[1] Journal, Anthropological Society, vol. v. pp. lxxi.-lxxx.
[2] Lake Dwellings in Europe, 1890, pp. 460-464.
[3] Elton, Origins of English History, p. 360.
[4] Rev. W. Sparrow Simpson, Chapters in the History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, p. 3.
[5] Archæologia, vol. xxxii. pp. 298-311.
[6] Norman Conquest, vol. i. pp. 44-46.
[7] The Treaty was really made at Chippenham.
[8] See Earle’s edition of the Saxon Chronicle. Mr Charles Plummer, who edited a new edition of Two of the Saxon Chronicles, Parallel (Oxford, 1892-99), does not altogether agree with Earle in these views. He holds that no distinction was meant between Lunden and Lundenburh.
[9] Quoted in Archæologia, vol. xxxix. p. 56.
[10] Heimskringla, done into English out of the Icelandic by William Morris and Eirikr Magnusson, vol. ii. p. 14.
[11] Norman Conquest, vol. i. p. 418.
[12] This device of Cnut’s is one of great interest, although we have no details of how it was carried out. The late Sir Walter Besant contended that it was not the great work which some had supposed, and he made an elaborate plan of his suggestion as to its construction. (See South London, 1899, p. 40.)
[13] A very instructive article on ‘The Conqueror’s Footprints in Domesday,’ which contains an account of his movements after the Battle of Senlac, between Enfield, Edmonton, Tottenham, and Berkhamsted, was published in the English Historical Review, vol. xiii. (1898), p. 17.
[14] See Dr. Reginald Sharpe’s London and the Kingdom, to the contents of which valuable work I am pleased to express my great obligations.
[15] Archæologia, vol. xxxii. p. 305.
[16] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus (Rolls Series), 1859, vol. i. p. cx.
[17] Political Poems and Songs, ed. T. Wright (Rolls Series), 1861, vol. ii. pp. 157-205.
[18] See Riley’s Memorials, pp. 21, 93; also Liber Albus, p. 240.
[19] Records of St. Giles’s, Cripplegate (1883).
[20] It is scarcely creditable to the city authorities that no mark of the position of the other gates has been set up. To place these memorials would be an easy thing to do, and this attention to historical topography would be highly appreciated by all Londoners. The mark of Aldgate should take the form of a statue of Chaucer, who lived at that gate for some years. The Corporation would honour themselves by doing further honour to the great Englishman, who was also one of the greatest of Londoners, if they placed at the great eastern entrance to London a full length effigy of the son of one of London’s worthy merchants. This would be in addition to the gift of a bust to Guildhall by Sir Reginald Hanson. The line of the wall should also be marked, but this would be a more difficult operation.
[21] Liber Albus, p. 603.
[22] William Fitz-Stephen’s invaluable work has been printed several times both in the original Latin and in an English translation. The most convenient form is the reprint in Thoms’s edition of Stow’s Survey, 1842 or 1876.
[23] Riley’s Memorials, p. 79.
[24] Riley’s Memorials, p. 489.
[25] History of English Law before Edward I., vol. i. p. 633.
[26] Riley’s Memorials, p. 479.
[27] Stow’s Chronicle, ed. 1615, p. 300.
[28] Quoted in Turner’s Domestic Architecture in England, vol. i. p. 18.
[29] Quoted in Turner’s Domestic Architecture in England, vol. i. p. 22.
[30] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, pp. xxxiii., xxxiv.
[31] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. xxxii.
[32] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. xxxiii.
[33] Translation of the Liber Albus, p. 263, and Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lix.
[34] Letter Book B, p. i.
[35] Riley’s Memorials, p. 54.
[36] Ibid., p. 86.
[37] Ibid., p. 458.
[38] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lii.
[39] From an ‘Anominalle Cronicle,’ once belonging to St. Mary’s Abbey, York. The original apparently has been lost, and the copy now existing is a late sixteenth-century manuscript of this portion of the Chronicle in the handwriting of Francis Thynne. It is now preserved in the British Museum (Stowe MS. 1047), and was one of the Duke of Buckingham’s MSS. in the library at Stowe, Bucks, which came into the possession of the Earl of Ashburnham, and was sold by his son to the nation. It was published by Mr. G. M. Trevelyan in the English Historical Review, vol. xiii. (1898), p. 509. It is a curious circumstance, that it may be referred to as the ‘Stowe MS.,’ because it comes from the Stowe collection, or as the ‘Stow MS.,’ because it was used by the historian, John Stow.
[40] Trevelyan, p. 226.
[41] Trevelyan, p. 227.
[42] Trevelyan, p. 227.
[43] Trevelyan, p. 234.
[44] Trevelyan, p. 240.
[45] Stow’s Chronicle, ed. 1615, p. 288.
[46] English Historical Review, xiii. p. 519.
[47] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 288.
