who were killed along the fugitive path. Poor Durnford was easily recognizable, and he had on his mess waistcoat, from the pocket of which Shepstone took a small pocket-knife with his name on it. Two rings were also taken, and are with the knife to be sent home in memoriam to the colonel's father. Durrant Scott lay partially hidden under a broken piece of a waggon, and had evidently not been mutilated or touched after his death. He had his patrol jacket on, buttoned across, and although the rest of the body was only a skeleton, yet, strange to say, the face was like in life, all the hair being still on, and the skin strangely parched and dried up, although perfect. Both these bodies lay right in the midst of the rest of the young colonists who fell gallantly in defence of their country; and, judging from the position in which they all were, they must have made one last gallant stand, and have been killed altogether. None of these so found had attempted to run, but had stuck together in life as we found them in death. Knowing all of them well, and how they did their duty, I felt it almost impossible to examine any, and had to leave the scene for another one. I can only add that Durnford's body was wrapped in canvas and buried in a kind of waterwash, while all the others were covered over with stones, etc., and their names written in pencil on wood or a stone close by them.
"The bodies of the Royal Artillery and Natal Mounted Police were also buried, the only ones left untouched being those of the 24th Regiment, which was done at the express desire of Colonel Glyn and the officers, in the hope of their being able some day to do it themselves. This appeared, however, very strange to us, and many remarks were made about the seeming dishonour to part of our brave dead. However, let us hope that some day, not far distant, we may be able to return to that once blood-red field and bury all the bodies, bones, and relics that may be left. Great numbers of waggons have undoubtedly been taken away, as also everything of value in the camp, and many bodies have been, through one cause or another, either wholly or partially removed or disturbed, so as to effectually prevent recognition. I myself did not move far out of camp, and, therefore, may be a bad judge, but from what I saw there cannot have been more than 200 bodies in the camp itself, and out of these not 25 Kafirs. Doubtless, had I gone out to where the fighting first commenced, I should have found many more bodies, but I am glad for my own sake that I did not do so. Others, who had not perhaps so many bitter feelings or sorrowful remembrances of those lying around us, went further and saw more, although I cannot hear of any one having recognized any more bodies of officers, except those of the Hon. S. Vereker and young Gibson, both lieutenants in the Native Contingent. Many interesting relics were found and brought away by others, and I know of a few cases where letters addressed to relatives at home from those among the killed were found complete, and will be sent home, to be held in loving regard by the living, but will cause many sores scarce healed to be reopened. The general was anxious, for more reasons than one, to get away, and therefore, as soon as the waggons were ready, we made a start back at twelve, and reached Rorke's Drift at half-past three without any hitch whatever. Immediately on getting back I went inquiring among the different parties who had been over that day, and gleaned some other interesting facts from them. One officer in the Dragoon Guards, while out with his squadron burning kraals, found in one signs of very recent occupation, and the staff of the Queen's colour of the 1-24th. He also later on came across a kraal full of skeletons of Zulus; and this fact, taken in conjunction with the finding of large graves on the left of our camp containing bodies of the enemy, goes far to prove that the Zulus did move their dead bodies, and as the kraal was some two miles off where skeletons were found, they probably also moved them in our waggons. The forty waggons we brought away included two water carts in good preservation, one gun limber, a rocket battery cart, and three Scotch carts. All that we left behind, in number not more than twenty, were in a partially or entirely disabled condition. Counting all these, therefore, there are still sixty or seventy waggons missing, which have been taken away at different times."
The irregular horse recruited in the Cape Colony and Natal deserve special mention. Their services during the war were of a most important and valuable character. Most of them were attached to General Wood's column, and in the many daring raids in which their services were used proved excellent soldiers. Among the most prominent of these corps was that of the Kaffrarian Riflemen, under Commandant Schermbrucker. On the 30th of April, at Utrecht, on the occasion of the expiry of their engagement, that officer bade farewell to his officers and men in an eloquent address in which he recalled their principal services. Six months previously, on a public parade at Pietermaritzburg, they had been selected by Lord Chelmsford for a post of danger, in consequence of the manner in which they had fought on the borders of the Cape Colony during the Gaika rebellion. For nearly three months the important and dangerous post of Luneberg had been held, and the handful of white men had inflicted serious losses on the enemy, and secured safe communication viâ Intombe to Derby. They had been attached to "that glorious column" commanded by Evelyn Wood, and formed part of the forces under Buller engaged in the rescue of Oham's people at his surrender. They were also in the disastrous storming of the Zlobane and the glorious battle of Kambula. Admirable obedience and cheerful discipline were maintained in the face of 20,000 enemies. Their last duties were the harassing ones of escorting convoys en route from Batlee Spruit to Kambula.[35] What was said, and said truly, of Schermbrucker's Irregular Horse might be said with little variation of the other corps—Baker's, Whalley's, etc. Colonial men, such as Schermbrucker, Nettleton, Shepstone, Lonsdale, Blaine, Pickering, Wilson, and many others, distinguished themselves in the field, and it can be said with equal truth and justice that the volunteer force and levies, officers and men, proved most valuable auxiliaries.
The Transvaal Republic had dragged along a sad existence for many years, troubled constantly by native incursions from without, and debt, quarrelling, and discontent from within, when the Rev. Thomas F. Burgers was elected President in the year 1872. He was to revolutionize the entire country, and to make a new and improved Holland in Southern Africa. Gifted with certain talents, among which that of oratory was conspicuous, Burgers was deplorably deficient in a knowledge of men and business. His plans were utopian, visionary, and unsound. He caused hundreds of Boers to leave their adopted country, by forcing on them a system of education from which the teachings of religion were excluded; contracted a loan of £300,000 for a railway from Delagoa Bay, which would have cost millions; designed a fanciful coat of arms and flag; caused gold coins to be issued with his own likeness stamped upon them, and played such "fantastic tricks before high heaven" as to help forward that crisis of bankruptcy and ruin from which it would have been very difficult, even by an exactly opposite course, to have saved the country.
During the absence of the President in Europe, in 1875, Sekukuni, the principal chief of the Bapedi people, broke out in rebellion. In April, 1876, he was called upon to submit, but in place of doing so boldly claimed the larger portion of the Lydenburg and Pretoria districts. A commando then marched against him, and succeeded in taking "Mathebi's Kop," which was grandiloquently styled the Gibraltar of South Africa. A subsequent attack upon Sekukuni's head kraal was a failure. The prosecution of the war was then entrusted to volunteers, and after a short time an inglorious peace was concluded. This treaty was only made to be broken, as it was repudiated and treated with contempt by Sekukuni.
The peace of all British South Africa was seriously jeopardized by the weakness and fatuity of the Government of the Transvaal Republic. They were unable to conquer Sekukuni, and were so threatened by Cetywayo as to make an incursion by that potentate exceedingly probable. If the outworks of civilization were not looked after there would soon be serious danger to the fortress. Sir Theophilus Shepstone was therefore appointed special Commissioner. He arrived at Pretoria in January, 1877, and an extraordinary session of the Volksraad was held in February. A radical reform, legislative, executive, and judicial, or the British flag, was the alternative laid before them. They chose the former, but remedies then came too late. The patient was incurable. President Burgers declared that a new constitution could not save them. On the 8th of March the Raad broke up, and on the 12th of April Sir Theophilus Shepstone formally annexed the Transvaal territory to the British crown. It was, without doubt, incomparably the best course for a bankrupt country, perfectly unable to cope either with its debts or its foes, but it is very doubtful whether it was the wisest course for the British Government. An immense burden was at once placed upon our shoulders, and the people furnished with a grievance easily fanned into discontent, and perhaps even into rebellion, by Hollanders and others who could make capital out of factious opposition and a trade out of revolution. If Sir Theophilus Shepstone had only waited long enough, the people would have begged upon their knees for protection and assistance when attacked by the enormous armies of the Zulu king. If we had intervened in such a crisis, we would have obtained the assistance—valuable assistance—of thousands of mounted burghers; whereas, when we did fight really for the Transvaal, its inhabitants were so disgusted with what had transpired, as to render almost no assistance. There is no doubt that we managed the annexation of this country badly, and have been compelled to suffer for it. By a policy of delay, which would certainly have been less kind but incomparably more wise, the people would have been forced to come as suppliants for protection and annexation. Their lives and property when threatened by Cetywayo, could have alone been saved by British intervention. It can certainly be argued, on the other side, that delay was particularly dangerous, and that if we had not at once established ourselves in the Transvaal, the Zulus would have lighted a fire which would have spread quickly throughout every native tribe, and have endangered the peace of all our settlements. Sir Theophilus Shepstone was in an excellent position to judge of the necessity, and her Majesty's Government has uniformly upheld the policy adopted by him in annexing the Transvaal.
Sekukuni had proved a thorn in the side of the Republic which they had really been unable to get rid of. The peace with this chief was quite illusory, and only betrayed weakness on the part of the Dutch. We cannot be surprised, therefore, that he soon resumed hostilities. Under British rule an expedition was, in 1878, sent against him, consisting of volunteers and native police, under the command of Captain Clark. This force was not strong enough, and portions of the 13th and 80th Regiments, together with mounted infantry and volunteers, were despatched under Colonel Rowland. An unprecedented drought rendered operations almost impossible, and the expedition had to return, after leaving a portion of the 80th Regiment to guard the passes. The great war with Cetywayo soon absorbed all our attention and efforts, therefore the attack on Sekukuni in his stronghold was postponed. It was reserved for Sir Garnet Wolseley to complete, late in 1879, that which had been commenced previous to the close of 1878. The rebellion of this native chief was specially one against the Republic of the Transvaal, and we had to take it over among the other heavy liabilities of that State.
Sir Bartle Frere found it desirable to proceed to Natal early in 1879, and remained there during the crisis which resulted from the Isandhlwana disaster. On his return the High Commissioner passed through the Transvaal, and found that grumbling and discontent had been fomented into incipient rebellion. Mass meetings of the farmers were held, a people's committee was appointed, and a determination to recover their independence was freely expressed. With perfect firmness and straightforwardness, accompanied by admirable tact and patience, Sir Bartle Frere pointed out the real position of affairs. Another petition to the Imperial Government for restoration of their independence was sent through the High Commissioner, and in this way the outbreak of feeling was calmed for the time. Special envoys had been previously sent in vain to gain this object, and it really seemed hoping against hope to imagine that the Imperial Government could again allow the re-establishment of such a republic as that which had been found unable either to defend or govern the people whom it was supposed to rule.
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S POLICY—CENSURE OF THE HOME GOVERNMENT—SLOW OPERATIONS—AFFAIR OF THE 5TH OF JUNE—THE PRINCE IMPERIAL—HIS ARRIVAL—SERVICES—CHARACTER—DEATH—COURT-MARTIAL—FUNERAL RITES AND EMBARKATION OF THE BODY OF THE PRINCE IMPERIAL.