[48] Second Part of King Henry VI., act iv. sc. i
[49] Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, ed. J. Gairdner (Camden Society), 1880, p. 94.
[50] Stow’s Chronicle, ed. 1615, p. 391.
[51] Rendle and Norman’s Inns of Old Southwark, 1888, p. 134.
[52] Historical Collections of a Citizen of London, ed. Gairdner (Camden Society), p. 191. The chief contents of this volume consist of the valuable ‘Chronicle of William Gregory, Skinner’ (1189-1469).
[53] Ibid., p. xxii.
[54] Vernon Text (A), ed. Skeat, pp. vi., 60.
[55] Piers Plowman (Text C), ed. Skeat, pass. xvii. II. 286-296.
[56] There was another Cock Lane near Shoreditch (now Boundary Street), which may be the one connected with Langland.
[57] Piers Plowman, part iv. sect. ii. p. xliii.
[58] It is scarcely possible to keep within bounds one’s enthusiasm for the magnificent edition of Piers Plowman, which Professor Skeat has placed in our hands. I feel, having watched the work from its inception in 1866, when ‘Parallel Extracts from 29 Manuscripts’ was published, that if the Early English Text Society had published nothing else it would have worthily justified its existence. The labour bestowed on the work by its editor is immense, and the result is that we have for the first time a perfect text of one of the most influential works in English literature, with all the illustrative notes necessary to exhibit its vast effect upon English history.
[59] Hoccleve’s Works, vol. i. Minor Poems, ed. by F. J. Furnivall (Early English Text Society, Extra Series), p. 61, 1891. The editor has gathered much fresh material for the biography of Hoccleve.
[60] Gower’s Complete Works, ed. G. C. Macaulay, Oxford, 1899, vol. i.
[61] Of these especial honour is due to Dr. Furnivall, who has for years sought ceaselessly and with the greatest success for documentary evidence of the facts of Chaucer’s life.
[62] Chaucer at Aldgate, Home Counties Magazine, Oct. 1900, p. 259.
[63] Chaucer at Aldgate (Folia Litteraria, 1893, p. 87).
[64] Folia Litteraria, pp. 88, 89.
[65] Folia Litteraria, p. 100.
[66] Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, vol. i. p. 178 (translated from French).
[67] See letter of Prof. J. W. Hales, Athenæum, Aug. 9, 1902, p. 190.
[68] The Tabard was one among many inns from which travellers started on their journeys along the road to Canterbury and to the seaports of the South. The whole of the buildings which Chaucer knew were burnt in the great Southwark fire of 1676.
[69] Commune, p. 246. Further consideration is given to the condition of trade in London in the Middle Ages in chapter x.
[70] Liber Custumarum, ed. H. T. Riley, 1860, p. xxxvi.
[71] Liber Custumarum, p. cix.
[72] Inquis. 1 Henr. V., quoted by Riley, p. cix.
[73] Riley’s Memorials, p. 306.
[74] Riley’s Memorials, p. 376.
[75] Riley’s Memorials, p. 648.
[76] Ibid., p. 215.
[77] Ibid., p. 219.
[78] Ibid., p. 220.
[79] Cal. Letter Book A, p. 187.
[80] Riley’s Memorials, p. 509.
[81] Chronicle of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 146, 147, quoted in Cal. Letter Book C, p. 61 (note).
[82] Cal. Letter Book C, p. 133.
[83] Ibid., p. 95.
[84] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 219.
[85] Cal. Letter Book A, pp. 178, 179.
[86] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 681.
[87] W. B. Rye’s England as seen by Foreigners, 1865, pp. 9, 192.
[88] Liber Custumarum, ed. Riley, 1860, p. ciii.
[89] Round’s Geoffrey de Mandeville, 1892, pp. 328-346.
[90] Mediæval Military Architecture, 1884, vol. ii. p. 204.
[91] Mediæval Military Architecture, 1884, vol. ii. p. 205.
[92] Mediæval Military Architecture, 1884, vol. ii. p. 253.
[93] Mediæval Military Architecture, vol. ii. p. 271.
[94] ‘Geoffrey de Mandeville.’
[95] London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 53.
[96] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 193.
[97] Longman’s Edward III., vol. i. p. 179.
[98] Clark’s Mediæval Military Architecture, vol. ii. p. 271.
[99] Liber Custumarum, pp. 407-409.
[100] Clark’s Mediæval Military Architecture, vol. ii. p. 264.
[101] Riley’s Memorials, p. 320.
[102] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 896.
[103] Proclamation was made against playing at football in the fields near the city as early as 1314 during the mayoralty of Nicholas de Farndone, Liber Memorandorum (preserved at Guildhall), folio 66 (quoted in Riley’s Memorials, p. 571 (note)).
[104] Riley’s Memorials, p. 561.
[105] Ibid., p. 571.
[106] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 509-510.