So far back as the 9th of February, Lord Chelmsford had written to the Home Government, requesting that an officer of the rank of major-general should be sent out at once. Sir Bartle Frere concurred in that representation, and suggested that the officer selected should be fitted to succeed him in the position of High Commissioner. On the 19th of March, the Secretary of State blamed Sir Bartle Frere for not having afforded her Majesty's Government an opportunity of considering the time as well as the manner of coming to issue—should it be necessary to come to issue—with the Zulu king. Sir Michael Hicks Beach says that this should have been done, although a favourable season for the operations of British troops might have been lost, and the means of further arming and victualling his forces given to Cetywayo; but the Secretary of State does not say, and of course could not say, that it should have been done at the imminent risk of the invasion and destruction of our colony at Natal. Yet, after all, that is the true question. Sir Bartle Frere was specially charged, under his commission, with the protection of our own territory from native inroads, and was bound, in a great emergency, to make use of his immense delegated power in a prompt manner. Cetywayo, for two years, had been arranging for a great special blow upon the white people. He was couching ready to spring, and the High Commissioner knew it was absolutely necessary to act at once.[36] Hence the commencement of hostilities early in January within Zululand. If there had been no disaster at Isandhlwana there would have been no censure. The ideas of her Majesty's Government with regard to conditions of peace will be found expressed in the Secretary of State's despatch, dated the 20th of March:—No further interference with the internal government is to be permitted than what is necessary for securing the peace and safety of the adjacent colonies. Duly authorized residents or agents to reside in the country. The Zulu military system to be discontinued, and missionaries to be admitted. These views necessarily subject to modification by future events.
The battle of Ghinghelovo was fought upon the 2nd of April, and the battle of Ulundi, which will be referred to in due course, took place on the 4th of July. A complete chronicle of the operations of the different columns during the interval would be most tiresome and uninteresting. Such a narrative would be occupied with little raids upon the enemy, and of the enemy upon us; occasional scares; the active operations from Wood's column in scouring the country within forty miles; captures and losses of cattle; movement of troops; fort-building; camp life; and, above all, the troubles, anxieties, and annoyances of the slow march towards the front and the difficulties of transport.[37] Messengers, ostensibly from the king, came in at various times to ask for peace; but, viewed in the light of subsequent events, there is little doubt that such people were merely sent as spies, with the double object of putting us off our guard and obtaining information. An engagement took place on the 5th of June, between the enemy and a portion of Brigadier-General Wood's column, which requires more than mere passing mention. As an attack was expected on the line of march, reinforcements of cavalry (Lancers and Dragoons) as well as mounted natives were sent. Colonel Buller, with two troops of Frontier Light Horse, and detachments of Baker's and McDonald's forces, together with Cochrane's Mounted Basutos, formed a scouting force in advance. Lord William Beresford assisted Colonel Buller as staff officer. The 90th Regiment formed the advance-guard of the main column, the 80th was in the centre, and the 1-13th formed the rear-guard. Two large bodies of Zulus, about 1000 in number, were observed near the large kraal of Usirayo, and they seemed by their position to challenge an attack. Our men were ordered to advance at a trot, and the enemy retired into the belt of thornbush surrounding the base of the mountain, from which they poured a heavy fire. After half an hour's fusillade from each side the enemy's fire began to slacken. Lancers and Dragoons crossed the river, but, not being supported by artillery, were unable to dislodge the Zulus, and unfortunately lost Adjutant Frith, a young officer of great promise. Subsequently the troop of Natal mounted natives under Shepstone checkmated an attempt of the enemy to cut off our retiring vedettes. After this the Zulus contented themselves with shouting out defiance. The British troops returned, having previously burned the kraals and ascertained the approximate number of the enemy assembled to oppose the march of the column. It is noteworthy that on this occasion the conduct of the regular troops and volunteers is described as manifesting both pluck and steadiness.[38]
We must now advert to the career of the most distinguished volunteer of the war, a prince who owned the most conspicuous dynastic name of the time—Napoleon Louis Bonaparte, Prince Imperial of France. Born in the purple and brought up amidst the greatest magnificence, the misfortunes of France became his own, and as an exile in England he studied at the Military College of Woolwich, where his success far surpassed even the sanguine expectations of his friends. The war in South Africa seemed to offer a sphere in which the heir of conquerors could learn to conquer. As a soldier, the prince earnestly desired to attain practical knowledge of his profession; as a Napoleon, he thirsted to distinguish himself by taking the sword each of his family had experienced to be the Key of Empire. Great Britain was the refuge of his family, and among the soldiers of Great Britain he felt at home. On the 27th of February, 1879, Prince Louis Napoleon received the sacrament of the Catholic Church before the Emperor's tomb at Chiselhurst, and then embarked in the steamer Danube for the theatre of war. His determination to go to Zululand was absolutely his own act, and his brave mother had to yield to his judgment what her own heart opposed. The prince was singularly calculated to win the affection of all. Pure, wise, and Christian, he had declared, "If I am restored to the throne of my father, I will have none near me whose truth, honour, and morality are not above suspicion." As free from affectation as possible, he was gay, simple, affable, and so full of kindliness as to draw to him the hearts of all with whom he came in contact. On the voyage out he mixed with the passengers as one of them, joined in their games, and made himself beloved as much by the charm of his manner as the goodness of his nature.[39] Arrived at Cape Town, the prince became the guest of Lady Frere, the Governor being absent in Natal. He only remained there a few days, during the stay of the Danube, and went on in that steamer to Natal. The prince had received permission from the authorities to accompany the staff of the British army, and the Duke of Cambridge had written letters on this subject to Lord Chelmsford and to Sir Bartle Frere.
With that hatred of ostentation and desire of giving as little trouble as possible which markedly actuated all the proceedings of the prince, he merely took one servant to the front, and even left his faithful companion, M. Uhlmann, at D'Urban. Towards the end of April indisposition prevented his joining the head-quarters staff of Lord Chelmsford, but he was delayed only a few days in Pietermaritzburg. It soon became evident to all his companions in arms that the prince was the bravest of the brave. No idea of fear ever crossed his mind, and as this undaunted disposition was not tempered by experience, it should have induced greater watchfulness on the part of those men of high rank in the British army who were virtually his guardians during the campaign. In a reconnaissance which took place on Sunday, the 18th of May, the prince displayed that coolness in the face of danger for which he was remarkable. On that day twenty-five men of Bettington's Horse, and the mounted Basutos under Colonel Harrison, accompanied by the Prince Imperial, crossed the Blood river, and subsequently descended into the Ityotyozi valley, where they were to meet Colonel Buller and 300 men. They missed this force, however, and had to bivouac for the night near the south-east extremity of the Incqutu. No fires were allowed, and in shivering silence the night was passed, the enemy being expected at any moment. At daybreak they set off in quest of the road, and when approaching an ascent leading to a large kraal, were fired upon by sixty Zulus, who lined the ridge of rocks above. This fusillade was immediately returned, and without any hesitation Captain Bettington led straight up. The road was exceedingly steep and covered with boulders, but by a sudden charge the position was taken. Two Zulus were killed and seven horses captured. The prince evidently relished this engagement, and was as cool and collected throughout as if sitting in his study. In the captured kraal several relics of Isandhlwana were discovered, among which was a saddle of Colonel Black's, 2-24th, empty boxes of Martini-Henry, and an artillery forge bellows.
To show the narrow escapes which sometimes occurred, an incident that followed this little engagement may be related. Captain Bettington rode after three Zulus, two of whom were armed with guns and one with assegai. Thinking he was unarmed, they allowed him to come within ten yards. He called out and fired his revolver; two of the three loaded chambers missed fire, and one of the Zulus was just taking aim with his gun at a distance of only fifteen yards, when the third chamber exploded and the man fell dead. The other two ran away, and the remainder of the patrol came up shortly afterwards.
The prince was exceedingly fond of real work, and of sharing every privation and danger of his comrades. He was no feather-bed soldier. Anxious always to go out with patrols and on reconnaissance duty, it would have seemed ungracious to check his ardour, but his own daring and utter absence of fear made it specially necessary that men of tried experience should accompany him. At the commencement of June the Prince Imperial, attached to the Quartermaster-General's department, was at General Newdigate's camp. He had applied for and obtained leave to go on ahead of the division to the site of the new camp about to be formed. On the morning of the 1st of June, the reconnoitring party set out, consisting of the Prince Imperial, Lieutenant Carey of H.M. 98th Regiment, six selected men of Bettington's Horse, and one Kafir. Six mounted Basutos had been ordered to join the party, but they were left behind. The spot to which they were about to proceed was familiar to the prince, and he was aware
that it was in the vicinity of Lord Chelmsford's camp on one side, and of General Wood's on the other. The party started at half-past nine o'clock, and when they arrived at the neck of the Incenci mountain were joined by some officers, who, after riding some distance with them, went off towards the left, in the direction of General Wood's camp. After crossing a rivulet which forms a tributary to the Ityotyozi river, they reached a large flat-topped hill, and there the prince, ordering the men to slacken girths for a little, took a sketch of the country.[40]
Shortly after the march was resumed, the prince pointed out the kraal from which he had been fired upon on a previous occasion, and turned off to examine another one, which was found empty. Immediately afterwards the party descended towards a third kraal, about a mile further on, as the prince observed a small river—the Mbazani—at which the horses could be watered, and where coffee could be made for the men. The kraal consisted of five huts, with a small stone enclosure, and was distant about 200 yards from the river. In front there was an open space, on which fires for cooking had been made, but between the kraal and the river tambookie grass grew, five or six feet in height, with mealies and Kafir corn interspersed. The party halted on the open space, and the prince gave the order to "off saddle" for an hour. No sign of life was visible, except where two or three dogs furtively ran from the intruders. Water was obtained, coffee made, the horses were turned into the grass and grain crops, while with a feeling of perfect security all lay stretched, resting, on the ground.
The hour quickly passed, and during that time, unknown and unsuspected, fifty Zulus crawled in ambush preparing to make a spring. The position of the ground was most advantageous for their purpose. A deep donga formed excellent cover, and out of that they crept along the water's edge, completely screened by the rank vegetation. It was while they were thus concealed that one of them was seen by the Kafir sent to bring water to the Prince Imperial's party. The Zulu burst out of his ambush and fled. The Kafir returned and reported what he had seen. Meanwhile the prince, looking at his watch, remarked, "You can give your horses ten minutes more." What the Kafir reported had, however, made every one anxious to go, and the horses were caught and saddled. All stood ready, and the prince examined the bit of his horse for a few moments. Then came the words, "Prepare to mount! Mount!" and almost at the same moment a volley fired from forty rifles, at a distance of twenty yards, crashed among them. At this time the party were standing in line, close to their horses, with their backs to the kraal and their faces turned eastward, the prince being in front and nearest to the Zulus. Then with a tremendous cry, "Usutu!" and "Lo, the English cowards!" the savages rushed on. The horses immediately swerved, and some broke away. An undoubted panic seized the party; every one who could spring on his horse mounted and galloped for his life. There was no thought nor idea of standing fast and resisting this sudden attack. The prince was unwounded, but unable to mount his charger, which was sixteen hands high, and always difficult to mount. On this occasion the horse became so frightened by the firing and sudden stampede, as to rear and prance in such a manner as to make it impossible for the prince to gain the saddle. Many of the others saw the difficulty, but none waited or tried to give the least assistance. One by one they rushed their horses past, Private Le Tocq exclaiming as he went by, lying across his saddle, "Dépêchez-vous, s'il vous plaît, monsieur." The prince, making no reply, strained every nerve, but, alas! in vain, to gain the back of his horse, holding his stirrup-leather with his left hand and the saddle with his right. With the help of the holster he made one desperate effort, but the holster partially gave way, and it must have been then that the horse trod upon him, and galloped off, leaving his master prostrate on the ground. The prince then regained his feet and ran after his friends, who were far in advance. Twelve or thirteen Zulus were at this time only a few feet behind him. The prince then turned round, and, sword in hand, faced his pursuers. From the first he had never called for help, and now died bravely with his face to the foes, fighting courageously to the last. It is thought that the Zulus hurled their assegais at him, and that he quickly fell dead, pierced through the eye by a mortal wound.