[107] Ibid., p. 510 (note).
[108] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 208.
[109] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 105-107.
[110] Jessopp’s Coming of the Friars, etc., 1889, p. 177.
[111] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 264.
[112] Stow’s Survey of London, ed. by Strype, 1754, vol. i. p. 303.
[113] Gregory’s Chronicle (Historical Collections of a Citizen of London, ed. J. Gairdner, Camden Society, 1876), p. 165. This Chronicle contains a full description of the coronation and of the banquet in Westminster Hall.
[114] This description is taken from Fabyan’s Chronicle. The speeches in the pageant were by Lydgate, who also wrote a long poem on the ‘Coming of the King out of France to London.’
[115] The particulars respecting the sermon on Edward IV.’s title were obtained by Dr. J. Gairdner from a Latin Chronicle, printed by the Camden Society (Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 1880, pp. xxii. 173), as also his sitting in the royal seat (sedes regalis), which Dr. Gairdner supposes to be the King’s Bench.
[116] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 416.
[117] Information on London pageants can be obtained from a small octavo volume published by J. B. Nichols & Son in 1831, and from Nichols’s Progresses of Queen Elizabeth and James I.
[118] Liber Custumarum, p. 579.
[119] Riley’s Memorials, p. 42.
[120] See Mr. Riley’s Introduction to the Liber Custumarum, pp. xlviii.-liv.
[121] Liber Custumarum, p. xxxii.
[122] Glossary to Liber Custumarum, p. 795.
[123] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, pp. lv., lvii.
[124] Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lviii.
[125] In the compilation of this chapter I am much indebted to the kindness of my friend Mr. D’Arcy Power, who has not only helped me with information from his own great knowledge of the history of surgery and medicine, but who also drew my attention to and lent me books and pamphlets of which I should otherwise have been ignorant.
[126] Coming of the Friars, London, 1889, p. 6.
[127] A History of Epidemics in Britain, 2 vols. 8vo, Cambridge, 1891-1894.
[128] Medical Times and Gazette, November 18, 1881, p. 601.
[129] Progress of Medicine at St. Batholomew’s Hospital, 1888, p. 5.
[130] See the British Medical Journal, 1902, vol. ii. p. 1176.
[131] In ‘How Surgery became a Profession in London.’ London, Medical Magazine, 1899.
[132] Dr. Poore has analysed the different points in Chaucer’s description, and explained the various allusions of the statement that the doctor’s line of study had little to do with the Bible. Dr. Poore writes: ‘This line is frequently quoted to show that the scepticism with which doctors are often charged is of no modern growth. The point of the line is however to be found in the fact that Chaucer’s doctor was certainly a priest, as were all the physicians of his time, and that the practice of medicine had drawn him away, somewhat unduly, perhaps, from the clerical profession, to which he also belonged.’—G.V. Poore, M.D. London from the Sanitary and Medical Point of View, 1889, p. 52.
[133] Joannis Anglici praxis medica, Rosa Anglica dicta (Augsburg, 1595, lib. ii. p. 1050), quoted by J. J. Jusserand (English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages, 1901, p. 180), and by J. Flint South (Craft of Surgery, 1886, p. 29.)
[134] D’Arcy Power’s How Surgery became a Profession in London (1899), which valuable article contains a full account of the scheme.
[135] Ibid., p. 9.
[136] D’Arcy Power’s How Surgery became a Profession in London, p. 9.
[137] Ibid., p. 1.
[138] He was born in 1307 (Sloane MS., No. 75).
[139] See John Arderne and his Time, by William Anderson, F.R.C.S., 1899 (reprinted from the Lancet, Oct. 23); J. F. South’s Memorials of the Craft of Surgery, ed. by D’Arcy Power, M.A., F.R.C.S., 1886, pp. 30-45; also London from the Sanitary and Medical Point of View, by G. V. Poore, M.D., F.R.C.P., 1889, pp. 53-56.
[140] Riley’s Memorials, p. 274.
[141] How Surgery became a Profession in London, pp. 3, 4.
[142] Riley’s Memorials, p. 337.
[143] Ibid., p. 519.
[144] Ibid., p. 520.
[145] How Surgery became a Profession in London, p. 4.
[146] Riley’s Memorials, p. 651.
[147] How Surgery became a Profession in London, pp. 2, 3.
[148] ‘William Hobbes (appointed in 1461) was the first Serjeant Surgeon, a distinguished office which carried with it certain well-defined professional privileges. Thomas Morstede, William Bredewardyne, and John Harwe, who attended Henry V. in his French campaigns, did not receive this title, but are called simply “Surgeons to the King.” ’—D’Arcy Power, The Serjeant Surgeons of England and their Office (Janus, 1900, p. 174).
[149] How Surgery became a Profession in London, pp. 11, 12.
[150] Annals of the Barber Surgeons of London, by Sidney Young. London, 1890.