In death, as in life, the Prince Imperial of France behaved as a brave soldier, the worthy heir of a great cause and a true son of France. No torture or pain accompanied his last moments. His first wound was mortal, and the noble and beloved prince in his last moments, as during his entire career, did nothing to sully the name he bore or the country which gave him birth.
Two of the troopers were shot. One of them, Rogers, never reached his horse, and received his death wound when standing by a hut, rifle in hand, preparing to defend himself. Trooper Abel was shot at the first discharge—at all events, before he could reach the donga. The Kafir who had accompanied them and had brought the water for coffee, was quickly surrounded and killed. The rest of the party galloped off at full speed. Lieutenant Carey and two others crossed the donga at a difficult place, while the others, who were followed by the prince, took an easier route. The direction taken by the fugitives was General Wood's camp. Lieutenant Carey, shortly after starting, called out, "Keep to the left, and cross the donga, and rally behind it." At the same time he noticed Zulus apparently endeavouring to cut off their retreat. On a rise a little further on, he looked round, and one of the troopers, who happened to be near him, called attention to the prince's horse galloping away. In reply to a question, the man said it was useless to return. The other troopers were then 200 yards distant. Lieutenant Carey shouted out to them to keep to the left, and all made the best of their way to the camp, which was reached at 6.30 p.m.
It ought specially to be noted that the attack of the Zulus was a thorough surprise by an overwhelming force. No sentries bad been posted, nor precautions of any kind taken, and at the time of the attack no carbines were loaded. Lieutenant Carey says that he did not notice the prince after he saw him mounting, and that he did not perceive any fighting when he looked round.
General Wood and Colonel Buller met Lieutenant Carey and the other survivors of the party. These officers were at the time about six miles from camp, and four or five from Isandhlwana mountain, when they saw five white men riding as if for their lives under the hills on the right. So soon as the fugitives saw the general and his escort, they came up to them at full gallop, and told the dreadful news. By means of field-glasses three horses were seen being led off at a distance of about seven miles, accompanied by twenty or thirty Zulus on foot. It was then nearly five in the afternoon, and too late to do anything. On the following morning (Whit Monday) the advanced guard of Natal Native Contingent and Raaff's Horse pushed forward from Wood's camp to the scene of the disaster. They were joined there by squadrons of Lancers and Dragoons from General Newdigate. The search for the bodies was not a long one. That of poor Rogers was first found, lying stark naked, riddled with assegai stabs and with a gash in the abdomen. Thirty yards distant was that of Abel in the same condition. A wound in his right hand seemed to show that he had fought for his life at close quarters. Thirty yards or so from this, and in the donga, lay the corpse of the Prince Imperial. Surgeon-Major Scott, specially deputed for the purpose by Lord Chelmsford, took charge of the body and proceeded to examine it. There was one longish wound on the right breast, which was evidently mortal; an assegai had pierced the right eye, and had at once either caused death or paralysis to pain. There were two wounds in the left side, and less serious ones all over the upper part of the chest. A long gash in the abdomen exposed the intestines, but had not injured them. Round the neck was a small gold chain, to which was attached a medal and Agnus Dei. These the Zulus had not dared to touch, as they look upon all such articles as charms to be dreaded. The body of the prince was then conveyed to camp, and those of the troopers were buried with religious ceremony.
It is now necessary to furnish the evidence taken at the court-martial and the statement of Lieutenant Carey. The preliminary report was as follows:—
"The Court is of opinion that Lieutenant Carey did not understand the position in which he stood towards the prince, and, as a consequence, failed to estimate aright the responsibility which fell to his lot. Colonel Harrison states that the senior combatant officer, Lieutenant Carey, D.A.Q.M.G., was, as a matter of course, in charge of the party, whilst on the other hand Carey says, when alluding to the escort, 'I did not consider I had any authority over it, after the precise and careful instructions of Lord Chelmsford as to the position the prince held.' As to his being invariably accompanied by an escort in charge of an officer, the Court considers that the possibility of such a difference of opinion should not have existed between two officers of the same department. The Court is of opinion that Carey is much to blame for having proceeded on the duty in question with a portion only of the escort detailed by Colonel Harrison. The Court cannot admit the irresponsibility for this on the part of Carey, inasmuch as he took steps to obtain the escort, and failed in so doing. Moreover, the fact that Harrison was present upon the Itelezi range gave him the opportunity of consulting him on the matter, of which he failed to avail himself. The Court, having examined the ground, is of opinion that the selection of the kraal where a halt was made and the horses off saddled, surrounded as it was by cover for an enemy, and adjacent to difficult ground, showed a lamentable want of military prudence. The Court deeply regrets that no effort was made after the attack to rally the escort, and to show a front to the enemy, whereby the possibility of aiding those who had failed to make good their retreat might have been ascertained.—Signed by General Marshall; Colonel Malthus, 94th Regiment; Major Le Grice, R.A."
On this report a court-martial was summoned by Lord Chelmsford, for the trial of Lieutenant Carey, for having misbehaved before the enemy on the 1st June, 1879, when in command of an escort in attendance on the prince, who was making reconnaissances in Zululand, in having, when the prince and escort were attacked by the enemy, galloped away, and in not having attempted to rally them or otherwise defend the prince. The Court, under the presidency of Colonel Glyn, consisted of Colonels Whitehead, Courtney, Harness, Major Bouverie, and Major Anstruther.
Judge-Advocate Brander prosecuted, and Captain Crookenden, R.A., was for the defence.
When the Court opened the plan of the ground was proved.
Corporal Grubb said the prince gave the order "Off saddle" at the kraal, and "Prepare to mount." The prince mounted. After the volley, he saw Carey putting spurs to his horse, and he did the same. He saw Abel fall, and Rogers trying to get a shot at the Zulus. Le Tocq passed him, and said, "Put spurs to your horse, boy; the prince is down!" He looked round and saw the prince under his horse. A short time after the prince's horse came up, and he (Grubb) caught it. No orders were given to rally.
Le Tocq was called, and said: The prince told the natives to search the kraals, and finding no one there they off saddled. At the volley, he mounted, but, dropping his carbine, stopped to pick it up. In remounting he could not get his leg over the saddle. He passed the prince, and said in French, "Hasten to mount your horse." The prince did not answer. He saw the prince's horse treading on his leg. The prince was in command of the party. He believed Carey and the prince would have passed on different sides of a hut in fast flight, and it was possible that Carey might have failed to see that the prince was in difficulty. It was 250 yards from where he saw the prince down to the spot where he died.
Trooper Cochrane was called, and said: The prince was not in the saddle at the time of mounting. He saw, about fifty yards off, the prince running down the donga with fourteen Zulus in close pursuit. Nothing was done to help him. He heard no orders given, and did not tell Carey what he had seen until some time after. He was an old soldier. He did not think any rally could have been made.
The Court then adjourned to the next day. On reassembling, the first witness called was—
Sergeant Willis, who stated that he had seen Trooper Rogers lying on the ground by the side of his horse, close to the kraal, as he left the spot. He thought he saw the prince wounded at the same time that Trooper Abel threw up his arms. He thought the prince might have been dragged to the place where he was found after death, and that a rally might have been made twenty yards beyond the donga.
Colonel Harrison being called, stated that Carey was senior combatant officer, and must therefore have been in command of the party. Carey volunteered to go on the reconnaissance to verify certain points of his sketch. The prince was ordered to go to report more fully on the ground. He had given the prince into Carey's charge.
Examined by the Court, Colonel Harrison stated that when the prince was attached to his department he was not told to treat him as a royal personage in the matter of escort, but as any other officer, taking due precaution against any possible danger.
Dr. Scott (the prince's medical attendant) was then called, and stated that the prince was killed by eighteen assegai wounds, any five of which would have been fatal. There were no bullet wounds. The prince died where the body was found.
This closed the case for the prosecution. The defence called again—
Colonel Harrison, who testified to Carey's abilities as a staff officer, and said he had every confidence in him.
Colonel Bellairs was also called, and stated that it was in consequence of the occurrence of the 1st June that Carey had been deposed from his staff appointment the day previous to his trial.
Lieutenant Carey here submitted that his case had been prejudged, and that he had been punished before his trial.
The following is Lieutenant Carey's statement:—
"On the 31st May, I was informed by Colonel Harrison, A.Q.M.G., that the Prince Imperial was to start on the 1st June, to ride over the road selected by me for the advance of the column, for the purpose of selecting a camping ground for the 2nd June. I suggested at once that I should be allowed to go with him, as I knew the road and wanted to go over it again for the purpose of verifying certain points. To this Colonel Harrison consented, reminding me that the prince was going at his own request to do this work, and that I was not to interfere with him in any way. For our escort, six Europeans of Bettington's Horse and six Basutos were ordered. Bettington's men were paraded at 9 a.m., but owing to some misunderstanding the Basutos did not turn up, and, the prince being desirous of proceeding at once, we went without them. On arriving at the ridge between Itelezi and Incenci, I suggested waiting for them, but the prince replied, 'Oh no; we are quite strong enough,' or words to that effect. We proceeded on our reconnaissance from there, halting about half an hour on a high hill overlooking the Ityotyozi for the prince to sketch. From here the country was visible for miles, and no sign of the enemy could be discovered. We then descended into the valley, and, entering a kraal, off saddled, knee-haltering our horses. We had seen the deserted appearance of the country, and, though the kraal was to the right surrounded by mealies, we thought there was no danger in encamping. If any blame is attributable to any one for this, it is to me, as I agreed with the prince that we were perfectly safe. I had been over this ground twice before, and seen no one, and the brigade-major of the cavalry brigade had ridden over it with only two or three men, and laughed at me for taking so large an escort. We had with us a friendly Zulu, who, in answer to my inquiries, said no Zulus were about. I trusted in him, but still kept a sharp look-out, telescope in hand. In about an hour—that is, at 3.40 p.m.—the prince ordered us to saddle up. We went into the mealies to catch our horses, but took at least ten minutes saddling. While doing so, the Zulu guide informed us he had seen a Zulu in the distance, but as he did not appear concerned, I saw no danger. The prince was saddled up first, and, seeing him ready, I mounted, the men not being quite ready. The prince then asked if they were all ready; they answered in the affirmative, and he gave the word 'Prepare to mount.' At this moment I turned round, and saw the prince with his foot in the stirrup, looking at the men. Presently I heard him say, 'Mount,' and turning to the men, saw them vault into their saddles. At this moment my eyes fell on about twenty black faces in the mealies, twenty to thirty yards off, and I saw puffs of smoke and heard a rattling volley, followed by a rush, with shouts of 'Usutu!' There was at once a stampede. Two men rushed past me, and as every one appeared to be mounted, I dug the spurs into my horse, which had already started of his own accord. I felt sure no one was wounded by the volley, as I heard no cry, and I shouted out, 'Keep to the left, and cross the donga, and rally behind it!' At the same time I saw more Zulus in the mealies on our left flank, cutting off our retreat. I crossed the donga behind two or three men, but could only get beyond one man, the others having ridden off. Riding a few hundred yards on to the rise, I stopped and looked round. I could see the Zulus after us, and saw that the men were escaping to the right, and that no one appeared on the other side of the donga. The man beside me then drew my attention to the prince's horse, which was galloping away on the other side of the donga, saying, 'I fear the prince is killed, sir.' I immediately said, 'Do you think it is any use going back?' The trooper pointed to the mealies on our left, which appeared full of Kafirs, and said, 'He is dead long ago, sir: they assegai wounded men at once.' I considered he had fallen near the kraal, as his horse was going from that direction, and it was useless to sacrifice more lives. I had but one man near me, the others being some 200 yards down the valley. I accordingly shouted to them to close to the left, and rode on to gain a drift over the Tombokala river, saying to the man at my side, 'We will keep back towards General Wood's camp, not returning the same way we came, and then come back with some Dragoons to get the bodies.' We reached camp about 6.30 p.m. When we were attacked our carbines were unloaded, and, to the best of my belief, no shots were fired. I did not see the prince after I saw him mounting, but he was mounted on a swift horse, and I thought he was close to me. Besides the prince, we lost two troopers, as well as the friendly Zulu. Two troopers have been found between the donga and the kraal, covered with assegai wounds. They must have fallen in the retreat and been assegaied at once, as I saw no fighting when I looked round."
A shudder of horror and reproachful regret passed through Natal. It was sorrowful that the prince should be killed, but doubly lamentable that he should fall by the assegais of savages when his comrades deserted him. In the army the feeling of indignation and regret was particularly strong; and, however desirous men felt to do justice, it was scarcely possible for human nature to be entirely free from prejudice in forming a judgment with regard to the conduct of those who had been with the prince on the fatal day of his death. The court-martial condemned Lieutenant Carey, and sent him home under arrest. But a reaction of opinion subsequently took place. The Empress interceded for the unfortunate man, and our own Queen was pleased to order his release from arrest.
The death of the Prince Imperial was felt as a personal grief by every colonist. It spread gloom throughout the country, and recalled vividly the shock that followed the disaster at Isandhlwana. The generous ardour with which the prince had given his services to the cause of the colonists seemed to have received a pitiful return. The heir of an Empire was dead, and the news must go hence to a widowed mother, who had made England her home. Every possible manifestation of grief and respect was paid. The military and the military authorities vied with the civil authorities and the people in doing honour to the illustrious dead. Natal went into mourning. When the corpse arrived at Pietermaritzburg, people of all classes crowded into the streets to show their respect by joining the procession. The Times of Natal tells us that on the 8th of June, at 1.15 p.m., a gun was fired from Fort Napier, announcing that the body had arrived within two miles of the city, and by two o'clock a number which must have exceeded 3000 had assembled at the place of rendezvous on the Commercial Road. Here the procession was formed, the military headed by Major-General the Hon. H. H. Clifford, Inspector-General of Communications, on the one side; and the civilians, headed by his Excellency Sir Henry Bulwer, the Lieutenant-Governor of the colony, on the other.
Thousands of people lined the way up to the place where the procession had to fall in, and some time was taken before all were in their places in the order above indicated. Following the civil authorities, came the City Guard, some sixty strong, under Colonel Mitchell as general leader, and J. H. Spence as district leader; and after them came a large number of the Odd Fellows and Foresters in the funeral insignia of their order. After this the general public followed, all in mourning.
The arrangements being completed, amid the solemn booming of the minute guns, and the tolling of the church bells, the gun-carriage bearing the coffin was seen slowly coming down the hill, accompanied by the escort of regulars and mounted police which had come with it. As it approached the military fell into their places, and there was a hush which spoke, more eloquently than any words, the feelings of the vast concourse of people as the body of the late prince approached. As the cortège passed every hat was raised in respect, and the military presented arms. The coffin was wrapped in a large tricolour, and upon it was a helmet and sword, together with wreaths of roses and camellias, and a beautiful cross of violets; while the grey charger, draped with a black pall, with the letter "N" on the corners, and with the boots reversed, according to military custom, followed. The procession then formed in the order given above, Major-General Clifford and the Lieutenant-Governor being immediately in front, while behind it were Fathers De Lacy and Baudry, the latter of whom had just come down with the body. In the procession were observed many clergy of the English Church and of other denominations, among them the Right Reverend Bishop Colenso, the Right Reverend Bishop Macrorie, Dean Green, Archdeacon Usherwood, the Rev. G. M. St. M. Ritchie, chaplain to the forces, etc., etc. The two valets of the late prince immediately followed the Catholic clergy. The pall-bearers were Captain Willoughby, 21st Scots Fusiliers; Captain Fox, R.A., D.A.A.G.; Major Russell, 12th Lancers; Lieutenant-Colonel East, 57th Foot, D.Q.M.G.; Lieutenant-Colonel Steward, R.E.; Colonel Reilly, C.B., R.H.A. The personal staff in attendance upon Major-General Clifford were Captain Fox, R.A., D.A.A.G., and Lieutenant Westmacott, 77th Regiment, A.D.C. General Bisset was also present, in full uniform. Major Spalding, D.A.A.G., acted as adjutant-general, in the absence of Colonel Bellairs. Amongst the civil servants were the Attorney-General, Hon. M. H. Gallwey; the Colonial Treasurer, Hon. Mr. Polkinghorne; the Surveyor-General, Mr. P. C. Sutherland, M.D.; the Mayor of Maritzburg, Mr. W. Francis, and the Town Councillors; Mr. W. Akerman, M.L.C., and Mr. C. C. Griffin, M.L.C.; and all the heads of departments who were not either absent from Maritzburg or prevented from being present by sickness.
The Maritzburg Rifles assembled in full number, under Lieutenant and Adjutant Scoones, and their band played the Dead March in "Saul," adding greatly to the solemnity of the procession. It marched slowly up Commercial Road to the corner of Church Street, up which it turned, and then wheeled along Chapel Street into Longmarket Street, arriving at the Roman Catholic School at about ten minutes before four. Here the coffin was taken from the gun-carriage by the pall-bearers, and conveyed into the chapel, followed by as many of the procession as the building would hold, the military who were on the ground being formed into two lines outside the building. The Rev. Father Barrett met the procession at the door, and, together with Father De Lacy and Father Baudry, officiated, reading a short service over the coffin; all present appearing deeply affected. The military were then drawn up outside the building, and his Excellency and other distinguished personages passed through the lines, and the doors of the building were then closed upon the mortal remains of the late lamented prince.
The following special order had been issued by General Clifford:—
"Wednesday, June 4th.
"The Inspector-General of Lines of Communication and Base has received from his Excellency the Lieutenant-General commanding official confirmation of the calamity which has befallen the forces under his command, by the death, on duty in the field, of the late gallant young soldier the Prince Imperial, Louis Napoleon, who, having in his military training been associated with the British army, came out to this country to take part in the Zulu campaign.
"The Inspector-General feels that he is carrying out the wishes of his Excellency the Lieutenant-General commanding, now in Zululand, by thus recording the feelings of deep sorrow and sympathy, experienced by every officer and man whose duty keeps him at his post in the colony, with the loss thus sustained.
"The body of the unfortunate prince will arrive here probably on Monday next, the 9th inst., en route to England. Arrangements will be made to receive it with all due respect and expression of sorrow."
From the capital city of Pietermaritzburg, the body of the prince was conveyed to D'Urban, the seaport, and at the latter place the following eloquent special order was issued by the Assistant Adjutant-General.[41]
"10th June, 1879.
"The mortal remains of Prince Louis Napoleon will be carried to-morrow, at half-past 9 a.m., from the Roman Catholic Church, in D'Urban, to the Wharf, at Port Natal, for embarkation in H.M.S. Boadicea to England.
"In following the coffin which holds the body of the late Prince Imperial of France, and paying to his ashes the final tribute of sorrow and of honour, the troops in garrison will remember:—
"First. That he was the last inheritor of a mighty name, and of a great military renown.
"Second. That he was the son of England's firm ally in dangerous days.
"Third. That he was the sole child of a widowed Empress, who is now left throneless and childless, in exile, on English shores.
"Deepening the profound sorrow, and the solemn reverence that attaches to these memories, the troops will also remember that the Prince Imperial of France fell fighting as a British soldier.
"W. F. Butler,
"A.A.-General, Base of Operations.
"D'Urban, Natal, South Africa."
The Roman Catholic Church at D'Urban was transformed into a chapelle ardente, and the coffin remained there all night after its arrival. Solemn requiem Mass was celebrated the next morning. The Natal Mercury tells us that by nine o'clock an immense crowd of persons had assembled outside the church where the gun-carriage was in waiting, and every arrangement had been made for speedily forming the procession after the ceremony was over. The principal object of interest outside was the grey horse belonging to the late prince, which he had purchased from a D'Urban gentleman, and the groom in charge of it was busily engaged in answering questions put to him with regard to the late prince. The horse was saddled, and in just the same condition as it was when it came back riderless to the camp. The troops outside waiting to take part in the procession numbered altogether 700; the whole, as on the previous day, being under the command of Major Huskisson, commandant of the garrison. Every regiment doing service in South Africa was represented, including even the Dragoons and Lancers. At a quarter to ten the doors of the church were thrown open, and the coffin was brought to the gun-carriage, the honour of carrying it having been conferred on Captain Haynes (staff paymaster), Captain Granville (commissariat), Captain Young (commissariat), Captain Brunker, Commissary Marsh (ordnance), and Surgeon-Major Leslie.
The procession was constituted as follows:—
| Guard of honour. Pall bearers. |
The band. The body. Chief mourners. Military. |
Guard of honour. Pall bearers. |
| Military and Volunteers. | Friendly societies. Public bodies. Town guard. Consular officers. Heads of departments. Archdeacon and clergy. Members executive and legislative. Mayor and Town Council. Public schools. The public. |
Civilians four-deep. |
Having proceeded to the Point, the coffin was conveyed by a small steamer to H.M.S. Boadicea, where it was taken on board and hoisted into the hold of the vessel amid all the reverent marks of respect so fitting for the occasion. Monsieur Deleage, correspondent of the Paris Figaro, with two of the prince's attendants, accompanied the remains.
"We will conclude this sad chapter of the history of the Zulu war by inserting a copy of the address signed in Natal, expressing deep sympathy with the widowed Empress:—
"A Sa Majesté l'Imperatrice Eugénie.
"Madame,
"Les sous-signés, habitants de Natal, viennent respectueusement exprimer à votre Majesté Impériale leurs sentiments de douloureuse sympathie, à l'occasion de la mort du jeune et vaillant prince votre fils, tombé à la fleur de l'âge, victime de ses sentiments de dévouement à une noble cause.
"En présence d'une telle infortune qui cause tant de regrets et emporte de si brillantes espérances à votre cœur de mère, dejà si éprouvé, tous les colons de Natal, sont emus d'un même et unique sentiment de profonde affliction dont cette respectueuse adresse, n'est que la faible expression.
"Nous prions Dieu, Madame, de vouloir bien répandre sur votre Majesté les consolations que lui seul peut donner. En effet, votre douleur est si grande, qu'il semble impossible a notre nature d'en supporter le poids.
"Nous avons l'honneur d'être, avec le plus profond respect
"de votre Majesté Impériale,
"Les très humbles et obéissants serviteurs."